^^ 


..N^l-LlüKAi; 


Fernando  Cortes 

his  five  letters  of  Relation  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  V 

translated  and  edited,  with  a  biographical 

introduction  and  notes  compiled 

from  original  sources 

by 
FRANCIS  AUGUSTUS  MacNUTT 


Volume  I 


The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company 
Cleveland,  U.S. A:   1908 


13; 


:j  '■ 


Copyright,  1908,  by 
Francis  Augustus  MacNutt 


■1 


F 


PREFACE 


THE  narrative  contained  in  the  Letters  of  Fernando 
Cortes  is  the  first  description  ever  written  of  the 
most  highly  developed  civilisation  on  the  conti- 
nent of  North  America  at  the  date  of  its  discovery.     Astro- 
^     nomical  science  has  brought  the  existence  of  planets  within 
^     common  knowledge,  and  our  imagination  is  already  so 
*^     familiar  with  the  possibility  of  a  Martian  population,  that 
^\'\  a  discovery  positively  demonstrating  such  a  fact  would 
be  received  as  confirmatory  rather  than  surprising.     By 
the  discoveries  of  Christopher  Columbus,  the  civilisations 
of  two  worlds  as  absolutely   strange  to  one  another  as 
^    different  planets  were  brought  into  sudden  contact  pro- 
•i    ductive  of  conflict  and  that  conflict  was  naturally  fiercest 
where  the  alien  invaders  were  confronted  by  the  best 
j^       organised  effort  to  contest  their  advance ;  hence  the  period 
^''    of  the  Spanish  conquest  of  Mexico,  which  is  depicted  by 
s     Cortes  in  these  letters  to  Charles  V.  was  prolific  in  deeds 
the  most  striking  to  the  imagination  of  any  that  modern 
history  records.     No  element  of  drama  was  absent,  for 
the  most  heroic  qualities,  as  well  as  the  blackest  passions 
\¿     of  the  human  heart,  were  engaged  on  both  sides  in  a  life- 
■^     and-death    struggle,  which  culminated  in  an  appalling 
"-:     race-tragedy,    replete   with   epic   horror.     The   piratical 
complexion  of  the  Conqueror's  initial  movements  forced 
him  to  wrest  justification  from  success,  and  this  was  only 
made  possible  by  the  exercise  of  his  indomitable  courage, 
his  relentless  and  unscrupulous  diplomacy,  and  by  that 
strange    favour,    which    capricious    Fortune    sometimes 
destines  as  a  reward  for  sheer  audacity. 

Fortunate  for  posterity  was  the  anxious  need  of  Cortes 


vi  Preface 

to  win  royal  approval  for  his  lawless  courses,  for  from  it 
sprang  the  inspiration  which  prompted  him  to  pen  his 
descriptions  of  the  Aztec  civilisation  at  the  zenith  of  its 
splendour  and  to  report  in  detail  to  his  sovereign  the 
progress  of  his  conquest. 

Although  historians  have  from  the  beginning  recognised 
the  superlative  value  of  these  letters  and  several  editions 
of  them  are  accessible  to  students  familiar  with  the  Spanish 
language,  it  has  been  left  to  my  modest  labours  to  provide 
an  English  translation  of  the  complete  series  of  Relaciones, 
The  translation  of  sixteenth  century  Spanish  into  read- 
able, modem  English  is  not  devoid  of  difficulty,  though 
greater  demands  are  made  on  the  translator's  patience 
and  ingenuity  than  on  his  erudition. 

Cortes  wrote  with  soldier-like  terseness,  but  his  powers 
of  observation  were  acute  and  accurate ;  hence  his  descrip- 
tions are  both  lucid  and  striking.  His  vocabulary  was 
very  limited,  and  as  he  was  unfamiliar  with  the  classical 
and  scholastic  styles  of  composition  then  in  vogue  amongst 
men  of  letters,  his  plain  tale  is  ungamished  with  the 
digressions  into  philosophy  and  theology  and  the  lengthy 
citations  from  scripture  and  the  classics,  which  abound  in 
the  more  polished  writings  of  his  times.  I  suspect,  more- 
over, that  he  had  in  mind  to  capture  the  fancy  of  the 
royal  youth  to  whom  he  wrote,  and,  in  days  when  novels 
were  not,  and  court  life  must  have  weighed  on  a  monarch 
of  seventeen,  still  too  young  to  be  engrossed  either  in  the 
delusive  pleasures  of  private  dissipation  or  in  the  ab- 
sorbing intrigues  of  public  ambition,  many  of  his  pages 
may  have  furnished  the  youthful  sovereign  with  diverting 
reading  in  his  leisure  hours 

I  have  aimed  rather  to  preserve  accuracy  and  the 
characteristics  of  Cortes 's  original  style  than  to  produce 
a  more  finished  piece  of  English  literature,  by  excessive 
rearrangement  and  the  employment  of  a  richer  vocabulary 
than  he  commanded. 


Preface  vü 

The  subjects  touched  upon  in  the  Letters  are  so  Httle 
known  to  the  general  reader  (though  they  constantly 
engage  the  attention  of  able  specialists)  that  I  have 
supplied  notes  to  accompany  the  text,  which  are  intended 
to  explain  and  complete  the  narrative  of  Cortes.  These 
notes  deal  with  various  and  very  large  subjects,  on  some 
of  which  historical  authorities  are  not  in  agreement,  while 
on  many  others  of  the  greatest  interest  and  importance 
the  last  word  has  not  yet  been  spoken.  The  statements 
I  have  made  and  the  opinions  I  have  expressed  on  these 
debatable  questions  are  based  upon  the  results  of  my 
researches  in  the  works  cited  in  the  Bibliographical  Note 
preceding  the  Letters:  their  scope  is  explanatory  and 
complementary — not  controversial. 

The  portrait  of  Cortes  which  appears  as  a  frontispiece 
is  after  the  alleged  Titian,  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
Duque  de  Plasencia. 

The  portrait  of  Charles  V.  represents  that  monarch  in 
his  early  youth,  at  the  time  when  Cortes  first  began  his 
correspondence;  it  is  reproduced  from  a  print  in  the 
British  Museum. 

The  plan  of  the  City  of  Mexico  is  taken  from  the  His- 
toria Antigua  of  Señor  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra  and  the 
several  maps  are  from  the  editions  in  which  they  originally 
appeared  of  the  Storia  Antica  del  Messico  of  Clavigero, 
1780,  Lorenzana's  Historia  de  Nueva  España,  1770,  and 
of  C.  St.  John  Fancotirt's  History  of  Yucatan  from  its 
Discovery  to  the  Close  of  the  Seventeenth  Century. 

Since  the  days  when  those  illustrious  pioneers  in  this 
particular  field  of  historical  research,  Washington  Irving 
and  William  H.  Prescott  laboured  with  results  that  have 
won  them  enduring  fame,  the  classification  of  the  vast 
and  scattered  archives  of  Spain  has  gone  steadily  forward, 
with  the  result  that  the  worker  of  to-day  finds  a  mass  of 
valuable  material  easily  accessible  that  had  formerly  to 
be  sought  at  great  cost  of  time,  labour,  and  expense  in  the 


Vlll 


Preface 


collections  of  state  papers  and  correspondence  which  were 
not  infrequently  in  a  condition  of  disheartening  and  baf- 
fling confusion.  The  collections  of  inedited  documents 
published  by  Rivadeneira  under  the  title  of  Biblioteca  de 
Autores  Españoles,  that  of  Navarrete  published  in  Madrid 
in  1842,  the  Biblioteca  Occidental  of  Barcia,  the  voluminous 
French  translations  of  Ternaux-Compans,  and  finally  the 
indefatigable  labours  of  Señor  Garcia  Icazbalceta  and 
Don  Pascual  Gayangos  have  cleared  the  modern  student's 
path  of  formidable  difficulties. 

Although  I  am  the  fortunate  possessor  of  a  number  of 
these  valuable  collections,  I  have  likewise  had  to  make 
researches  in  libraries  and  collections,  both  public  and 
private,  in  Mexico,  Spain,  Italy,  and  England,  in  the 
course  of  which  I  have  met  with  courteous  and  helpful 
encouragement  from  many  to  whom  my  sense  of  obliga- 
tion is  profound;  but  primarily  I  owe  the  pleasure  and 
interest  which  the  preparation  of  this  work  has  afforded 
me  to  the  late  Abbé  Augustin  Fischer,  sometime  chaplain 
to  the  ill-fated  Emperor  Maximilian  of  Mexico,  under 
whose  cultured  guidance  it  was  my  privilege  to  begin 
my  studies  in  Spanish-American  history.  The  death  of 
my  delightful  and  accomplished  mentor,  after  a  life  of 
great  vicissitudes,  deprives  me  of  one  of  the  chief  satis- 
factions which  the  publication  of  this  work  would  other- 
wise have  afforded  me,  but  it  does  not  lessen  my  obligation 
to  pay  a  tribute  of  grateful  thanks  to  his  memory. 

Francis  A.  MacNutt. 

Palazzo  Pamphilj, 
Rome,  October,  1907. 


CONTENTS 


Biographical  Note: 

early  days        .......  3 

colonial  life  in  cuba        .....  8 

the  conqueror           ......  25 

marques  del  valle    ......  52 

Last  Will  and  Testament  of  Fernando  Cortes        .  77 

Bibliographical  Note     ......  loi 

First  Letter,  July  10,  1519           .....  123 

Second  Letter,  October  ;^o,  1^20           ....  185 


BIOGRAPHICAJL  NOTE 


CHAPTER  I 


EARLY  DAYS 


FERNANDO  CORTES,  son  of  Martin  Cortes  y 
Monroy  and  of  Catalina  Pizarro  Altamirano,  his 
wife,  was  born  in  1485  at  Medellin,  an  unim- 
portant town  in  Estremadura.  The  house  in  which  he 
first  saw  the  Hght  stood  in  the  Calle  de  la  Feria  until  it 
was  destroyed  by  the  French  in  the  campaign  of  1809. 
(Alaman,  Dissertazioni  sulla  Storia  del  Messico;  Dis- 
sert. V.)  Both  his  father's  and  his  mother's  fami- 
lies were  of  good  descent,  and  respected,  though 
poor.  Martin  Cortes  had  been  a  captain  of  fifty  light 
cavalry,  and  he  is  further  described  by  the  anonymous 
author  of  De  Rebus  Gestis  as  ' '  pietate  tamen  et  religione 
toto  vit(B  tempore  clarus,"  while  to  his  wife  the  same 
writer  gives  the  highest  praise,  saying,  "  Caterina  namque 
probitate  pudicitia  et  in  conjugem  amore  nulli  cBtatis  suae 
femincB  cessit."  Las  Casas  also  states  that  he  had  known 
Martin  Cortes  in  a  poor  and  humble  condition,  but  that 
he  was  a  Cristiano  viejo,  and  said  to  be  a  gentleman. 
Later  when  the  great  fame  of  Cortes  had  converted  him 
into  an  ancestor  of  whom  the  most  illustrious  family 
might  be  proud,  ingenious  genealogists  sought  to  prove 
him  also  the  descendant  of  very  noble,  and  even  royal, 
forefathers;  but  these  unconvincing  efforts  must  seem 
somewhat  unimportant  in  the  case  of  one  whose  name 
and  place  in  history  were  won  by  his  own  achievements, 
unaided  by  the  support  either  of  influential  family  or 
superior  fortune. 


4  Letters  of  Cortes 

During  his  early  childhood  his  health  was  so  frail  that 
he  was  several  times  thought  to  be  at  death's  door. 
It  seemed,  therefore,  all  important  to  provide  him  with 
a  powerful  patron  saint,  who  was  finally  chosen  by  draw- 
ing lots  among  the  twelve  apostles,  the  choice  thus  falling 
upon  St.  Peter,  to  whom  Cortes  rendered  profound  de- 
votion during  all  his  life  and  to  whose  protection  he 
constantly  attributed  his  victories. 

When  their  son  was  fourteen  years  old,  his  parents  sent 
him  to  the  University  of  Salamanca  to  prepare  himself 
for  the  practice  of  law,  which  was  held  in  high  esteem 
and  opened  a  promising  career  to  a  young  man  of  ability. 
During  the  two  years  he  remained  there,  he  lodged  in  the 
house  of  his  paternal  aunt,  Inez  de  Paz,  who  was  married 
to  one  Francisco  Nunez  Valera.  This  brief  course  of 
study  was  sufficient  to  prove  that  he  was  in  no  way  fitted 
for  the  profession  his  parents  had  chosen  for  him,  so 
in  1 50 1  he  caused  them  the  liveliest  chagrin  by  returning 
to  Medellin. 

An  idle  year  of  rather  disorderly  life  followed.  The 
boy's  taste  was  for  arms  and  adventures,  and,  after 
hovering  between  the  rival  attractions  of  the  Italian 
campaign  under  Gonsalvo  de  Cordoba,  and  those  of 
service  with  Don  Nicolas  de  Ovando,  the  recently  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  Hispaniola,  he  finally  decided  to 
join  the  latter,  who  was  preparing  to  sail,  with  an  im- 
portant fleet  of  thirty  ships,  fitted  out  at  the  royal  ex- 
pense, to  take  possession  of  his  office.  In  this  he  was 
urged,  probably,  by  the  consideration  that  the  Governor 
was  a  family  friend,  who  might  be  counted  upon  to  ad- 
vance his  interests.  Just  before  sailing,  however,  Cortes 
had  the  mishap  of  falling  from  a  wall  which  he  was 
scaling  to  keep  an  appointment  with  a  lady,  an  accident 
which  might  have  ended  fatally  for  him  but  for  the 
intervention  of  an  old  woman  who,  attracted  by  the 
noise  of  his  fall  at  her  very  door,  arrived  just  in  time  to 


Early  Days  5 

prevent  her  son-in-law  from  running  him  through  the 
body  as  he  lay  prostrate.  As  it  was,  his  bruises  laid  him 
up  until  after  Ovando's  fleet  had  sailed,  and,  upon  his 
recovery,  he  went  to  Valencia  with  the  intention  of 
embarking  for  Italy  to  join  the  forces  of  the  great  Captain. 
What  defeated  his  purpose  is  not  recorded,  but,  upon  his 
return  to  Medellin  about  a  year  later,  his  parents  con- 
sented to  his  following  Ovando  and  provided  him  with 
the  money  for  his  journey.  He  was  thus  enabled  to 
sail  from  San  Lucar  de  Barameda  in  1504  on  the  trading 
vessel  of  one  Alonzo  Quintero  of  Palos,  bound  with  four 
others  carrying  merchandise  to  the  Indies. 

The  little  fleet  touched  first  at  the  Canaries  which  was 
the  usual  route.  Alonzo  Quintero  was  a  shifty  fellow, 
who,  twice  on  the  voyage,  sought  to  overreach  his  brother 
captains  by  detaching  himself  from  the  fleet  in  the  hope 
of  making  port  ahead  of  them  and  disposing  of  his  cargo 
to  advantage  and  without  their  competition.  Both  times, 
however,  untoward  weather  overtook  him,  and,  the  second 
time,  his  pilot,  Francisco  Niño,  lost  his  bearings,  and 
the  ship,  in  a  bad  condition,  short  of  water  and  pro- 
visions was  like  to  be  lost.  At  dawn  on  Good  Friday  a 
dove  was  seen  perching  on  the  rigging,  and,  by  following 
the  flight  of  the  bird  of  good  omen,  land  was  sighted 
by  Cristobal  Zorno  on  Easter  Day,  and  four  days  later, 
the  weather-beaten  craft  reached  port  where  the  others  of 
the  fleet  had  long  since  arrived  and  disposed  of  their  goods. 

Seekers  after  signs  and  wonders  were  not  slow  to  claim 
the  appearance  of  this  dove  to  guide  Quintero's  ship 
at  such  a  critical  moment  as  evidence  of  the  celestial 
protection  and  miraculous  intervention  of  providence 
in  the  direction  of  Cortes' s  fortunes,  of  which  numerous 
other  similar  examples  are  cited,  and  to  which  he  him- 
self was  always  ready  to  ascribe  his  success;  and,  in 
the  early  chronicle,  De  Rebus  Gestis  of  authoritative  but 
unknown  authorship,  it  is  stated  that,  even  at  the  time 


6  Letters  of  Cortes 

of  this  occuiTence,  there  were  those  present  who  claimed 
to  recognise  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  white-winged  püot 
sent  to  rescue  the  hapless  ship. — "Alius,  Sanctum  esse 
Spiritnm,  qui  in  illius  alitis  specie,  ut  mcestos  et  afflictos 
solarettir,  venire  crat  dignatus.'" 

The  Governor  being  absent,  his  secretary,  Medina,  who 
already  knew  Cortes,  met  him  upon  his  landing,  and  gave 
him  hospitality  in  his  house,  acquainting  him  with  the  con- 
dition of  things  in  the  island,  and  advising  him  to  settle 
near  the  town.  To  this  Cortes  is  said  to  have  replied 
that  he  had  come  to  seek  gold  rather  than  to  till  the 
ground.  During  the  war  against  Queen  Anacoana  of 
Hayti,  which  followed  close  upon  his  arrival,  the  horrors 
of  which  have  been  described  first  by  Las  Casas  and  later 
by  Washington  Irving,  Cortes  gave  a  very  good  account  of 
himself,  and  upon  the  establishment  of  peace  he  received 
a  grant  of  good  land  and  a  repartimiento  of  Indians  at 
Daiguao  where  he  was  likewise  appointed  notary  of  the 
newly  founded  town  of  Azua.  (Gomara,  Crónica.  Cap. 
Ill]  De  Rebus  Gestis) .  During  the  five  or  six  ensuing  years, 
his  life  was  that  of  a  planter,  and  was  barren  of  any  salient 
event,  though  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  he  was  involved 
in  several  affairs  about  women  which  led  to  quarrels 
and  duels,  in  one  of  which  he  was  wounded  in  the  lip. 
He  was  prevented  by  an  opportune  illness  from  joining  the 
luckless  expedition  of  Alonso  de  Ojedo  and  Diego  de 
Nicuesa  to  Darien.  Don  Nicolas  de  Ovando  was  succeeded 
in  the  office  of  Governor  by  Don  Diego  Columbus,  who 
in  151 1  fitted  out  an  expedition  for  the  conquest  of  Cuba, 
which  he  placed  under  the  command  of  Don  Diego  Velas- 
quez, and  in  which  Cortes  volunteered. 

His  conduct  at  this  time  advanced  his  interests  in  every 
respect,  for  his  genial  character  and  lively  conversation 
soon  made  him  a  favourite  with  his  companions  in  arms, 
while  his  bravery  and  address  acquired  him  the  best 
reputation  as  a  soldier  and  attracted  the  attention  of  his 


Early  Days  7 

commander.  This  conquest  afforded  indeed  but  scanty 
opportunity  either  to  the  commander  or  the  soldiers  of 
the  invading  force  to  display  their  prowess,  for  the  pacific 
natives  were  hunted  through  the  island  like  timorous 
hares  to  yield  after  the  feeblest  resistance  only.  Thus 
they  were  brought  into  subjection  with  the  barest  sem- 
blance of  serious  military  operations.  Yet  such  mild 
warfare  and  the  equally  nerveless  conñicts  in  the  island 
of  Hispaniola  (San  Domingo)  supplied  Cortes  with  the  only 
training  in  campaigning  he  ever  received.  The  skill  he 
later  displayed  in  military  tactics,  and  his  masterly 
generalship,  were  due  to  his  latent  genius,  which  sprang 
fully  fledged  into  consciousness  in  response  to  the  first 
demand  made  upon  it,  furnishing  him  liberally  with  an 
equipment  for  conquest  which  less  gifted  commanders 
must  wrest  from  experience. 

He  received  in  recognition  of  his  services  in  Cuba,  an 
encomienda  of  Indians  at  Manicaro  where  he  settled, 
becoming  a  citizen  of  Santiago.  Gomara  states  that  he 
was  successful  in  the  management  of  his  estate,  and  was 
the  first  of  the  colonists  to  introduce  certain  breeds  of 
sheep  and  cattle  into  the  island.  He  had  as  his  partner 
at  Manicaro,  Juan  Xuarez. 

Here  may  be  said  to  close  the  first  period  of  the  life 
of  Cortes,  which  might  have  been  that  of  any  spirited 
young  Spaniard  of  his  class  and  times,  fretting  within 
the  restrictions  of  a  provincial  town,  averse  to  the  plodding 
career  offered  him  by  his  parents,  and  finally  cutting  loose 
and  winning  his  place  in  a  new  life  in  the  colonies,  by 
force  of  valour  in  feats  of  arms,  and  his  ability  in  man- 
aging affairs. 


CHAPTER  II 


COLONIAL  LIFE  IN   CUBA 


INFORMATION  concerning  the  events  of  the  first 
years  of  the  residence  of  Cortes  in  the  island  of  Cuba 
is  scanty,  but  it  may  be  assumed  that  he  attended 
to  his  interests,  which  prospered,  and  enjoyed  considerable 
poptilarity  among  his  fellow-colonists  as  well  as  the 
favour  of  the  Governor,  Diego  Velasquez,  who  extended 
a  protecting  friendship  to  him  such  as  an  older  man  of 
high  rank  might  naturally  feel  for  one  of  the  most  promis- 
ing young  men  among  his  colonists.  Mr.  George  Folsom, 
in  the  Introduction  to  his  English  translation  of  the  De- 
spatches of  Hernando  Cortes  (New  York,  1843),  says  that 
Velasquez  was  brother-in-law  to  Cortes,  having  married 
one  of  the  Xuarez  sisters.  I  have  found  no  authority  for 
this'assertion,  and,  a  few  pages  farther  on,  the  same  writer 
describes  Velasquez  as  seeking  to  arrange  a  marriage  for 
himself  with  a  sister  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos.  This 
alleged  relationship  between  the  two  through  their 
marriages  is  apocryphal. 

As  the  changes  which  the  relations  between  these  two 
men  underwent,  worked  powerfully  and  far  upon  the 
course  of  events  in  the  New  World,  it  is  necessary  before 
going  further  to  consider  somewhat  the  character  of 
Diego  Velasquez,  and  the  causes  which  brought  about  the 
breach  in  their  friendship.  Oviedo  states  that  Velasquez 
was  of  noble  family,  and,  though  arriving  in  the  Indies 
poor,  had  there  accumulated  an  ample  fortune.  His 
military  experience  had  been  gained  by  seventeen  years 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  9 

of  service  in  European  wars.  The  anonymous  author 
of  De  Rebus  Gestis  confirms  these  points  adding,  "  He 
was  covetous  of  glory  and  somewhat  more  so  of  money." 
The  latter  also  represents  that  an  intimate  friendship 
existed  during  several  years  between  the  two  in  Hispaniola, 
and  that  Velasquez  had  insisted  on  Cortes's  joining  his  ex- 
pedition, to  which  the  latter  counselled  by  friendship  and 
his  longing  for  adventures,  readily  consented.  Velasquez 
had  the  habit  of  command,  which  as  Governor  of  Cuba 
he  exercised  with  the  scarcely  restricted  and  arbitrary 
freedom  which  his  own  temperament  dictated,  and  the 
usage  amongst  Spanish  colonial  governors  sanctioned. 
With  all  this  he  was  amiable,  accessible,  and  fond  of 
dispensing  favours.  Prescott  estimates  him  as  one  of 
those  captious  persons  who  "  when  things  do  not  go  ex- 
actly to  their  taste,  shift  the  responsibility  from  their 
own  shoulders  where  it  should  lie  to  those  of  others," 
and  Herrera  describes  him  as  "  ungenerous,  credulous,  and 
suspicious ! ' '  Fray  B  artolomé  d  e  Las  Casas ,  who  knew  him 
personally  in  Cuba  gives  more  place  to  his  virtues  in  the 
description  he  has  left  of  him,  than  do  some  others ;  while 
admitting  that  he  was  quick  to  resent  a  liberty,  jealous 
of  his  dignity,  easily  taking  offence,  he  adds  that  he  was 
not  vindictive  nor  slow  to  forgive.  As  an  administrator 
of  the  affairs  of  the  island  he  showed  himself  active  and 
capable,  encouraging  immigration,  assisting  the  colonists, 
and  extending  the  zone  of  Spanish  influence.  He  founded 
many  towns,  some  of  which  still  bear  the  names  he 
gave  them,  notably  Havana,  Puerto  del  Principe,  Mat- 
anzas, Trinidad,  and  Santiago  where  he  had  his  seat  of 
government.  It  appears  therefore  that  Diego  Velasquez 
was  a  man  whose  rather  petty  defects  of  character  did  not 
usually  interfere  with  his  public  conduct  and  who  dis- 
charged his  official  duties  satisfactorily  to  the  colonists 
and  as  a  faithful  representative  of  the  crown.  He  was, 
however,    unquestionably     avaricious,    egotistical,    and 


I  o  Letters  of  Cortes 

ambitious;  withal  no  easy  master  to  serve.  Commenting 
on  the  reproaches  he  afterwards  heaped  upon  Cortes  for 
his  ingratitude  towards  him,  Oviedo  says  that  it  was 
no  whit  worse  than  his  own  had  been  towards  his  bene- 
factor, Diego  Columbus,  and  hence  it  was  "measure  for 
measure."  His  desire  to  explore  and  conquer  by  deputy, 
and  to  win  distinction  vicariously,  was  defeated  by  the 
impossibility  of  finding  men  possessed  of  the  required 
ability  to  undertake  successfully  such  ventures,  combined 
with  sufficient  docility  to  surrender  to  him  the  glory  and 
profits  resulting  from  them. 

The  two  fundamental  versions  of  the  historic  quarrel  be- 
tween Cortes  and  Velasquez  are  contradictory.  One  is 
furnished  by  Gomara,  the  other  by  Las  Casas,  and,  upon 
one  or  the  other,  later  historians  have  based  their  accounts. 
The  version  of  Las  Casas  is  that  of  an  eye-witness,  for  he 
was  present  in  Cuba  at  the  time,  and  knew  both  men  well. 
He  stood  high  in  the  favour  of  the  Governor,  but,  even 
allowing  something  for  the  bias  of  personal  friendship 
and  possibly  something  more  for  the  influence  of  Velas- 
quez's position,  his  acknowledged  integrity  excludes  the 
possibility  of  a  conscious  mis-statement  of  facts,  and 
hence  the  greatest  weight  attaches  to  his  testimony. 
Gomara,  on  the  other  hand,  was  never  in  Cuba  in  his  life 
and  only  began  his  Crónica  de  la  Conquista  some  twenty- 
five  years  or  more  after  the  events  of  which  he  wrote,  under 
the  inspiration  and  direction  of  Cortes,  then  Marques 
del  Valle,  whose  chaplain  he  had  shortly  before  become. 

Gomara's  chronicle  was  somewhat  of  the  nature  of  an 
apologia,  and  it  no  sooner  appeared  than  its  accuracy 
and  veracity  were  impugned  by  participants  in  the  events 
he  described;  notably  by  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  whose 
work  was  undertaken  for  the  declared  purpose  of  correct- 
ing Gomara,  and  was  called  with  emphasis  the  "True 
History"  of  the  conquest.  Gomara's  account  is  briefly 
as  follows:  Cortes  at  that  time  paid  court  to  Catalina 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  n 

Xuarez  la  Marcaida,  one  of  the  poor  but  beautiful  sisters 
of  his  partner  in  Manicaro,  Juan  Xuarez,  and  won  such 
favours  from  the  lady  as  entitled  her  to  exact  the  ful- 
filment of  a  promise  of  marriage  which  she  declared  he  had 
made  her,  but  with  which  he  refused  to  comply.  The 
Xuarez  family  was  from  Granada  and  came  originally  in 
the  suite  of  Doña  Maria  de  Toledo,  wife  of  the  Viceroy 
Don  Diego  Columbus  to]  Hispaniola,  where  it  was  hoped 
the  four  girls  whose  only  dowry  was  their  beauty  might 
make  good  marriages  among  the  rich  planters.  This 
hope  was  not  realised  in  San  Domingo  and  they  removed 
to  Cuba.  Catalina,  the  eldest,  was  the  most  beautiful 
of  all  and  had  many  admirers,  amongst  whom  her  pre- 
ference fell  upon  Cortes,  who  was  ever  ready  for  gallant 
adventures.  The  matter  was  brought  before  the  Governor 
who  summoned  Cortes  ad  audiendum  verbuni,  influenced 
in  Catalina' s  favour  it  was  said,  by  one  of  her  sisters  to 
whose  charms  he  himself  was  not  indifferent.  But,  in 
spite  of  official  pressure,  Cortes  refused  to  make  the 
reparation  exacted  of  him.  Such  high  words  followed  that 
the  Governor  ordered  him  to  be  imprisoned  in  the  fortress 
under  the  charge  of  the  alcalde  Cristobal  de  Lagos.  His 
imprisonment  was  brief , for  he  managed  to  escape,  carrying 
off  the  sword  and  buckler  of  his  gaoler,  and  took  sanctuary 
in  a  church,  from  which  neither  the  promises  nor  the 
threats  of  Velasquez  could  beguile  him.  One  day,  how- 
ever, when  he  unwarily  showed  himself  before  the  church 
door,  the  alguacil  Juan  Escudero  seized  him  from  behind, 
and,  aided  by  others,  carried  him  on  board  a  ship  ly- 
ing in  the  harbour,  Cortes  feared  this  foreshadowed 
transportation,  and,  setting  his  wits  to  work,  he  contrived 
to  escape  a  second  time,  dressed  in  the  clothes  of  a  servant 
who  attended  him.  He  let  himself  down  into  a  small  skiff 
and  pulled  for  the  shore,  but  the  strength  of  the  current 
at  that  point,  where  the  waters  of  the  Macaguanigua  River 
flow  into  the  sea,  was  such  that  his  frail  craft  capsized, 


12  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  he  reached  the  shore  swimming,  with  certain  -valuable 
papers  tied  in  a  packet  on  the  top  of  his  head.  He  then 
betook  himself  to  Juan  Xuarez,  from  whom  he  procured 
clothes  and  arms,  and  again  took  sanctuary  in  the  church. 
These  repeated  escapes  suggest  sympathetic  collusion 
on  the  part  of  his  gaolers. 

Velasquez  professed  to  be  won  over  by  such  bravery 
and  resource,  and  sent  mutual  friends  to  make  peace. 
But  Cortes,  although  he  married  Catalina,  refused  the 
Governor's  overtures  and  would  not  even  speak  to  him, 
until,  some  Indian  troubles  breaking  out,  and  Velasquez 
being  at  his  headquarters  outside  the  town,  he  somewhat 
alarmed  the  Governor  by  suddenly  appearing  before  him 
late  one  night,  fully  armed,  saying  that  he  had  come  to 
make  peace  and  to  offer  his  services.  They  shook  hands 
and  spent  a  long  time  in  conversation  together,  and  slept 
that  night  in  the  same  bed,  where  they  were  found  next 
morning  by  Diego  de  Orellana  who  came  to  announce 
to  the  Governor  that  Cortes  had  fled  from  the  church. 
This  version  is  accepted  by  the  author  of  De  Rebus  Gestis 
without  reservation;  Solis,  while'  omitting  the  details, 
also  dwells  upon  the  intimate  friendship  existing  between 
the  two  men. 

Las  Casas  tells  a  different  tale,  in  which  no  mention  is 
made  of  the  refusal  to  marry  Catalina  Xuarez  as  having 
any  part  in  the  quarrel,  but  asserts  rather  that  Cortes 
was  secretary  to  Velasquez,  and  that  the  news  of  the 
arrival  of  certain  appellate  judges  in  Hispaniola  having 
reached  Cuba,  all  the  malcontents  in  the  colony,  and 
those  disaffected  towards  Velasquez,  began  secretly  to 
collect  material  on  which  to  base  accusations  against  him, 
and  that  Cortes,  acting  with  them,  had  been  chosen  to 
carry  this  information  to  the  judges.  The  Governor  was 
informed  of  the  plot,  and  arrested  Cortes  in  the  act  of  em- 
barking, with  the  incriminating  papers  in  his  possession, 
and  would  have  ordered  him  to  be  hanged  on  the  spot  but 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  13 

for  the  intervention  of  his  friends  who  pleaded  for  him. 
A  memorial  presented  to  the  King  on  behalf  of  Velasquez 
by  his  chaplain  Benito  Martinez  enumerates  this, 
amongst  other  grievances  of  the  Governor,  and 
fully  confirms  the  statement  of  Las  Casas  on  this  point. 
Las  Casas  admits  the  story  of  the  imprisonment,  the  es- 
cape, and  the  sanctuary  in  the  church,  but  he  scouts  the 
idea  of  any  such  reconciliation  as  Gomara  describes,  and 
says  that  the  Governor,  although  he  pardoned  him,  would 
not  have  him  back  as  secretary,  adding,  "  I  saw  Cortes 
in  those  days  so  small  and  humble  that  he  would  have 
craved  the  notice  of  the  meanest  servant  of  Velasquez." 

Las  Casas  reminds  his  readers  that  Gomara  wrote  of 
things  about  which  he  knew  only  what  Cortes  and  his 
adherents  told  him,  and  at  a  time  when  Cortes,  who  had 
risen  from  small  beginnings  to  great  rank  and  fame,  was 
anxious  to  have  his  former  humble  condition  forgotten. 
It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  Las  Casas  never  ceased  to 
regard  Cortes  as  other  than  an  exceptionally  bold  and 
lucky  adventurer,  nor  did  he  ever  miss  an  opportunity 
of  recalling  his  humble  origin  and  irregular  beginnings. 
The  wrath  of  Velasquez  was  short  lived,  for  he  afterwards 
made  Cortes,  alcalde,  and  stood  godfather  to  one  of 
his  children.  During  the  succeeding  years  the  fortunes  of 
Cortes  improved,  and  he  amassed  a  capital  of  some  three 
thousand  castellanos,  of  which  Las  Casas  remarks 
"  God  will  have  kept  a  better  account  than  I  of  the  lives 
it  cost."  Though  married  reluctantly,  he  seems  to  have 
been  contented,  and  he  described  himself  to  the  bishop 
as  just  as  happy  with  Catalina  as  though  she  were  the 
daughter  of  a  duchess  (Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
lib.  iii,  cap.  xxvii.). 

Don  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra  unhesitatingly  accepts  the 
version  of  Las  Casas,  and  Prescott  inclines  also  to  the 
opinion  that  Gomara' s  account  is  improbable.  Indeed 
he  seeks  to  prove  too  much,  and  his  description  of  the 


14  Letters  of  Cortes 

reconciliation  is  overcharged,  for  the  Governor  was  more 
than  dignified — he  was  pompous,  and  something  of  a 
martinet  in  his  ideas  of  discipline,  being  so  tenacious  of 
etiquette  that  no  one,  not  even  the  first  citizens  in  the 
colony  sat  uninvited  in  his  presence.  Nor  had  he  ever 
stood  in  relations  of  equal  comradeship  to  Cortes,  how- 
evev  friendly  he  may  have  been,  hence  it  is  not  to  be 
imagined  that  he  humbled  himself  to  offer  a  reconciliation, 
being  first  rebuffed  by  his  subordinate,  and  afterwards, 
when  it  suited  the  latter  to  present  himself  before  him,  that 
he  celebrated  the  resumption  of  friendly  relations  with 
such  demonstrations  of  affection  and  intimacy  as  Gomara 
describes.  If  the  Gomara  version  is  the  true  one,  and  the 
quarrel  had  no  other  origin  than  the  hot  words  exchanged 
concerning  Cortes's  conduct  in  a  private  affair  which, 
strictly  speaking,  was  no  concern  of  the  Governor's, 
Velasquez  might  easily  have  forgiven  and  forgotten,  es- 
pecially as  the  lady's  honour  was  saved,  if  but  tardily. 
But  if  the  statement  of  Las  Casas  is  correct,  and  the 
Governor  discovered  his  secretary  in  the  act  of  plotting 
with  his  enemies  for  his  overthrow,  then  Diego  Velasquez 
must  be  considered  to  have  been  the  most  fatuous  and 
frivolous  of  men.  Magnanimity  might  prompt  forgiveness 
of  even  such  treachery,  and  Velasquez  might  choose  to 
forget  the  falsity  of  a  man  whose  enmity  he  could  afford 
to  ignore  or  despise,  but  to  afterwards  confide  the  most 
important  venture  of  his  life  to  such  a  one  was  a  blunder, 
than  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  a  greater.  Yet 
Diego  Velasquez's  vast  capacity  for  blundering  enabled 
him  even  to  do  this. 

Gold  was  the  magnet  which  drew  the  Spanish  adven- 
turers to  the  New  World,  and  though  it  had  nowhere  been 
found  either  so  easily  or  so  plentifully  as  they  expected, 
enough  had  been  discovered  to  whet  their  appetites  for 
more.  They  lived  in  the  midst  of  a  world  of  mysterious 
possibilities  which  might  any  day  by  a  lucky  discovery 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  15 

become  realities.  One  navigator  after  another  sailed 
the  seas  of  unknown  limits,  discovered  islands,  landed  on 
strange  coasts,  beheld  primeval  forests  and  lofty  mountain- 
peaks  clothed  with  untrodden  snows,  and,  returning  to 
the  settlements  on  the  islands,  they  brought  back  more 
or  less  accurate  accounts  of  lands  where  gold  and  pearls 
were  plentiful,  peopled  by  natives  eager  to  exchange  these 
treasures  for  Spanish  trinkets,  at  the  same  time  producing 
enough  specimens  of  precious  metal  to  vouch  for  the 
truth  of  their  descriptions.  Rich  colonists,  as  well  as 
merchants  in  Cadiz  and  Seville,  were  easily  found  to 
risk  funds  in  fitting  out  expeditions  for  the  dual  purpose 
of  exploration  and  trade,  while  numberless  were  the  skilful 
pilots,  daring  sailors,  and  bold  soldiers  of  fortune  ready 
to  enlist  for  such  ser\'ice.  After  conquering  Puerto  Rico, 
Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  cruised  among  the  Lucayan  Islands, 
and  in  1512,  discovered  the  coast  which  he  named 
Florida,  where,  instead  of  the  fountain  of  eternal  youth 
he  sought,  he  met  his  death;  in  15 13,  Balboa  first  beheld 
the  Pacific  Ocean  from  the  mountain  ridge  on  the  isthmus 
of  Darien ;  in  1 5 1 5  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  discovered  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Plate. 

In  1 5 1 7  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  a  rich  planter 
of  Cuba,  organised  and  equipped  a  fleet  of  three  vessels, 
manned  in  part  by  some  of  the  survivors  of  the  first 
colony  at  Darien,  and  of  which  he  himself  took  command. 
The  principal  object  of  this  expedition  was  to  capture 
Indians  to  be  sold  as  slaves  in  Cuba,  and  the  Governor 
furnished  one  ship  on  condition  that  he  should  be  reim- 
bursed in  slaves  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
i.) .  The  first  land  discovered  was  a  small  island  to  which 
the  name  of  Las  Mugeres  (Women's  Island)  was  given,  be- 
cause of  the  images  of  female  deities  which  they  found  in 
the  temple  there.  This  island  lies  off  the  extreme  point 
of  Yucatan,  and  from  it  the  Spaniards  saw  what  seemed  to 
them  a  large  and  important  city  with  many  towers  and 


1 6  Letters  of  Cortes 

lofty  buildings,  to  which  they  gave  the  fanciful  name  of 
Grand  Cairo.  They  discovered  the  island  of  Cozumel,  and, 
in  a  battle  with  the  Indians  at  Catoche,  they  captured 
two  natives  who  afterwards  became  Christians,  baptised 
under  the  names  of  Julian  and  Melchor,  and  rendered 
valuable  services  as  interpreters.  Besides  the  coast  of 
Yucatan,  the  most  interesting  discovery  made  by  this  ex- 
pedition was  the  mysterious  crosses  which  they  found  the 
Indians  venerating  at  Cozumel.  Francisco  Hernandez  de 
Cordoba  died  a  few  days  after  his  arrival  in  Cuba  from  the 
wounds  he  had  received  at  Catoche,  and  the  other  members 
of  the  expedition  made  their  way  back  to  Santiago  where 
the  spoils  taken  from  the  temples,  the  small  quantity 
of  gold,  the  two  strange  Indians,  and  most  of  all  the 
marvellous  tales  of  the  men  served  to  excite  the  eager 
cupidity  of  the  colonists,  ever  ready  to  believe  that  El- 
dorado was  found.  The  news  spread  throughout  the 
islands,  and  even  reached  Spain  and  Flanders,  where  the 
young  King  Charles  the  First  (the  Emperor  Charles  V.), 
then  was. 

Diego  Velasquez  promptly  organised  an  expedition  to 
follow  up  these  discoveries,  and  establish  trading  relations 
with  the  natives,  which  he  placed  under  the  command 
of  his  kinsman,  Juan  de  Grijalba.  It  was  composed  of 
four  ships,  the  San  Sebastian,  La  Trinidad,  Santiago,  and 
Santa  Maria.  The  captains  under  Grijalba  were  Francisco 
de  Avila,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  Francisco  de  Montejo 
(Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  viii;  Oviedo,  Sumario,  lib.  xvii.,  cap. 
viii.,  Orozco  y  Berra,  Conquista  de  Mexico,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  i). 
This  fleet  set  sail  on  May  i,  1518,  and  after  a  fair  voyage 
reached  the  island  of  Cozumel  on  May  3rd  {Itinerario  de 
larmata  del  Re  Cattolico  apud  Icazbalceta,  Documentos 
Inéditos,  vol.  i.). 

Grijalba  visited  several  points  along  the  coast,  giving 
Spanish  names  to  various  bays,  islands,  rivers,  and  towns. 
The  Tabasco  River,  of  which  the  correct  Indian  name 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  17 

seems  to  have  been  Tabzcoob,  received  the  name  of 
Grijalba.  On  arriving  at  the  river  which  they  named 
Banderas,  because  of  the  numerous  Indians  carrying 
white  flags  whom  they  saw  along  the  coast,  they  first 
heard  of  the  existence  of  Montezuma,  of  whom  these 
people  were  vassals,  and  by  whom  they  had  been  ordered 
to  keep  a  look  out  for  the  possible  return  of  the  white 
men,  whose  former  visit  to  Cozumel  had  been  reported 
to  the  Emperor.  On  the  1 7th  of  June,  a  landing  was  made 
on  a  small  island,  where  the  Spaniards  first  discovered 
proofs  that  human  sacrifices  and  cannibalism  were 
practised  by  the  natives,  for  they  found  there  a  blood- 
stained idol,  human  heads,  members,  and  whole  bodies, 
with  the  breasts  cut  open  and  the  hearts  gone.  They 
named  the  island  Isla  de  los  Sacrificios  (Oviedo,  lib.  xvü., 
cap.  xiv.). 

From  the  island  which  they  named  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
(from  the  word  Culua  which  they  imperfectly  caught 
from  the  natives),  Grijalba  sent  Pedro  de  Alvarado  on 
June  24th,  with  the  San  Sebastian  to  carry  the  results 
of  his  trading  operations,  and  an  account  of  his  discov- 
eries to  Diego  Velasquez,  and  to  ask  for  an  authorisation 
to  colonise  which  had  not  been  given  in  his  original 
instructions,  but  which  the  members  of  the  expedition 
exacted  should  now  be  granted  (Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  cxii.). 

Diego  Velasquez  had  meanwhile  felt  some  impatience, 
which  gradually  became  alarm  at  hearing  nothing  from 
his  expedition,  so  he  sent  Cristobal  de  Olid  with  a  ship 
to  look  for  it.  Olid  landed  also  at  Cozumel,  and  took 
formal  possession  by  right,  as  he  supposed,  of  discovery. 
After  coasting  about  for  some  time,  and  finding  no  traces 
of  Grijalba,  and  having  been  obliged  to  cut  his  cables 
in  a  storm  which  had  lost  him  his  anchors,  he  returned 
to  Cuba  to  augment  the  uneasiness  of  the  Governor.  At 
this  juncture,  however,  Alvarado  arrived  with  the  treasure 


1 8  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  Grijalba's  report,  which  threw  the  Governor  into 
an  ecstasy  of  hope,  and  plunged  all  the  colony  into  the 
greatest  excitement.  Without  waiting  for  more  news, 
Velasquez  set  about  preparing  another  expedition,  and 
sent  Juan  de  Saucedo  to  Hispaniola  to  solicit  from 
the  Jeronymite  Fathers  the  necessary  authority  for  his 
undertaking,  whose  objects  it  was  stated  were  to  look 
for  Grijalba's  lost  armada,  which  might  be  in  danger, 
to  seek  for  Cristobal  de  Olid  (notwithstanding  he  was 
already  safely  returned),  and  to  rescue  six  Spanish 
captives  who  were  said  to  be  prisoners  of  a  cacique 
in  Yucatan.  On  October  5th,  Grijalba  arrived  in  Cuba 
with  his  ships,  and  was  coldly  recei-ved  by  the  Governor, 
who  professed  himself  much  disappointed  at  the  meagre 
results  of  the  voyage,  and  criticised  the  captain  severely 
for  not  having  yielded  to  his  companions'  wishes  to  found 
a  settlement  on  the  newly  discovered  coast,  despite  his 
own  instructions  to  the  contrary. 

Several  names  were  under  consideration  for  the  com- 
mandership  of  the  new  armada  but  one  after  another  was 
excluded,  and  the  Governor's  final  choice  fixed  upon 
Fernando  Cortes  CLas  Casas,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  civ.;  Bernal 
Diaz,  cap.  xix.). 

This  selection  was  attributed  to  the  influence  of  Amador 
de  Lares,  a  royal  official  of  astute  character  who  exercised 
a  certain  ascendency  over  Velasquez,  and  of  Andres  de 
Duero,  the  Governor's  private  secretary,  both  of  whom 
Cortes  had  induced  to  present  his  name  and  secure  his 
appointment,  by  promises  of  a  generous  share  of  the 
treasures  to  be  discovered.  Since  both  Grijalba  and 
Olid  were  safely  back  in  Cuba,  the  only  one  of  the  three 
reasons  first  advanced  for  this  expedition  which  remained 
was  the  rescue  of  the  Christian  captives  in  Yucatan, 
and,  although  Velasquez  had  severely  censured  Grijalba 
for  not  establishing  a  colony  or  trading  post  somewhere, 
he   also   omitted   this   authorisation   in   his  instructions 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  19 

to  Cortes,  These  instructions  are  dated  October  23, 
1 5 18,  and  consist  of  thirty  items  of  minute  and  tedious 
directions  and  counsels,  covering  every  imaginable  emer- 
gency. They  are  quoted  in  full  in  the  Documentos  Inédi- 
tos del  Archivo  de  Indias  in  pages  59-79,  inclusive,  in  the 
fourth  volume  of  Orozco  y  Berra.  The  document  opens 
by  stating  that  the  glory  of  God  and  the  spread  of  the 
faith  being  the  chief  objects  of  the  undertaking,  only 
God-fearing  and  loyal  men  should  be  allowed  to  compose 
it;  swearing  and  blasphemy  against  God,  the  blessed 
Virgin,  and  the  saints  are  provided  against  by  the  severest 
penalties ;  the  men  are  not  to  take  concubines  with  them 
nor  to  give  scandal  by  communication  with  native  women ; 
nor  is  gambling  to  be  permitted  in  any  form,  dice  being 
forbidden  on  board  the  ships.  The  exhaustive  instructions 
concerning  exploration  and  trading  contain  no  mention 
of  any  authorisation  to  colonise,  but  very  full  powers 
are  granted  the  commander  to  cover  unforeseen  cases. 

Cortes  threw  himself  heart  and  soul  into  the  new 
enterprise  which  offered  him  exactly  the  opportunity 
in  search  of  which  he  had  come  to  the  Indies  fourteen 
years  before.  The  mutual  recriminations,  afterwards 
indulged  in,  so  obscure  the  facts  that  it  is  difficult  to 
discover  exactly  what  share  of  the  expense  of  the  equip- 
ment was  borne  by  each,  but  of  Cortes  it  must  be  said  that 
he  staked  everything  he  possessed  or  could  procure  on 
the  venture,  even  raising  loans  by  mortgages  on  his  pro- 
perty. Bernal  Diaz  states  that  the  amount  he  expended 
was  four  thousand  (io//ar5  in  gold,  besides  supplying  many 
provisions.'  In  the  sworn  statement  of  Puertocarrero  made 
in  La  Coruña,  April,  1520,  the  witness  said  that  Cortes 
had  paid  two  thirds  of  the  total  costs.  Gomara  de- 
scribes Velasquez  as  stingy  and  timid,  wishing  to  fit  out 
the  armada  with  the  least  possible  risk  to  himself,  and 
that  he  proposed  to  halve  the  cost. 

The  appointment  of  Cortes  to  such  an  important  com- 


20  Letters  of  Cortes 

mand  did  not  fail  to  arouse  jealousies  on  the  part  of  some, 
and  the  increased  consequence  which  he  gave  himself  in  his 
dress,  manners,  and  way  of  living  served  to  stimulate  these 
sentiments,  so  that  hardly  had  the  work  of  organisation 
got  fairly  under  way,  when  these  mischief  makers  adroitly 
began  to  work  on  the  suspicious  spirit  of  Velasquez.  A 
dwarf,  who  played  court  jester  in  the  Governor's  household, 
was  inspired  to  make  oracular  jokes  in  which  thinly  veiled 
warnings  of  what  was  to  be  expected  from  Cortes's  over- 
masterful  spirit,  once  he  was  free  from  control  and  in  com- 
mand of  such  an  araiada,  were  conveyed  to  Velasquez; 
these  double  barbed  jests  did  not  fail  of  their  purpose,  so 
that  his  distrust  finally  completel}^  mastered  his  reason,  and 
pushed  him  to  the  incredible  folly  of  deciding  to  revoke 
Cortes's  appointment  as  commander,  and  substitute  one 
Vasco  Porcallo  a  native  of  Caceres.  This  decision  he 
made  known  to  Lares  and  Duero,  the  very  men  through 
whom  Cortes  had  negotiated  to  obtain  his  place,  and  they 
hastened  to  warn  their  protege  of  the  Governor's  intention. 
To  accept  the  humiliation,  the  public  ridicule,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  financial  ruin  into  which  the  revocation 
of  his  appointment  almost  on  the  eve  of  sailing  would 
have  plunged  him,  was  an  alternative  which  never  could 
have  been  for  a  moment  considered  by  Cortes,  who  im- 
mediately took  the  one  step  essential  to  his  salvation, 
which  was  to  hasten  his  preparations,  and,  by  unflagging 
efforts,  to  get  his  provisions  and  men  on  board  that  same 
day,  and  stand  down  the  bay  with  all  his  ships  during 
the  night.  He  even  seized  the  entire  meat  supply  of  the 
town  for  which  he  paid  with  a  gold  chain  he  wore.  The 
accounts  of  the  manner  of  the  departure  of  the  fleet  also 
conflict.  It  has  been  represented  as  a  veritable  flight, 
but  Bernal  Diaz  avers  that,  although  he  got  everything 
ready  very  quickly  and  hastened  the  date  of  sailing,  Cortes 
went  with  a  number  of  others,  and  took  formal  leave  of 
the  Governor  with  embraces  and  mutual  good  wishes. 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  21 

and  that  after  he  had  heard  mass,  Diego  Velasquez  came 
down  to  the  port  to  see  the  armada  off.  Las  Casas  how- 
ever says  that  Velasquez  only  heard  very  early  in 
the  morning  (from  the  butcher  probably),  that  the  pre- 
parations had  been  so  rapidly  pushed  forward,  and  that 
rising  from  bed  he  made  haste  to  the  port  accompanied 
by  all  the  citizens  in  a  state  of  great  wonder  and  ex- 
citement. As  soon  as  the  Governor  appeared,  Cortes 
approached  within  a  bow-shot  of  the  shore  in  a  boat 
full  of  his  friends,  all  fully  armed,  and,  in  reply  to  the 
Governor's  upbraidings  and  reproaches  for  such  un- 
seemly haste  in  his  leave-taking,  replied  that,  "some 
things  were  better  done  first  and  thought  about  afterwards 
and  this  was  one  of  them  " ;  after  which  bit  of  exculpating 
philosophy  he  returned  to  his  ship,  and  the  armada  saüed 
away.  Although  Gomara,  in  whom  we  hear  Cortes  him- 
self, agrees  essentially  with  Las  Casas  in  thus  describing 
the  departure,  the  story  of  the  dialogue  between  Cortes 
in  the  midst  of  a  boat-load  of  armed  friends  and  Velas- 
quez, helpless  on  the  quay,  surrounded  by  excited  col- 
onists, savours  more  of  fiction  than  of  fact.  The  simple 
and  natural  version  of  Bernal  Diaz  is  more  in  consonance  \/' 
with  Cortes' s  character,  and  he  doubtless  exercised 
scrupulous  care  to  avoid  provoking  the  testy  Governor. 
Aware  of  the  intrigues  against  him  and  the  uncertainty 
of  his  position,  his  safety  lay  in  pushing  forward  his 
preparations  with  unostentatious  haste,  masking  his 
determination  under  an  astute  display  of  increased  defer- 
ence towards  his  suspicious  superior.  Although  Cortes 
had  evidently  secured  his  captains,  and  could  count  on 
his  crews,  the  moment  for  an  act  of  open  defiance  was  not 
yet,  nor  did  Velasquez,  in  a  letter  dated  November  17,1519, 
to  the  licenciate  Figueroa  which  was  to  be  delivered  to 
Charles  V.,  allege  any  such,  though  he  would  hardly  have 
failed  to  make  the  most  of  each  item  in  his  arraignment 
of  his  rebellious  lieutenant.     Stopping  at  Macaca,  Trini- 


sj 


22  Letters  of  Cortes 

dad,  and  Havana,  he  forcibly  seized  stores  at  these  places, 
and  also  from  ships  which  he  stopped,  sometimes  paying 
for  them,  and  sometimes  giving  receipts  and  promises. 
Every^'here  he  increased  his  armament,  and  enlisted 
more  men. 

The  Grovemor's  uneasy  suspicions  augmented  after  the 
saUing  of  the  fleet,  being  also  aggravated  by  the  acts  of 
the  members  of  his  household  who  were  jealous  of  the 
sudden  rise  in  Cortes's  fortunes,  and  possibly  also  honestly 
distrustful  of  the  signs  of  independence  he  had  already 
manifested.  In  the  work  of  fretting  Velasquez,  a  half 
foolish  astrologer  was  called  in,  who  delivered  oracular 
warnings,  and  imputed  to  Cortes  schemes  of  revenge 
for  past  wrongs,  (referring  to  his  imprisonment  by  the 
Governor's  orders),  and  forecasting  treachery.  These 
representations  harmonised  but  too  well  with  Velasquez's 
own  fears,  and  easily  prevailed  upon  him  to  try  to  recall 
his  attainted  lieutenant  by  sending  decisive  orders  to  his 
brother-in-law,  Francisco  Verdugo,  alcalde  tnayor  of  Trini- 
dad, to  assume  command  of  the  fleet  until  Vasco  Porcallo, 
who  had  been  appointed  successor  to  Cortes  should  arrive. 
For  greater  security,  he  repeated  these  instructions  to 
Diego  de  Ordaz,  Francisco  de  Morla,  and  others  on  whose 
loyalty  to  himself  the  hapless  Governor  thought  he  could 
count.  Nobody,  however,  undertook  to  carry  out  the 
orders  to  displace  and  imprison  Cortes,  whose  faculty 
for  making  friends  was  such  that  he  had  already  won 
overall  those  on  whom  Velasquez  relied,  especially  Ordaz 
and  Verdugo.  The  very  messengers  who  brought  the 
oiflcial  orders  to  degrade  and  imprison  him  w^ent  over  to 
Cortes,  and  joined  the  expedition.  Public  sympathy  was 
entirely  with  him,  for  he  had  rallied  some  of  the  best  men 
in  Cuba  to  his  standard,  who  thus  had  a  stake  in  the 
success  of  the  enterprise  which  depended  primarily  on  the 
ability  of  the  commander.  In  Cortes  they  had  full  con- 
fidence, and  it  suited  neither  their  temper  nor  their  interest 


Colonial  Life  in  Cuba  23 

to  see  him  superseded.  It  was  Cortes  himself  who  replied 
to  the  Governor's  letters,  seeking  to  reassure  him  with 
protestations  of  loyalty  and  affection,  counselling  him 
meanwhile  to  silence  the  malicious  tongues  of  the  mischief 
makers  in  Santiago. 

The  Governor  was  in  no  way  tranquillised  by  such  a  com- 
munication ;  on  the  contrary,  the  suppression  of  his  orders 
by  Verdugo  enraged  him  beyond  measure.  The  fleet 
had  meanwhile  gone  to  Havana  whither  a  confidential 
messenger,  one  Gamica,  was  sent  with  fresh,  and  more 
stringent  orders  to  the  lieutenant-governor,  Pedro  Barba, 
who  resided  there,  positively  forbidding  the  fleet  to  sail, 
and  ordering  the  immediate  imprisonment  of  Cortes. 
Diego  Velasquez  was  rarely  happy  in  his  choice  of  men 
and,  in  this  instance  his  "confidential"  messenger  not 
only  brought  these  official  orders  to  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  but  he  likewise  delivered  to  Fray  Bartolomé 
Olmedo,  the  chaplain  of  the  expedition,  a  certain  letter 
from  another  priest  who  was  in  the  executive  household, 
warning  Cortes  of  the  sense  of  the  Governor's  orders. 
Failure  attended  all  Velasquez's  efforts,  for  Don  Pedro 
Barba  replied,  telling  him  plainly  that  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  stop  Cortes,  who  was  so  popular,  not  only  with 
his  troops  but  also  with  the  townspeople,  that  any  attempt 
to  interfere  with  him  would  result  in  a  general  rising 
in  his  favour.  Bernal  Diaz  declares  that  they  would 
have  died  for  him,  to  a  man. 

During  these  days  he  played,  as  he  himself  afterwards 
described  it  to  Las  Casas,  the  "  part  of  the  gentle  corsair.". 
Parting  in  this  manner  from  the  royal  Governor  of  Cuba, 
joint  owner  of  the  ships  and  their  contents,  it  is  obvious 
that  there  was  no  turning  back  for  Cortes ;  he  was  hence- 
forth driven  forward  by  the  knowledge  that  sure  disgrace, 
very  likely  death  was  behind  him,  and  drawn  on  by  the 
enticing  prospect  of  achieving  such  complete  success 
as  should  vindicate  his  lawless  courses.     To  redeem  the 


24  Letters  of  Cortes 

irregularity  of  these  initial  proceedings,  it  was  incumbent 
on  Cortes  from  thenceforth  to  hedge  his  every  act  with 
the  strictest  legal  sanctions,  and  we  search  in  vain  for  the 
slightest  lapse  from  prescribed  forms  in  all  the  succeeding 
acts  of  his  career. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  CONQUEROR 

THE  entire  fleet  sailed  for  the  island  of  Cozumel 
on  February  lo,  15 19,  and  the  first  vessel  to 
land  was  the  one  commanded  by  Pedro  de  Alvar- 
ado.  Alvarado  began  his  career  by  an  act  of  disobedience 
to  orders,  characteristic  of  his  headstrong  and  cruel  tem- 
perament, which  procured  him  a  severe  reprimand  from 
the  commander,  who  arrived  two  days  later  and  found 
that  the  Indians  had  all  been  frightened  away  by  the 
Spaniards'  violence  in  plundering  their  town  and  taking 
some  of  them  prisoners.  Cortes's  policy  in  dealing  with 
the  natives  was  forcibly  declared  at  the  very  outset,  for 
the  pilot  Camacho,  who  had  brought  the  vessel  to  land 
before  the  others,  he  clapped  into  irons,  for  disobeying 
his  orders,  and  he  rebuked  Alvarado,  explaining  to  him 
that  his  measures  were  fatal  to  the  success  of  the  expedi- 
tion. The  Indian  prisoners  were  not  only  released,  but 
each  received  gifts,  and  all  were  assured  through  the  inter- 
preters, Melchor  and  Julian,  that  they  should  suffer  no 
further  harm,  and  that  they  should  therefore  go  and  call 
back  the  others  who  had  fled.  Everything  that  had  been 
stolen  from  the  town  was  restored,  and  the  fowls  and  other 
provisions  which  had  been  eaten  were  all  paid  for  liberally. 
Discipline  was  enforced  also  among  the  Spaniards,  and 
seven  sailors,  who  were  found  guilty  of  stealing  some 
bacon  from  a  soldier,  were  sentenced  to  be  publicly 
whipped. 
The  opinion  that  Cortes's  followers  formed  a  lawless 

25 


20  Letters  of  Cortes 

band  of  marauders,  which  rioted  unchecked  through 
Mexico,  pillaging,  torturing,  and  outraging  the  natives, 
has  been  lightly  formed,  and  too  generally  accepted. 
These  facts,  however,  point  to  a  different  state  of  things. 
—  We  read  in  the  first  letter  the  concise  and  simple 
account  of  the  change  in  the  character  of  the  expedition, 
and  of  the  founding  of  a  Spanish  settlement  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  that  this  decision  originated  spontaneously, 
and  all  but  unanimously,  among  the  members  of  it. 
Their  high  motives — the  conversion  of  barbarians  to  the 
true  faith,  and  the  subjection  of  vast  and  fabulously 
rich  kingdoms  to  the  Spanish  crown — impelled  them  in 
these  superlative  interests  to  set  aside  the  trivial  pro- 
jects of  Diego  Velasquez,  and  to  impose  upon  Cortes 
the  office  of  His  Majesty's  lieutenant.  They  required  his 
acceptance  of  this  duty  by  formal  act  of  a  notary  public, 
and  under  menace  of  reporting  his  disloyalty  to  the 
emperor  should  he  refuse  to  comply  with  the  will  of  the 
community.  Thus,  from  the  simple  commander  of  a 
few  trading  vessels  commissioned  by  the  Governor  of 
Cuba  to  take  soundings  and  exchange  Spanish  beads  for 
Mexican  gold,  in  the  interest  of  his  employer,  Cortes 
appears,  transformed  into  the  Spanish  sovereign's  lawful 
representative,  holding  power  conferred  by  a  legally 
established  Spanish  municipal  corporation,  recognising 
no  superior  in  the  new  world,  and  exercising  his  functions 
in  the  royal  name ;  and  the  band  of  adventurers  becomes 
a  regularly  organised  colony,  with  its  administration  and 
its  municipal  officers  bearing  the  same  titles,  and  em- 
powered to  perform  the  same  functions,  as  though  the 
scrambling  settlement  of  Vera  Cruz  were  stately  Seville 
or  historic  Toledo.  All  these  creations  are  described  as 
existing  subject  to  an  expression  of  the  sovereign's 
will,  and  the  royal  sanction  for  all  that  had  been  done 
in  the  interest  of  the  crown  is  humbly  petitioned. 

In  dealing  with  the  Indians  the  same  strict  observ^ance 


The  Conqueror  27 

of  legal  form  was  never  once  relaxed.  They  were  first 
invited  to  renounce  idolatry  and  embrace  Christianity; 
and  they  were  "required  " — ^just  as  solemnly  as  Cortes 
was  by  the  Vera  Cruz  magistrates — to  acknowledge  the 
supremacy  of  the  vSpanish  crown.  A  notary  public 
performed  this  function  of  his  office  as  gravely  as  a  sheriff 
in  our  own  day  reads  the  riot  act,  and  calls  on  a  mob  to 
disperse  before  resorting  to  force.  That  the  "  require- 
ment "  was  unintelligible  to  the  Indians  did  not  invalidate 
the  act  of  promulgation.  The  strength,  also,  of  Co-rtes's 
position  invariably  lay  in  the  identity  of  his  ambitions 
with  the  interests  of  the  crown;  he  was  always  right.  By 
no  other  conceivable  policy  could  he  have  accomplished 
what  he  did.  The  men  whom  Velasquez,  in  his  helpless 
rage,  sent  to  supersede  or  overthrow  him,  were  mere 
playthings  for  his  far-seeing  statecraft  and  his  overpower- 
ing will.  The  story  of  these  events  appears  in  all  its 
wonderful  simplicity  and  astounding  significance,  told 
in  Cortes's  own  words  in  these  letters,  which  have  been 
compared  with  the  Commentaries  of  Csesar  on  his 
campaigns  in  Gaul,  without  suffering  by  the  comparison. 
Gaul,  when  overrun  and  conquered  by  Julius  Cassar, 
possessed  no  such  political  organisation  as  did  the  Aztec 
Empire  when  it  was  subdued  by  Cortes.  There  were 
neither  cities  comparable  with  Tlascala  and  Cholula,  nor 
was  there  any  central  military  organisation  corresponding 
to  the  triple  alliance  of  Tenochtitlan,Texcoco,andTlaco- 
pan,  with  their  \ast  dependencies,  from  which  countless 
hordes  of  warriors  were  drawn.  On  the  other  hand 
while  Caesar  led  the  flower  of  the  Roman  legions,  Cortes 
captained  a  mixed  band  of  a  few  hundred  men,  ill-trained, 
undisciplined,  indifferent  to  schemes  of  conquest,  and  bent 
only  on  their  own  individual  aggrandisement;  of  whom 
many  were  also  disaffected  towards  the  commanders, 
and  required  alternate  cajoling  and  threats  to  hold  them 
in  hand.     The  very  men  who  were  sent  under  Narvaez 


2  8  Letters  of  Cortes 

to  take  him  alive  or  dead,  and  bring  him  back  to  the 
vengeance  of  Diego  Velasquez,  were  won  over  to  his  stand- 
ard, and  fought  under  his  leadership  until  Mexico  fell, 
while  their  rightful  commander  lay  a  prisoner  at  Vera 
Cruz.  Tapia  was  stripped  of  his  goods  and  bundled 
ignominiously  back  to  Cuba  with  their  price  in  his  pock- 
ets, and  Cortes' s  delusive  arguments  in  his  ears,  and, 
when  Francisco  de  Garay's  mission  am  ved  by  a  fortuitous 
coincidence,  simultaneously  with  the  long  delayed  royal 
commission  which  recognised  Cortes  as  Captain-General 
of  the  New  Spain,  his  men  also  enthusiastically  deserted 
in  a  body  to  Cortes,  leaving  Garay  to  humble  himself 
before  the  man  he  had  come  to  supplant,  and  to  remain  as 
his  guest  until  death  suddenly  brought  his  career  to  an 
end. 

Nothing  more  disastrous  for  Spain  or  for  Mexico  could 
be  imagined  than  the  success  of  any  one  of  these  ignorant 
and  incompetent  men.  The  mission  of  Cristobal  de 
Tapia  and  its  inglorious  failure  illustrate  the  deplorable 
conflict  of  authorities  which  rendered  the  Spanish  colonial 
administration  of  that  time  ahnost  farcical.  The  con- 
fusion and  uncertainty  prevailing  in  the  direction  of 
colonial  affairs  left  many  loopholes  of  escape  for  all  who 
wished  to  disregard  unpalatable  orders.  The  President 
of  the  Royal  Council  for  the  Indies,  who  was  in  reality 
the  highest  authority,  might  order  one  thing,  but  the 
Jeronymite  Fathers,  who  were  supported  by  the  audiencia 
in  Hispaniola,  and  who  exercised  vague  but  supreme 
power  in  the  Islands,  would  oppose  or  suspend  the  exe- 
cution of  his  commands.  There  was  also  the  Viceroy 
with  his  immense  pretensions  to  be  considered,  and  the 
Governors  of  Cuba  and  Jamaica,  who  were  jealous  of  any 
trespass  on  their  prerogatives,  while  over  allthere  was  the 
Sovereign,  from  whom  cédulas  or  decrees  could  be  ob- 
tained granting  jurisdiction  which  contradicted  the  exer- 
cise of  authority  already  established,  or  annulled  all  other 


The  Conqueror  29 

orders.  As  Cristobal  de  Tapia  brought  no  letters  from 
the  Emperor,  but  only  from  the  President  of  the 
Council,  the  lieutenant  at  Vera  Cruz,  while  receiving 
him  with  respect,  and  protesting  every  intention  to  ob- 
serve his  commands,  declared  that  his  credentials  must 
first  be  submitted  to  the  Municipal  Council.  That  rather 
vagrant  body  was  composed  chieñy  of  captains,  who  were 
either  in  Mexico  with  Cortes,  or  off  executing  his  orders 
in  various  places,  and  it  was  not  an  easy  thing  to  unite 
them  promptly.  Cortes  claimed  to  hold  his  authority 
from  that  Council,  which  he  had  himself  created,  and  which 
in  its  turn  recognised  no  superior  short  of  the  Emperor. 
Treating  with  Tapia  through  Fray  Pedro  Melgarejo  de 
Urea,  and  members  of  the  Council,  it  was  quickly  dis- 
covered that  he  was  accessible  to  golden  arguments,  so 
he  was  loaded  with  gifts,  and,  after  selling  his  negro  slaves, 
horses,  amis,  etc.,  at  a  good  price,  he  consented  to  return 
to  Hispaniola.  Here  he  was  sharply  censured  by  the 
audiencia  and  the  Jeronymites,  who  had  originally  for- 
bidden him  to  land  in  Mexico,  or  interfere  in  any  way  with 
the  conquests  of  Cortes. 

The  foundations  of  a  liberal  and  independent  colonial 
administration  already  existed  in  Mexico,  on  which  a 
stable  system  of  government  might  have  been  built  up, 
but  unfortunately  these  principles,  which  were  better 
known  to  Spaniards  in  that  century  than  to  any  other 
continental  people,  were  in  their  decadence.  Under 
Charles  V.,  began  the  disintegration  of  the  people's 
liberties,  which  affected  likewise  the  government  of  all 
the  dependencies,  and  the  system  of  rule  by  Viceroys 
and  a  horde  of  rapacious  bureaucrats  was  initiated, 
which  lasted  in  Latin-America  until  the  last  Spanish 
colony  disappeared  with  the  proclamation  of  Cuba's 
independence. 

Cortes  was  daring  but  never  rash.  His  plans  were 
carefully  formed,   and   his  decisions  were   the  result  of 


3©  Letters  of  Cortes 

cautious  calculations  which  seemed  to  take  cognisance 
of  every  emergency,  to  forestall  every  risk.  In  the  exe- 
cution of  his  designs,  he  was  as  relentless  as  he  was  daring. 
Both  his  resolution  and  his  perseverance  were  implacable, 
and  those  who  did  not  choose  to  bend  to  his  will  were 
made  to  break;  but  if  his  hand  was  iron,  soft  was  the 
velvet  of  his  glove.  Sois  mon  frhe  on  je  te  tue,  de- 
scribes his  dealings  with  all  about  him.  Equanimity  and 
resolution  w^ere  the  chief  characteristics  of  his  conduct. 
His  self-possession  was  never  disturbed  by  misfortune, 
and  as  he  sustained  success  without  undue  elation,  so  did 
he  support  reverses  with  fortitude,  recognising  defeat 
as  a  momentary  check,  but  never  accepting  it  as  final. 

Besides  being  compared  with  Julius  Ccesar  as  a  general, 
he  has  been  ranked  with  Augustus  and  Charles  V. 
as  a  statesman,  and  he  unquestionably  possessed  many 
of  the  qualities  essential  to  greatness  in  common  with 
them.  He  ruled  his  motley  band  with  a  happy  mixture 
of  genial  comradeship  and  inflexible  discipline,  and  hence 
succeeded,  where  an  excess  of  either  the  one  or  the  other 
would  have  brought  failure.  He  knew  whom  and  when 
to  trust,  giving  his  friendship  he  avoided  favouritism, 
with  the  consequence  that  his  men  were  united  by 
the  bond  of  a  common  trust  in  their  commander.  He 
shared  their  hardships,  sympathised  with  their  sufferings, 
and  joined  in  their  pleasures,  but  he  hanged  a  soldier 
who  robbed  an  Indian,  he  cut  off  the  feet  of  another  who 
plotted  desertion,  while, 'in  the  supreme  moment  when  the 
conspiracy  to  kill  him  was  discovered  in  Texcoco,  he 
hanged  the  leader  before  his  own  door,  but  wisely  ignored 
the  trembling  accomplices,  though  he  had  the  list  of  their 
names  in  his  pocket  at  the  time. 

From  the  moment  Cortes  learned  from  the  Indian 
chief  of  Cempoal  that  the  Aztec  rule  was  heavy  on  the 
subject  tribes,  and  that  disloyalty  seethed  throughout 
the  Empire  only  waiting  the  propitious  moment  to  throw 


The  Conqueror  31 


off  the  supremacy  of  fear,  his  plan  to  unite  all  the  dis-" 
contented  elements  in  the  land  under  his  standard,  and 
to  overthrow  Montezuma  by  the  very  instrument  his  own 
cruelties  and  extortions  had  created,  took  shape.  His 
first  move  was  to  persuade  the  Cacique  of  Cempoal  to 
refuse  the  tribute  of  twenty  men  for  sacrifice,  and  to 
imprison  the  collectors  sent  by  Montezuma;  by  this  act 
of  open  rebellion  the  Totonac  tribes  exposed  themselves 
to  the  summary  vengeance  of  the  Aztecs,  and  were  left 
with  the  sole  hope  of  alliance  with  the  Spaniards  to  save 
themselves  from  the  consequences  of  their  insubordination . 
This  much  accomplished,  the  next  step  was  to  win  the 
gratitude  of  the  tax  collectors,  and  put  Montezuma  under 
obligations.  This  was  done  by  opposing  the  Cempoalans' 
wish  to  sacrifice  the  collectors  forthwith,  and  by  later 
arranging  for  the  escape  by  night  of  two  of  them,  and 
sending  them  to  Montezuma  with  his  expressions  of  re- 
gret at  the  indignities  they  had  suffered,  and  his  assurance 
to  the  Emperor  that  he  would  also  effect  the  escape 
of  the  remaining  three.  These  he  held  as  hostages,  for 
when  the  escape  of  the  two  became  known  the  next  day, 
Cortes  feigned  great  wrath  at  the  negligence  of  the  guards 
and,  in  order  to  secure  the  remaining  prisoners,  he  put 
them  in  irons  and  sent  them  on  board  one  of  his  own 
caravels.  The  news  of  these  events  spread  quickly, 
and  the  Totanacs,  convinced  that  the  hour  of  successful 
revolt  against  Aztec  oppression  was  at  hand,  rose  as  one 
man  against  Montezuma,  and  committed  their  lives  and 
fortunes  to  the  Spaniards.  This  result  was  a  diplomatic 
victory  of  no  mean  value. 

He  next  beat  the  Tlascalans,  not  into  submission  but 
into  an  alliance,  and  this  pact  he  cemented  by  every  art 
of  which  he  was  master.  The  astonishment,  which  many 
have  lightly  expressed,  that  a  mighty  state  should  be  so 
easily  invaded  and  overthrown  by  a  handful  of  adventurers 
is  considerably  lessened  when  the    political    and    racial 


32  Letters  of  Cortes 

conditions  in  the  decaying  Empire  are  understood,  and 
the  part  played  by  the  Tlascalans  in  the  conquest  is  rightly 
estimated.  They  were  a  warlike  people  who  had  preserved 
the  independence  of  their  mountain  republic  against  the 
might  of  Montezuma,  somewhat  as  the  Montenegrins 
have  ever  defended  themselves  against  the  Ottoman 
power.  They  were  from  a  military  point  of  view  the 
equals,  if  not  the  superiors,  of  the  Aztecs  in  the  field, 
fighting  with  the  same  w^eapons  and  employing  like 
tactics ;  hence  one  hundred  thousand  Tlascalans,  captained 
by  Cortes,  who  came  as  the  fulfiller  of  prophecies,  almost 
a  supernatural  being  with  demigods  in  his  train,  com- 
manding thunder  and  lightning,  and  mounted  upon 
unknown  and  formidable  beasts,  were  invincible.  The 
Tlascalans  had  long  bided  the  time  for  their  vengeance, 
and  in  the  alliance  with  Cortes  they  saw  their  opportunity. 
In  two  potential  moments  Tlascala  held  the  balance  of 
victory  or  defeat,  and  a  hair  would  have  tipped  it  either 
way.  When  the  famished,  blood-stained  remnant  of  the 
Spaniards,  flying  from  the  horrors  of  the  Noche  Triste, 
fell  exhausted  at  the  gates  of  their  capital,  to  annihilate 
them  was  within  their  choice,  but  these  loyal,  short- 
sighted Indians  stood  fast  to  their  bond,  took  the  wreck 
of  the  army  in  as  brothers,  nursed  them,  cured  their 
wounds,  and  played  the  good  Samaritan  with  suicidal 
success.  Again,  without  the  brigantines,  the  capture  of 
Mexico  was  more  than  doubtful ;  the  brigantines  meant 
famine  for  the  invested  city,  and  even  with  them  it 
took  seventy-five  days  to  reduce  it.  Tlascala  provided 
the  material,  built  the  brigantines,  paid  for  them,  and 
sent  eight  thousand  men  to  carry  them  across  the  moun- 
tain passes,  escorted  by  twenty  thousand  more  to  pro- 
tect the  convoy,  and  finally  built  the  canal  from  which 
they  were  launched  on  the  lake  of  Texcoco.  Throw 
the  weight  of  Tlascala  on  the  Aztec  side,  and  the  history 
of  the  conquest  of  Mexico  would  have  to  be  re-written. 


The  Conqueror  33 

But  even  these  brave  people  were  wanting  in  the  true 
spirit  of  unity  and  discipHne  essential  to  the  success 
of  large  military  operations,  and  their  leaders,  despite 
their  unquestioned  bravery,  invited  defeat  by  their  foolish 
jealousies  and  petty  quarrels  over  questions  of  personal 
vanity.  The  Indian  tribes  in  Mexico  would  indeed  seem 
to  have  been  destitute  of  patriotic  sentiment;  tribal 
feeling  undoubtedly  existed,  but  was,  unfortunately  for 
them,  a  source  rather  of  disunion  than  a  bond  of  strength. 
In  his  description  of  the  engagements  between  the 
armies  under  Xicotencatl  and  the  forces  of  Cortes,  Bemal 
Diaz  ascribes  the  victory  to  three  causes,  saying  that 
next  to  God's  help,  it  was  owing  to  the  cavalry  (as  the 
elephants  of  Pyrrhus  struck  terror  to  the  Romans,  so 
did  the  Spaniards'  horses  spread  panic  amongst  the 
Indians) ;  secondly  to  the  inexperience  of  the  Tlascalans, 
which  prevented  their  bringing  up  their  troops  without 
confusion,  instead  of  which  they  massed  them  together, 
thus  enabling  the  Spanish  artiller^^  to  do  fearful  execution 
amongst  them;  and  finally  because  the  forces  of  Guaxo- 
cingo,  commanded  by  the  chief  Chichimecatl,  did  not 
support  the  action  of  the  commander-in-chief,  owing 
to  their  leader's  sulkiness  over  some  observations  of 
Xicotencatl  on  his  conduct  during  the  engagement  of  the 
previous  day.  This  chieftain  was  plagued  with  a  morbid 
touchiness  which  despoiled  his  bravery  of  its  virtue,  and 
Cortes  later  mentions  with  what  difficulty  he  was  induced 
to  take  the  rear-guard  rather  than  the  lead,  during  the 
famous  convoy  of  the  brigantines  from  Tlascala  over  the 
mountain  passes  to  the  lake  of  Texcoco,  and  how  he 
was  only  finally  persuaded  by  being  assured  that  the 
rear-guard  was  the  post  of  greatest  honour  and  danger; 
even  then  he  made  the  condition  that  no  Spaniards  should 
share  the  responsibility  with  him.  Similar  rivalries  pre- 
vailed likewise  in  the  Senate,  and  during  the  discussion  on 
the  reception  to  be  given  the  Spaniards,  the  venerable 

VOL.  I. — 3 


34  Letters  of  Cortes 

princes  actually  came  to  blows.  The  story  of  the  con- 
quest is,  on  the  Indian  side,  a  humiliating  recital  of 
treachery,  mutual  betrayals,  and  tribe  plotting  against 
tribe,  each  foolishly  thinking  to  use  the  Spaniards  as  an 
instrument  of  vengeance  against  their  neighbours,  whereas 
the  fact  was  that  the  astute  Cortes  saw  with  eminent 
satisfaction  these  enervating  dissensions,  all  of  which 
he  deftly  turned  to  his  own  profit. 

A  perpetual  coming  and  going  of  Aztec  ambassadors  ac- 
companied the  march  from  Vera  Cruz.  These  unfortunate 
messengers,  burdened  with  conflicting  and  impossible 
instructions,  must  have  felt  themselves  sent  upon  a  fool's 
errand,  pulled  hither  and  thither  according  as  Monte- 
zuma's hopes  or  fears  happened  to  be  in  the  ascendant. 
The  task  of  turning  back  the  obnoxious  strangers,  but 
without  offending  them,  lest,  being  gods,  they  might  wreak 
vengeance  on  the  Empire,  was  laid  upon  them.  They 
carefully  watched  and  quickly  reported  every  step  in  ad- 
vance made  by  the  Spaniards,  but  their  despatches  were 
disheartening  reading  for  their  imperial  master,  being 
but  chronicles  of  Spanish  victories,  and  the  defection 
of  provinces.  Only  half  convinced,  yet  not  daring  to 
disclose  his  doubts,  of  the  semi-divine  character  of  the 
invaders,  Montezuma  ordered  every  attention  to  be 
lavished  upon  them,  while  at  the  same  time  he  consulted 
astrologers  and  magicians  to  discover  some  means  to  bane 
the  pests,  or  inspired  plans  for  their  destruction,  as  at 
Cholula,  where,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  plot,  he  disa- 
vowed responsibility,  and  left  the  Cholulans  to  sufier 
the  consequences. 

The  absence  or  control  of  impulse  in  Cortes  saved  him 
from  many  a  disaster  which  daring  alone  would  have 
brought  upon  a  leader  of  equal  boldness  but  less  wisdom, 
placed  as  he  was.  Perhaps  the  most  supremely  audacious 
act  which  history  records  is  the  seizure  of  Montezuma  in 
the  midst  of  his  own  court,  and  his  conveyance  to  the 


The  Conqueror  35 

Spanish  quarters;  an  undertaking  so  stupefying  in  its 
conception  and  so  incredible  in  its  execution  that  only 
the  multitude  and  unanimity  of  testimony  serve  to 
remove  it  from  the  sphere  of  fable  into  that  of  history. 
This,  however,  was  not  an  act  of  mere  daring,  but  as  he 
explains  to  the  Emperor  in  his  second  letter,  a  measure  of 
carefully  pondered  policy.  We  are  now  accustomed  to 
see  "political  agents,"  or  financial  and  military  "ad- 
visers," near  the  persons  of  nominal  rulers,  to  whom  the 
controlling  foreign  power  concedes  sufficient  semblance 
of  independence  to  mask  their  essential  servitude,  but 
the  system  of  ruling  a  nation  through  the  person  of  its 
enslaved  sovereign  originated  with  the  seizure  of  Monte- 
zuma by  Cortes.  He  was  a  man  of  unfeigned  piety,  of 
the  stuff  of  which  martyrs  are  made,  nor  did  his  conviction 
that  he  was  leading  a  holy  crusade  to  win  lost  souls  to 
salvation  ever  waver.  He  says  in  his  Ordenanzas  at 
Tlascala,  that,  were  the  war  carried  on  for  any  other 
motive  than  to  overthrow  idolatry  and  to  secure  the 
salvation  of  so  many  souls  by  converting  the  Indians  to 
the  holy  faith,  it  would  be  unjust  and  obnoxious,  nor 
would  the  Emperor  be  justified  in  rewarding  those  who 
took  part  in  it. 

Among  other  ordinances  governing  the  moral  and 
religious  welfare  of  the  people  in  Mexico  after  the  con- 
quest, was  one  which  prescribed  attendance  at  the  in- 
structions in  Christian  doctrine,  given  on  Sundays  and 
feast  days  under  pain  of  stripes.  The  Jesuit  historian 
Cavo  {Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico,  torn,  i.,  p.  151)  says 
that  on  one  occasion  when  Cortes  had  himself  been  absent, 
he  was  reprimanded  from  the  pulpit  on  the  following 
Sunday,  and,  to  the  stupefaction  of  the  Indians,  sub- 
mitted to  the  prescribed  flogging  in  public.  Cortes  re- 
sembled the  publican  who  struck  his  breast  and  invoked 
mercy  for  his  sins,  rather  than  the  Pharisee  who  found 
his  chief   cause   for  thankfulness   in   the  contemplation 


36  Letters  of  Cortes 

his  own  superior  virtues.  Prescott  was  uncertain  whether 
this  submission  to  a  public  whipping  should  be  at- 
tributed to  "bigotry  "  or  to  "  policy."  It  seems  to  have 
been  first  of  all  an  act  of  simple  consistency  by  which 
the  commander  sanctioned  the  law  he  had  himself  es- 
tablished. Precept  is  ever  plentiful  but  example  is  the 
better  teacher,  and  a  more  striking  and  unforgetable 
example  of  the  equality  of  all  under  the  law,  it  would 
indeed  be  difficult  to  find  in  history.  The  policy  of 
demonstrating  that  no  one's  faults  were  exempt  from 
the  punishment  provided  by  the  law  was  unquestionably 
present,  and  deserving  only  of  applause,  but  for  bigotry 
there  seems  to  be  no  place  whatever,  unless  indeed  the 
provision  of  compulsory  instruction  for  both  the  natives 
and  the  Spaniards  in  Christian  doctrine  be  so  described. 

His  rehgious  zeal  was  sometimes  intemperate,  nor 
was  it  always  guided  by  prudence,  but  he  usually  showed 
wisdom  in  submitting  to  the  restraining  influence  of  some 
handy  friar  whose  saner  and  more  persuasive  methods 
promised  surer  results  than  his  own  strenuous  system  of 
conversion  would  have  secured.  Nowhere  is  the  vindica- 
tion of  the  religious  orders  in  dealing  with  native  races 
more  convincingly  established  than  in  the  history  of 
their  early  relations  with  the  Mexicans.  The  restraints 
the  com.mander  placed  on  the  license  of  his  soldiers  might 
well  have  been  prompted  by  his  policy  of  winning  the 
friendly  confidence  of  the  Indians,  but  his  measures  for 
repressing  profanity  of  every  sort,  gambling  and  other 
camp  vices,  and  his  insistence  upon  daily  mass  and 
prayer  before  and  thanksgivings  after  battle,  are  traceable 
to  no  such  motive,  and  it  is  more  than  once  recorded  that 
the  Indians  were  profoundly  impressed  by  the  decorous 
solemnity  of  the  religious  ceremonies  and  the  devotion 
shown  by  the  Spaniards. 

Shortcomings  in  the  practice  of  the  moral  precepts  of 
religion,  either  in  that  century  or  in  this,  are  not  con- 


The  Conqueror  37 

fined  to  men  who  find  themselves  cut  adrift  from  the 
usual  restraints  of  civilised  society,  isolated  and  para- 
mount amidst  barbarians,  whose  inferior  moral  standard 
provides  constant  and  easy  temptations  to  lapse,  and, 
while  it  were  as  difficult  as  it  is  unnecessary  to  attempt 
a  defence  of  the  excesses  which  the  Spaniards  undoubtedly 
committed  in  Mexico,  it  is  equally  impossible  to  condemn 
them  as  exceptional.  Commenting  upon  the  strange 
contradiction  between  professed  piety,  and  practised 
vice  and  cruelty,  Prescott  writes:  "When  we  see  the 
hand,  red  with  the  blood  of  the  wretched  native,  raised 
to  invoke  the  blessing  of  heaven,  we  experience  something 
like  a  sensation  of  disgust,  and  a  doubt  of  its  sincerity." 
The  distinguished  historian  here  voices  a  facile  assumption 
all  too  common  amongst  many  who,  lacking  his  luminous 
comprehension  of  the  spirit  of  that  age,  commit  the 
injustice  of  measuring  the  acts  of  its  men  by  the  more 
humane  standards  of  our  own  times.  He  himself  acquits 
Cortes  of  the  imputation  of  insincerity,  and  declares  that 
no  one  who  reads  his  correspondence,  or  studies  the  events 
of  his  career,  can  doubt  that  he  would  have  been  the 
first  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  Faith.  Too  many  barriers, 
however,  interposed  between  the  Anglo-Saxon  protestant 
historian  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  the  Spanish  Catho- 
licism of  the  sixteenth  to  allow  even  one  of  his  superior  his- 
torical acumen  to  accurately  appreciate  the  operation  of 
religious  influences  on  the  character  of  such  a  man  as 
Fernando  Cortes,  whose  military  conquest  was  prompted 
in  a  large  measure  by  genuinely  leligious  motives,  but 
whose  fervent  practice  of  the  Church's  teachings  unfortun- 
ately alternated  with  lapses  into  grievous  sensuality. 

Whatever  else  may  be  doubted,  the  religious  sincerity 
and  martial  courage  of  Fernando  Cortes  are   above  im-* 
peachmcnt.     He  was  a  stranger  to  hypocrisy  which  is  a 
smug  vice  of  cowards  and  if  his  reasons  for  acts  of  policy, 
which  cost  many  lives,  may  be  deplored  by  the  humane, 


38  Letters  of  Cortes 

their  honesty  may  be  reasonably  impugned  by  none.  Had 
the  influence  of  his  faith  on  his  morals  been  proportionate 
to  its  strength,  he  would  have  merited  canonisation. 

Sixteenth  century  Spain  produced  a  race  of  Christian 
warriors  whose  piety,  born  of  an  intense  realisation  of, 
and  love  for  a  militant  Christ,  was  of  a  martial  complexion, 
beholding  in  the  symbol  of  salvation — the  Cross — the 
standard  of  Christendom,  around  which  the  faithful  must 
rally,  and  for  whose  protection  and  exaltation  sw^ords 
must  be  drawn  and  blood  spilled  if  need  be.  They  were 
the  children  of  the  generation  which  had  expelled  the 
last  Moor  from  Spain,  and  had  brought  centuries  of  re- 
ligious and  patriotic  w^arfare  to  a  triumphant  close,  in 
which  their  country  w^as  finally  united  under  the  crown 
of  Castile.  From  such  forebears  the  generation  of  Cortes 
received  their  heritage  of  Christian  chivalry.  The  dis- 
covery of  a  new  world,  peopled  by  barbarians,  opened  a 
new  field  to  Spanish  missionary  zeal,  in  which  the  kingdom 
of  God  upon  earth  was  to  be  extended,  and  countless 
souls  rescued  from  the  obscene  idolatries  and  debasing 
cannibalism  which  enslaved  them.  This  was  the  "w^hite 
man's  burden  "which  that  century  laid  on  the  Spaniard's 
shoulders.  To  the  scoffing  philosopher  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  these  crusading  buccaneers  in  whose  characters 
the  mystic  and  the  sensualist  fought  for  the  mastery 
seemed  but  knaves  clumsily  masquerading  as  fools.  The 
fierce  piety,  which  furnished  entertainment  to  the  age 
of  Voltaire,  somewhat  puzzles  our  own.  Expeditions 
now  set  forth  into  dark  continents  unburdened  with 
professions  of  concei-n  for  the  spiritual  or  moral  welfare 
of  the  natives.  Indeed,  nothing  is  deemed  more  f<)olish 
than  attempts  to  interfere  with  the  religious  beliefs  and 
*  practices  of  barbarians,  and  the  commander  in  our  times, 
who  would  overturn  an  idol  merely  to  set  up  a  wooden 
cross,  thereby  exposing  his  followers  to  the  risk  of  being 
massacred,  would   be  court-martialled  and  degraded,  if 


The  Conqueror  39 

indeed  he  ever  ventured  to  return  to  civilisation.  If 
such  work  is  to  be  done  at  all,  there  are  richly  endowed 
missionary  societies  to  attend  to  it.  But  even  the 
equipment  of  the  missionaries  who  undertake  to  carry 
evangelical  doctrine  amongst  savage  peoples  presents 
some  striking  contrasts  to  the  barefooted  Spanish  friars 
who  first  preached  Christianity  to  the  Mexicans.  If  the 
heathen  are  no  longer  brought  by  compulsion  into  the 
light,  we  make  them  pay  a  heavy  indemnity  for  their 
privilege  of  sitting  in  darkness,  and,  whenever  their 
opposition  to  the  dissemination  of  Christian  teaching 
amongst  them  emerges  from  quiesence  into  activity,  a 
warship  is  ready  to  bombard  their  coasts  while  troops 
are  at  hand  to  annex  a  province. 

In  the  eighth  of  Lord  Lyttleton's  Dialogues  of  the  Dead 
the  shades  of  Fernando  Cortes  and  William  Penn  are 
made  to  discourse  with  one  another  upon  the  merits  of 
their  respective  undertakings  in  North  America,  each  ghost 
defending  its  own  system.  Friend  Penn  in  one  passage 
says  to  Cortes: 

I  know  very  well  that  thou  wast  as  fierce  as  a  lion  and  as 
subtle  as  a  serpent.  The  Devil,  perhaps,  may  place  thee  as 
high  in  his  black  list  of  heroes  as  Alexander  or  Caesar.  It  is  not 
my  business  to  interfere  with  him  in  settling  thy  rank.  But 
hark  thee,  Friend  Cortes, — What  right  hadst  thou  or  had  the 
King  of  Spain  himself  to  the  Mexican  Empire?  Answer  me 
that,  if  thou  canst. 

Cortes.     The  Pope  gave  it  to  my  Master. 

Penn.  The  Devil  offered  to  give  our  Lord  all  the  king- 
doms of  the  earth,  and  I  suppose  the  Pope  as  His  Vicar  gave 
thy  Master  this;  in  return  for  which  he  fell  down  and  wor- 
shipped him  like  an  idolater  as  he  was,  etc. 

The  ghost  of  Penn  defends  his  possession  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, allegin^^^e  honest  right  of  fair  purchase ;  to  which 
Cortes  rcplic 


40  Letters  of  Cortes 

I  am  afraid  there  was  a  little  fratcd  in  the  purchase — thy 
followers,  William  Perm,  are  said  to  think  cheating  in  a  quiet, 
sober  way  no  mortal  sin. 

The  verbal  skirmish  continues  in  this  vein,  and  con- 
cludes thus: 

Penn.  Ask  thy  heart  whether  ambition  was  not  thy 
real  motive,  and  zeal  the  pretence? 

Cortes.  Ask  thine  whether  thy  zeal  had  no  worldly 
views,  and  whether  thou  didst  believe  all  the  nonsense  of  the 
sect  at  the  head  of  which  thou  wast  pleased  to  become  a 
legislator.     Adieu,  self-examination  requires  retirement. 

The  author  does  not  allow  for  any  clearing  of  the  human 
perceptions  in  the  spirit  world,  and  it  is  probable  that 
had  Fernando  Cortes  and  William  Penn  been  contempo- 
raries and  able  to  discuss  their  respective  systems  of  deal- 
ing with  Indians,  and  founding  settlements,  they  would 
have  found  more  points  of  agreement  than  their  loqua- 
cious ghosts  were  able  to  discover.  The  flaccid  defence 
advanced  by  Cortes' s  shade  betrays  some  deteriora- 
tion of  mental  power,  for  in  his  lifetime  the  conqueror  was 
hardly  less  formidable  in  polemics  than  he  was  on  the 
battle-field,  but,  in  the  feeble  discourse  put  in  the  mouth 
of  this  pale  spirit,  we  find  nothing  of  the  fierceness  of 
the  lion  or  the  subtlety  of  the  serpent  which  Friend  Penn 
attributed  to  Cortes  in  the  flesh. 

Penn's  ghost  professes  to  find  Cortes's  religious  motives 
suspect,  yet  there  are  not  more  proofs  of  his  presence  in 
Mexico  than  there  are  of  his  absolute  belief  in  himself  as  a 
divinely  chosen  instrument  for  the  conversion  of  souls. 
Purging  the  human  soul  from  the  taint  of  idolatry  or 
heresy  by  means  of  physical  torments  is  a  familiar  blot 
on  the  pages  of  the  history  of  religions. 

More  than  a  century  after  the  conquest  of  Mexico  the 
New  England  Puritans  were  torturing  «and  killing  by 
process   of   law, — not   savage   enemies  ^^^threatened 


« 


The  Conqueror  41 

their  security,  but  one  another,  and  all  within  their 
power,  who  dissented  from  their  own  gloomy  and  pecul- 
iar theological  delusions.  They  may  have  believed  in 
the  mercy  of  God,  but  they  grimly  preferred  to  see 
themselves  as  ministers  of  His  wrath. 

Nothing,  more  than  the  exercise  of  great  power  by  a 
conscientious  man,  imbued  with  faith  in  himself  as  a 
chosen  instrument  for  executing  divine  justice  on  his 
fellow  men,  is  surer  to  produce  a  very  Frankenstein  of 
fanaticism,  and  all  peoples  and  creeds  have  furnished 
the  spectacle  of  men  of  professing  godliness,  who  slew 
to  save,  and  whose  claim  to  a  great  mission  was  written 
in  the  blood  of  those  who  were  described  as  God's  enemies. 
There  is  even  Scripture  warranty  for  it.  If  invasion  of  an 
unoffending  nation  for  the  purpose  of  conquest  be  justi- 
fiable, either  by  moral  or  utilitarian  arguments,  then 
the  sufferings  which  inevitable  resistance  must  bring  are 
covered  by  the  same  justifications. 

The  accusation  of  wanton  cruelty,  too  lightly  brought 
against  Cortes  has  been  diligently  propagated  by  the 
interested,  and  complacently  accepted  by  the  indiscrim- 
inating,  until  dissent  from  it  awakens  incredulous  sur- 
prise. Nevertheless,  all  that  can  be  learned  of  his 
character  proves  that  Cortes  was  not  by  nature  cruel,  nor 
did  he  take  wanton  pleasure  in  the  sufferings  of  others. 
Conciliation  and  coercion  were  both  amongst  his  weapons, 
his  natural  preference  being  for  the  former,  as  is  seen  by 
his  never  once  failing  in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians 
to  exhaust  peaceful  methods  before  resorting  to  force. 
The  secret  of  carrying  on  a  war  of  conquest  mercifully 
has  not  yet  been  discovered,  and  recent  reports  from 
Africa  and  the  Philippines  do  not  show  much  advance 
on  the  policy  of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico  four  hundred 
years  ago,  though  it  cannot  be  pretended  that  our 
modern  expeditions  are  attended  by  the  perils,  known, — 
and    most  ^of    all    the    unknown, — which    awaited    the 


42  Letters  of  Cortes 

ignorant  adventurers  in  the  New  World  at  every 
turn. 

There  were  three  ends  which  according  to  Cortes' s 
ethics  justified  any  measures  for  their  accomplishment, 
I  St,  the  spread  of  the  faith,  2nd,  the  subjugation  of  the 
Indians  to  Spanish  rule,  and  3rd,  the  possession  of  their 
treasures;  and  as  his  narrative  of  the  conquest  unfolds 
itself,  it  will  be  seen  that  his  resolution  stopped  at  nothing 
for  the  achievement  of  these  ends.  But  there  is  no 
instance  of  tortures  and  suffering  being  treated  by  him 
as  a  sport.  Whether  he  might  not  have  accomplished 
all  he  did  with  less  bloodshed,  is  a  purely  speculative 
question.  Fr.  Acosta  {Storia  de  ¡as  Indias,  lib.  vü.,  cap. 
XXV.)  states  that  so  entirely  were  the  Mexicans  imbued 
with  the  belief  that  the  Spaniards  came  in  fulfilment  of  the 
prophecy  of  their  most  beneficent  deity,  Quetzalcoatl,  that 
Montezuma  would  have  abdicated,  and  the  whole  empire 
have  passed  into  their  hands  without  a  struggle,  had 
Cortes  but  comprehended  the  force  of  the  prevailing 
superstition,  and  met  the  popular  expectation  by  rising 
consistently  to  his  role  of  demigod.  There  are  facts 
which  tend  to  lend  weight  to  this  argument,  and  had  Cortes 
but  realised  the  possibilities,  he  might  have  been  equal  to 
the  part,  though  his  followers  fell  so  lamentably  short, 
that  it  is  doubtful  if  the  illusion  could  have  been  long 
sustained.  As  it  was,  the  awful  tragedy  of  the  Sorrowful 
Night,  and  the  downfall,  amidst  bloodshed  and  suffering 
unspeakable  of  Mexico,  was  precipitated  by  the  brutal 
folly  of  Alvarado, — not  of  Cortes. 

In  his  relations  with  women,  Cortes  shows  his  primi- 
tive polygamous  temperament.  Even  at  the  age  of 
sixteen  in  his  native  Medellin,  we  find  him  falling  from 
a  wall  and  all  but  losing  his  life  in  an  amorous  adventure 
with  an  anonymous  fair  one,  and  throughout  his  life 
these  intrigues  succeeded  one  another  unbrokenly;  but 
his  loves  were  so  entirely  things  "of  his  life  apart,"  that 


The  Conqueror  43 

their  influence  upon  his  motives  or  his  actions  is  never 
discernible.  In  Cuba  his  role  of  Don  Juan  brought  him 
into  a  conflict  with  the  Governor,  which  was  the  origin 
of  their  life-long  duel  for  supremacy  in  the  colonies.  But 
Catalina  Xuarez,  about  whom  the  trouble  ñrst  began,  is 
quickly  lost  sight  of;  she  passes  like  a  pale  shade  across 
that  epoch  of  her  husband's  life,  and  is  never  heard  of 
again,  until  her  uninvited  presence  in  Mexico,  followed 
quickly  by  her  unlamented  death,  is  briefly  mentioned. 
The  most  important  woman  in  his  life  was  his  Indian 
interpreter,  Marina,  and  some  writers  have  sought  to 
weave  a  romance  into  the  story  of  their  relations,  for  which 
there  seems,  upon  examination,  to  be  little  enough  sub- 
stantial material.  During  the  period  when  she  was  in- 
dispensable to  the  business  in  hand,  she  was  never 
separated  from  Cortes,  but  we  know  that  he  was  not 
faithful  to  her  even  then,  while,  as  soon  as  she  ceased 
to  be  necessary,  she  was  got  rid  of  as  easily  as  she  had 
been  acquired. 

Montezuma  gave  him  his  daughter,  who  first  received 
Christian  baptism  to  render  her  worthy  of  the  commander's 
companionship,  and  was  known  as  Doña  Ana.  She 
lived  openly  with  Cortes  in  his  quarters,  and  had  with 
her,  her  two  sisters,  Inez  and  Elvira,  and  a  sister  of  the 
King  of  Texcoco  who  was  called  Doña  Francisca.  Doña 
Ana  was  killed  during  the  retreat  on  the  Sorrowful  Night, 
and  was  pregnant  at  the  time.  A  third  daughter  of  the 
Emperor,  Doña  Isabel,  married  Alonso  de  Grado,  who 
shortly  afterwards  died,  when  she  also  passed  into  the 
household  of  the  conqueror,  to  whom  she  bore  a  daughter. 
(Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cvii. ;  Bernaldino  Vasquez  de  Tapia, 
tom.  ii.,  pp.  244,  305-306;  Gonzalo  Mejia,  tom.  ii.,  pp. 
240-241) .  According  to  Juan  Tirado  two  of  Montezuma's 
daughters  bore  sons  to  Cortes,  and  one  bore  a  daughter. 
(Orozco  y  Berra,  Conquista  de  Mcxico,lib.  ii.,cap.  vi.,  note.) 

In    his    last    will,    Cortes    mentions    another    natural 


44  Letters  of  Cortes 

daughter,  whose  mother  was  Leonor  Pizarro,  who  after- 
wards married  Juan  de  Salcedo. 

It  is  thus  positively  known  that  besides  Marina,  there 
were  four  other  ladies  who  shared  in  his  affections  during 
this  period  of  the  conquest,  and  meanwhile  his  first  wife 
Catalina  Xuarez  la  Marcaida  was  alive  in  Cuba.  These 
undisguised  philanderings  must  have  somewhat  blighted 
Marina's  romance. 

His  marriage  with  Doña  Juana  de  Zufíiga  took  place 
when  he  was  at  the  zenith  of  his  fame.  The  advantages 
such  an  alliance  with  a  noble  and  powerful  family  of 
Castile  seemed  to  promise,  though  many,  were  perhaps 
not  as  tangible  as  the  ambitious  conqueror  had  hoped. 
The  marriage  was  negotiated  before  he  and  the  lady  had 
met,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  less  happy  for 
this  conformity  to  a  custom  which  at  that  time  was  uni- 
versal in  noble  families.  Doña  Juana  could  have  seen 
but  little  of  her  restless  husband,  who  was  perpetually 
engaged  elsewhere,  but  she  was  a  good  wife,  and  loved 
him,  just  as  did  Catalina  Xuarez  and  all  his  mistresses 
while  his  uxorious  instincts  made  it  easy  for  him  to  be 
equally  happy  with  all  of  them.  He  was  affectionate  and 
tender,  devoted  to  all  of  his  children,  distinguishing  but 
little  between  his  legitimate  and  his  natural  offspring  in 
a  truly  patiarchal  fashion.  For  the  latter  he  secured 
Bulls  of  legitimacy  from  the  Pope,  and  provided  generously 
in  his  will.  Not  less  strong  was  his  filial  piety,  and  among 
the  first  treasure  sent  to  Spain,  there  went  gifts  to  his 
father  and  mother  in  Medellin,  and,  after  his  father's 
death,  he  brought  his  mother  to  Mexico,  where  she  died, 
and  was  buried  in  the  vault  at  Texcoco,  where  his  own 
body  was  afterwards  laid. 

The  Fifth  Letter  reports  the  events  of  his  long  journey 
of  exploration  through  Yucatan.  In  setting  forth  on 
this  expedition  which  was  to  cover  a  distance  of  five 
hundred  leagues  through  savage  wilds,  Cortes  affected 


The  Conqueror  45 

the  pomp  of  an  Oriental  satrap,  taking  with  him  besides 
the  necessary  soldiers,  guides,  Indian  allies,  and  camp 
followers,  a  complete  household  of  stewards,  valets, 
pages,  grooms,  and  other  attendants,  all  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  major-domo  of  the  household.  Gold  and 
silver  plate  for  his  table  was  provided,  also  musicians, 
jugglers,  and  acrobats  to  amuse  the  company.  Spanish 
muleteers  and  equerries  were  taken  to  have  charge  of 
the  carriages  and  horses,  and,  in  addition  to  the  usual 
provender,  to  ensure  a  supply  of  meat,  an  immense  drove 
of  pigs  was  driven  along,  which  could  not  have  accelerated 
the  march.  He  had  a  map  painted  on  cloth  by  native 
artists,  which  showed  after  their  fashion  the  rivers  and 
mountain  chains  to  be  crossed.  This  and  his  compass 
were  all  Cortes  could  rely  upon  to  guide  him  during  his 
perilous  undertaking.  Doña  Marina  went  as  chief 
interpreter,  but  Gerónimo  de  Aguilar  did  not  accompany 
this  expedition,  though  he  was  not  dead,  as  Bernal  Diaz 
states,  for  in  1525  he  applied  for  a  piece  of  land  on  which 
to  build  a  house  in  the  street  now  called  Balvanera 
(Alaman,  Dissertazioni  IV.).  The  record  of  these  events, 
however  noteworthy,  may  seem  tame  reading  after  the 
exciting  chronicle  of  the  siege  and  fall  of  Mexico — a  war 
drama  of  the  most  intense  kind,  but,  in  forming  a  correct 
estimate  of  Cortes' s  character  we  must  not  restrict  our- 
selves to  a  study  of  the  qualities  displayed  in  the  course 
of  the  conquest,  and  which  prove  him  a  most  resourceful 
military  genius.  At  five  and  thirty  years  of  age  he  had 
successfully  completed  as  daring  and  momentous  an 
undertaking  as  history  records,  and  it  is  as  conqueror 
of  Mexico  that  he  takes  his  place  among  the  world's 
great  heroes.  M.  Desire  Charnay,  in  the  preface  to  his 
French  translation  of  the  Five  Letters,  says:  ''La  conquete 

de  Cortes coüta  au  Mexiqiie  plus  de  dix  millions 

d'etres  humains  emportés  par  la  guerre,  les  maladies  et 
les  mauvais  traitments:  de  sorte  que  cet'  homme  de  géme 


46  Letters  of  Cortes 

pent  cntrcr  sans  conteste  dans  la  redoutable  phalange  des 
fléaux  de  Vhiimanite." 

His  subsequent  undertakings  called  for  the  exercise 
of  qualities  hardly  less  remarkable,  though  of  a  different 
order,  and  it  was  absence  of  productive  success  which 
has  caused  them  to  be  overlooked  in  a  world  where 
results  count  for  more  than  effort. 

It  was  never  the  policy  of  the  Spanish  crown  to  entrust 
the  government  of  dependencies  to  their  discoverers 
or  conquerors,  and  when  powerful  friends  at  Court  sought 
in  1529  to  prevail  upon  Charles  the  Fifth  to  grant  Cortes 
supreme  power  under  the  crown  in  Mexico,  His  Majesty 
was  not  to  be  persuaded;  and  in  refusing  he  pointed  out 
that  his  royal  precedessors  had  never  done  this,  even 
in  the  case  of  Columbus,  or  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordoba,  the 
conqueror  of  Naples.  Had  it  been  possible,  however, 
for  the  Emperor  to  free  himself  from  the  suspicions  which 
the  persistent  intrigues  of  Cortes's  enemies  fomented, 
especially  from  the  jealous  fear  of  a  possible  aspiration  to 
independent  sovereignty,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the 
wisest  thing,  both  for  Mexico  and  for  the  royal  interests, 
would  have  been  the  installation  of  Cortes  in  as  inde- 
pendent a  vice-royalty  as  was  compatible  with  the  main- 
tenance of  the  royal  supremacy.  While  Cortes,  in 
common  with  all  his  kind,  loved  gold,  he  was  not  a  mere 
vulgar  plunderer,  seeking  to  hastily  enrich  himself,  at 
no  matter  what  cost  to  the  country,  in  order  to  retire 
to  a  life  of  luxury  in  Spain.  Moreover  even  granting 
that  he  had  started  with  no  larger  purpose,  it  is  plain 
that  he  was  himself  at  the  outset  unconscious,  both  of 
his  own  powers  and  of  the  strange  drama  about  to  unfold, 
in  which  destiny  reserved  him  the  first  part.  By  the 
time  the  conquest  was  completed,  his  knowledge  of  the 
possibilities  of  Mexico  had  expanded,  so  that  his  views 
on  all  questions  connected  with  the  occupation,  the 
government  and  the  future  welfare  of  the  country,  had 


The  Conqueror  47 

developed  from  the  schemes  of  a  mere  adventurer  into  the 
poHcy  of  a  statesman.  The  constantly  revived  accusation 
of  aspiring  to  independent  sovereignty  was  a  myth,  for 
the  Emperor  had  no  more  faithful  subject  than  Cortes,  in 
whom  the  dual  mainsprings  of  action  were  religion  and 
loyalty. 

His  better  judgment  condemned  the  system  of  enco- 
miendas, and  only  admitted  slavery  as  a  form  of  punish- 
ment for  the  crime  of  rebellion,  even  then  to  be  mitigated 
by  every  possible  safeguard.  Far  from  driving  the 
natives  from  their  homes,  or  wishing  to  deport  them  to 
the  islands,  he  used  every  inducement  to  encourage  them  to 
remain  in  their  towns,  to  rebuild  their  cities,  and  resume 
their  industries,  realising  full  well  that  the  true  strength 
of  government,  as  well  as  the  surest  source  of  revenue, 
lay  in  a  pacific  and  busy  population.  To  this  end  he 
adopted  the  system  of  restoring  or  maintaining  the  native 
chiefs  in  their  jurisdiction  and  dignity,  imposing  upon 
them  the  obligation  of  ruling  their  tribes, — and  persuading 
those  who  had  been  frightened  away  to  the  mountains 
to  return  to  their  villages.  The  exceptions  to  this  policy 
were  in  the  cases  of  certain  rebellious  princes,  whom  he 
considered  powerful  enough  to  be  dangerous. 

That  Cortes  understood  the  Indians  and  had  a  kindly 
feeling  for  them,  is  proven  many  times  over,  while  the 
proofs  of  their  affection  for  him  are  even  more  numerous. 
Malintzin  was  a  name  to  conjure  with  amongst  them, 
and  while  familiar  relations  with  most  of  the  other  Span- 
iards speedily  bred  contempt,  their  attachment  to  Cortes 
increased  as  time  went  on.  The  iron  policy  which  used 
massacres,  torture,  and  slavery  for  its  instruments  of 
conquest,  did  not  revolt  the  Indians,  since  it  presented 
no  contrast  to  the  usage  common  among  themselves  in 
time  of  war;  vcb  victis  comprised  the  ethics  of  native 
kings,  who  in  addition  to  wars  for  aggrandisement  of 
territory  and  increase  of   glory  also  waged  them  solely 


48  Letters  of  Cortes 

to  obtain  victims  for  the  sacrificial  altars  of  their  gods. 
This  ghastly  levy  ceased  with  the  introduction  of 
Malintzin's  religion,  and  he  brought  no  hitherto  un- 
familiar horror  as  a  substitute  for  it. 

Some  writers  have  even  essayed  to  parallel  the  cruelties 
incident  to  the  procedure  of  the  Inquisition,  and  the 
executions  after  sentence  by  that  tribunal,  with  the  human 
sacrifices  of  the  Aztecs.  Without  here  embarking  upon 
an  investigation  of  the  methods  of  the  Inquisition,  it 
may,  in  strict  justice,  be  pointed  out  that,  as  far  as  Mexico 
was  concerned,  the  researches  of  the  learned  archaeologist, 
Garcia  Icazbalceta,  have  shown  that  during  the  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy  years  of  its  existence  in  that  country, 
the  number  of  persons  delivered  to  the  secular  arm  for 
execution  was  forty-seven  {Bibliografía  Mexicana  del 
Siglo,  XVI.,  page  382).  Moreover  the  Indians  were 
exempt  from  molestation  for  they  were  expressly  defined 
as  being  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Holy  Office. 

Except  the  independent  Tlascalans,  all  the  other 
peoples  of  Anahuac  were  held  in  stern  subjection  by  the 
Aztec  emperor;  heavy  taxes  were  collected  from  them, 
human  life  was  without  value,  torture  was  in  common 
use;  their  sons  were  seized  for  sacrifice,  their  daughters 
replenished  the  harems  of  the  confederated  kings  and  great 
nobles,  so  that  Cortes  was  welcomed  as  the  liberator  of 
subject  peoples,  the  redresser  of  wrongs.  He  had  pro- 
cured them  the  sweets  of  a  long  nourished,  but  despaired 
of,  vengeance,  and,  though  it  was  but  the  exchange  of 
one  master  for  another,  they  tasted  the  satisfaction  of 
having  squared  some  old  scores  with  their  oppressors. 
The  conquest  completed,  Cortes  bent  all  his  efiorts  to 
creating  systems  of  government  under  which  the  different 
peoples  might  live  and  prosper  in  common  security,  and, 
with  the  disappearance  of  the  need  for  them,  the  harsher 
methods  also  vanished.  Few  of  his  cherished  intentions 
were  realised,  however,  and  the  power  which  would  have 


The  Conqueror  49 

enabled  him  to  bring  his  wiser  plans  to  fruition  was 
denied  him. 

The  fruits  of  conquest  are  bitterness  of  spirit  and 
disappointment,  though  Cortes  fared  better  than  his 
great  contemporaries  Columbus,  Balboa,  and  Pizarro, 
who  after  discovering  continents  and  oceans  and  sub- 
duing empires  were  requited  with  chains,  the  scaffold, 
and  the  traitor's  dagger.  True,  he  saw  himself  defrauded 
of  his  deserts,  while  royal  promises  were  found  to  be 
elastic;  and  in  his  last  years  he  was  even  treated  as  an 
importunate  suppliant,  being  excluded  from  the  presence 
of  the  sovereign  to  whose  crown  he  had  given  an  empire. 

Lesser  men  would  have  been  content  with  the  world- 
wide fame,  the  great  title,  and  vast  estates  to  which 
from  modest  beginnings  Cortes  had  risen  in  a  few  brief 
years,  but  a  lesser  man  would  never  have  accomplished 
such  vast  undertakings,  and  it  was  his  curse  that  his 
ambitions  kept  pace  with  his  achievements.  From  the 
fall  of  Mexico  until  his  death,  his  life  was  a  series  of 
disappointments,  unfulfilled  ambitions,  and  petty  miseries, 
due  to  the  malice  of  rivals,  and  the  faithlessness  of 
friends,  relieved  only  by  some  brief  periods  of  splendid 
triumph,  illumined  by  royal  favour.  Even  financial 
embarrassments  were  not  spared  him.  A  curse  was 
on  the  Aztec  gold,  and  it  was  not  enough  that  little 
treasure  was  found  in  the  city,  but  Cortes  must  be  ac- 
cused, in  the  unreasoning  fury  of  the  general  disappoint- 
ment, of  being  in  collusion  with  Quauhtemotzin  to 
conceal  the  hoard  and  share  it  together  later  on.  He 
yielded  to  this  murmuring  and  consented  to  the  torture 
of  the  captive  Emperor,  for  whose  safety  he  had  pledged 
his  word,  thus  staining  his  name  with  an  indelible  blot  of 
shame.  His  journeys  to  Yucatan  and  Honduras,  so  fully 
related  in  the  Fifth  Letter,  would  have  won  renown  for 
another  but  they  added  nothing  to  his  reputation.  The 
several  expeditions  to  the  South  Sea,  and  his  discovery 

VOL.  I. 4 


50  Letters  of  Cortes 

of  California,  all  cost  him  immense  sums,  plunged  him 
into  debt,  and  merely  sei-ved  to  pave  the  way  for  later 
undertakings,  so  that  he  might  with  reason  have  ex- 
claimed with  Columbus,  "I  have  opened  the  door  for 
others  to  enter."  During  this  time  he  was  surrounded  by 
enemies  hidden  and  declared,  who  sent  complaints  of  him 
to  Spain  by  every  ship ;  he  was  accused  of  murdering  his 
wife  Catalina  Xuarez  who  had  died  within  a  few  months 
after  her  arrival  in  Mexico  where,  though  possibly  unwel- 
come, she  was  received  with  due  honours ;  he  was  accused 
of  defrauding  the  royal  treasury,  as  well  as  his  companions 
in  arms,  and  of  taking  an  undue  share  of  the  spoils  for  him- 
self ;  and  finally  he  was  accused  of  planning  to  throw  off  his 
allegiance  to  Spain,  and  set  up  an  independent  government 
with  himself  as  king.  These  ceaseless  intrigues  against 
him  finally  decided  the  Emperor  to  send  a  high  commis- 
sioner (juez  de  residencia)  to  investigate,  not  only  all 
charges  against  the  Captain-General,  but  also  to  report 
upon  the  general  condition  of  affairs  in  New  Spain.  This 
was  the  means  usually  employed  in  such  cases  and  did 
not  necessarily  constitute  any  indignity  to  Cortes,  to 
whom  the  Emperor  took  occasion  to  write,  notifying 
him  of  his  decision,  and  assuring  him  that  it  was 
in  no  sense  prompted  by  suspicions  of  his  loyalty  or 
honesty,  but  rather  to  furnish  him  with  the  opportunity 
of  silencing  his  calumniators  once  for  all  by  proving  his 
innocence.  Don  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  a  young  man  of 
high  character  and  unusual  attainments,  was  charged 
with  this  delicate  mission,  and  his  appointment  was 
universally  applauded  as  an  admirable  one. 

He  was  received  upon  his  arrival  in  Mexico  by  Cortes 
and  all  the  authorities  with  every  distinction  due  to  him, 
but  his  untimely  death  of  a  fever  within  a  few  weeks  after 
his  arrival  defeated  the  good  results  expected  from  his 
labours,  and  also  furnished  Cortes 's  enemies  with  another 
accusation — that  of  poisoning  the  royal  commissioner. 


The  Conqueror  51 

His  powers  devolved  upon  Marcos  de  Aguilar,  who  was 
not  only  too  old  for  such  an  arduous  post,  but  was  ill  of 
a  disease  which,  it  was  said,  obliged  him  to  take  nourish- 
ment by  suckling,  for  which  purpose  wet  nurses  and 
she-goats  were  daily  furnished  him.  The  speedy  death  of 
this  harmless  old  man  started  another  story  of  poisoning, 
and  was  followed  by  the  supreme  disaster  of  Estrada's 
succession  to  the  ill-starred  commissionership,  under 
whom  the  baiting  of  Cortes  went  on  apace,  while  the  en- 
tire population,  Spanish  as  well  as  native,  groaned  under 
oppressions  and  vexations  innumerable.  The  slave-trade 
was  carried  on  shamelessly  with  nameless  cruelties, 
chiefly  by  the  brutal  Nunez  de  Guzman,  a  partisan  of 
Diego  Velasquez,  who  had  been  placed  by  the  latter' s 
influence  as  Governor  of  Panuco,  for  the  express  purpose 
of  tormenting  Cortes,  and  fomenting  cabals  against  his 
authority.  This  petty  tyrant  committed  barbarities 
never  before  heard  of  in  Mexico. 

Wearied  out  with  persecutions  and  insults,  and  hopeless 
of  obtaining  justice  from  such  officials  as  Estrada  and  his 
subordinates,  Cortes  decided  to  go  to  Spain  and  lay  his 
own  case  before  the  Emperor.  His  decision  created  some 
consternation  amongst  his  opponents,  and  Estrada  realised 
that  it  was  a  grave  blunder  to  drive  the  Captain-General 
to  make  a  personal  appeal  to  the  Emperor.  If  opposition 
or  concessions  could  have  stopped  him,  Cortes  would 
have  relinquished  his  plan,  for  overtures  were  made 
through  the  bishop  of  Tlascala,  and  promises  of  satisfac- 
tion were  not  spared;  but  his  preparations  were  well 
under  way,  and,  though  perhaps  somewhat  mollified  by 
the  changed  tone  of  Estrada,  he  remained  firm  in  his 
purpose.  Sailing  with  two  ships  from  Vera  Cruz  (where 
he  learned  the  news  of  his  father's  death),  he  landed  after 
an  unusually  brief  and  prosperous  voyage  at  the  historic 
port  of  Palos  in  May,  1528. 


CHAPTER  IV 

MARQUES    DEL    VALLE 

CORTES  had  aiTanged  that  his  arrival  at  the  Spanish 
Court  should  be  of  the  nature  of  a  veritable 
pageant.  Different  estimates  of  the  treasure  he 
took  with  him  are  given  by  different  authorities,  but 
these  are  mere  matters  of  figures;  the  amount  was 
fabulous,  and,  in  addition  to  this,  he  carried  a  perfect 
museum  of  Mexican  objects,  such  as  the  unique  feather- 
work  in  which  the  Indians  excelled,  arms,  embroideries, 
implements  of  obsidian,  rare  plants;  indigenous  products 
such  as  chocolate,  tobacco,  vanilla,  and  liquid  amber; 
gorgeous  parrots,  herons,  jaguars,  and  other  beautiful 
birds  and  animals  unknown  in  Spain  were  carried 
or  led  by  Indians,  in  the  dress  of  their  tribes.  That 
nothing  might  be  wanting,  he  took  with  him  many 
skilful  jugglers,  acrobats,  dwarfs,  albinos,  and  human 
monstrosities,  which  were  much  the  fashion  at  that  time, 
and  these  curiosities  made  such  a  sensation  upon  his 
arrival,  that  Charles  the  Fifth  could  think  of  no  fitter 
destination  for  them  than  to  send  them  on  to  His  Holiness 
Clement  the  Seventh,  before  whom  they  performed 
and  showed  themselves  to  the  delight  and  wonder  of  the 
pontifical  Court.  In  the  personal  suite  of  the  Conqueror, 
besides  the  numerous  officials  of  his  household,  there 
went  about  forty  Indian  princes  in  their  most  gorgeous 
robes  and  jewels,  amongst  whom  were  the  sons  of 
Montezuma  and  of  the  Tlascalan  chief,  ]\Iaxixcatzin. 

The  arrival  of  this  magnificent  cortege  at  Palos  was 

52 


Marques  del  Valle  53 

unannounced,  and  hence  no  fitting  reception  had  been 
prepared  there,  but  accident  suppHed  a  more  remarkable 
grouping  of  interesting  men  of  the  century  than  design 
could  have  provided.  Within  the  modest  walls  of  Santa 
Maria  la  Rábida,  where  Columbus  had  found  hospitality, 
there  met  with  Cortes,  who  was  accompanied  by  Gonzalo 
de  Sandoval  and  Andres  de  Tapia,  Francisco  Pizarro, 
whose  brilliant  career  in  South  America,  rivalling  that 
of  Cortes  in  the  North,  was  just  dawning;  and  by  a  fateful 
coincidence,  there  was  also  in  the  suite  of  Cortes,  the 
Spanish  soldier  Juan  de  Rada,  by  whose  hand  Pizarro 
was  destined  to  perish  in  Peru.  The  date  of  his  arrival 
at  Palos  is  given  by  Bemal  Diaz  as  December  1527,  but 
Herrera's  authority  for  the  later  date  has  been  followed 
by  Prescott,  Alaman,  and  other  historians. 

The  triumphal  home-coming  was  marred  at  the  very 
outset  by  the  death  of  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  at  Palos,  a 
few  days  after  their  landing.  For  none  of  his  captains 
did  Cortes  cherish  the  affection  he  felt  for  this  gallant 
young  soldier,  who  was  his  fellow-townsman  and  loyal 
friend.  Sandoval  was  buried  at  La  Rábida,  and  Cortes 
first  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  Guadeloupe, 
where  he  spent  some  days  in  mourning  his  loss,  and  having 
masses  celebrated  for  the  departed  soul.  This  pious 
duty  accomplished  he  set  out  for  Toledo,  where  the  Court 
then  was,  and  as  the  news  of  his  arrival  had  spread,  and 
had  also  been  announced  by  his  own  letter  to  the  Emperor, 
he  was  everywhere  accorded  a  veritable  triumph  by  the 
people,  who  flocked  from  all  sides  to  see  the  hero  of  the 
great  conquest,  and  to  gaze  upon  the  marvellous  trophies 
which  he  brought ;  so  that  since  the  first  return  of  Columbus 
no  such  demonstrations  had  been  seen  in  Spain. 

A  brilliant  group  of  nobles  comprising  the  Duke  of 
Bejar,  the  Counts  of  Aguilar  and  Medellin,  the  Grand 
Prior  of  St.  John,  and  many  of  the  first  citizens  of  Toledo, 
rode  out  from  the  city  to  meet  the  conqueror  on  the 


54  Letters  of  Cortes 

plain,  and  the  next  day  the  Emperor  received  him  with 
every  mark  of  favour,  raising  him  up  when  he  would 
have  knelt  in  the  royal  presence,  and  seating  him  by  his 
side.  The  moment  was  an  auspicious  one,  for  influences 
had  been  at  work  in  his  favour.  Since  the  appointment 
of  the  new  commission  of  residencia,  presided  over  by  the 
infamous  Nunez  de  Guzman,  which  had  already  left  Spain, 
the  Emperor's  information  as  to  the  real  state  of  things  in 
Mexico  and  the  respective  merits  of  the  contending  parties, 
had  been  much  extended  and  perfected.  He  consulted 
Cortes  during  his  stay  at  Court  upon  everything  pertaining 
to  the  new  realm;  its  resources,  the  natives,  their  customs, 
the  Spanish  colonists,  and  especially  concerning  the  best 
means  for  establishing  a  stable  government,  and  develop- 
ing industries  and  agriculture. 

Besides  full  power  to  continue  his  explorations,  and 
the  confirmation  of  his  rank  of  Captain-General,  the  title 
of  Marques  del  Valle  de  Oaxaca  was  conferred  upon  Cortes 
and  his  descendants,  by  patents  dated  July  6,  1529,  to 
which  was  joined  a  vast  grant  of  lands,  comprising  twenty- 
eight  towns  and  villages;  one  twelfth  of  all  his  future 
discoveries  was  to  be  his  own.  He  received  the  knight- 
hood and  habit  of  Santiago,  and  when  he  was  confined  to 
his  lodgings  by  illness,  the  Emperor  visited  him  in  person, 
this  latter  being  such  a  singular  honour,  that,  as  Prescott 
caustically  observes,  the  Spanish  writers  of  the  time 
seemed  to  regard  it  as  ample  recompense  for  all  he  had 
done  and  suffered.  It  does  not  seem  certain  that  he 
accepted  the  knighthood  of  Santiago,  though  Herrera 
says  that  he  had  already  possessed  it  since  1525.  His 
reason  for  his  alleged  refusal  was  that  no  commenda  was 
attached  to  the  dignity,  and  Alaman  {Dissertazione  V.)  says 
that  while  his  name  is  on  the  rolls  -of  the  order,  the 
insignia  do  not  appear  either  in  his  arms  or  his  portraits, 
nor  is  any  mention  found  of  his  possession  of  this  grade 
in  the  list  of  his  honours. 


Marques  del  Valle  55 

It  is  good  to  note  that  Cortes  did  not  forget  his  friends 
while  he  was  at  court,  but  profited  by  the  Emperor's 
hour  of  graciousness  to  obtain  countless  favours  for  them, 
especially  for  the  Indians.  The  Tlascalans,  in  recognition 
of  their  loyalty,  were  exempted  for  ever  from  taxes  and 
tribute;  the  Cempoalans  were  granted  a  Hke  exemption 
for  a  period  of  two  years ;  a  college  for  the  sons  of  Mexi- 
can nobles,  and  another  for  girls,  were  endowed.  Money 
was  awarded  to  the  Franciscan  order  for  building  churches 
and  schools;  tithes  were  established  to  maintain  the 
Bishop  Zumarraga;  various  privileges  were  secured  for 
the  original  "conquerors"  who  had  settled  in  the  coun- 
try. Also  generous  doweries  were  appointed  to  the  four 
daughters  of  Montezuma,  who  were  being  educated  in  a 
convent  in  Texcoco,  as  well  as  to  the  daughters  of  Mex- 
ican nobles  who  married  Spaniards. 

During  his  stay  in  Spain,  Cortes  married  his  second 
wife  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga,  a  daughter  of  the  Count  of 
Aguilar,  and  niece  of  the  Duke  of  Bejar.  His  gifts  to  his 
bride  were  of  such  magnificence  as  to  arouse  even  the 
Queen's  envy,  especially  the  five  large  stones  described 
as  emeralds,  which  excelled  any  jewels  ever  seen,  and 
were  worth  a  nation's  ransom.  There  were  no  emeralds 
in  Mexico,  and  these  stones  were  probably  a  kind  of  jade 
or  serpentine  of  great  brilliancy  and  value,  which  were 
easily  confounded  with  emeralds.  One  of  these  stones 
was  cut  as  a  bell,  whose  tongue  was  formed  of  a  large 
pear-shaped  pearl,  and  which  bore  the  inscription  bcnedito 
sea  el  que  te  crió;  another  was  shaped  like  a  fish  with 
golden  eyes;  the  third  was  in  the  form  of  a  rose;  the 
fourth  in  that  of  a  trumpet;  and  the  fifth  was  fashioned 
into  a  cup,  surmounted  by  a  superb  pearl,  and  standing 
on  a  base  of  gold-,  on  which  was  the  inscription,  inter  natos 
mulierum  non  surexit  major.  For  this  last  jewel  alone, 
some  Genoese  merchants  who  saw  it  at  Palos  offered 
forty  thousand  ducats.     The  fame  of  these  jewels  was 


56  Letters  of  Cortes 

such  that  the  Queen  expressed  a  wish  to  have  them,  and, 
had  not  Cortes  forestalled  the  royal  desire  by  presenting 
them  to  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga  as  a  marriage  gift  they 
would  doubtless  have  passed  into  the  crown  jewels  of 
Spain. 

In  the  meantime,  while  Cortes  was  being  lionised  and 
honoured  in  Spain,  his  enemies  in  Mexico  were  not  idle, 
for  Nunez  de  Guzman  from  the  moment  of  arriving  there 
had  begun  secretly  to  collect  information  against  him,  and 
by  unscrupulous  and  inquisitorial  methods  easily  succeeded 
in  forming  a  voluminous  budget  of  accusations,  among 
which  figured  the  alleged  poisoning  of  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon, 
the  conspiracy  to  establish  himself  as  independent  sovereign 
in  Mexico,  defrauding  the  royal  fisc,  and  incitement  of  the 
Indians  to  rebel  against  the  royal  authority  while  he  was 
absent  in  Spain.  Encouraging  the  enemies  of  Cortes 
to  depose  against  him  on  the  one  hand,  Guzman  found 
excuses  for  persecuting  his  friends  on  the  other,  even  to 
the  extent  of  imprisoning,  torturing,  and  hanging  them 
on  one  pretext  or  another.  Things  reached  such  a  pass 
through  the  violence  of  the  president's  conduct,  that  the 
Bishop  Fray  Juan  Zumarraga,  a  man  whose  exemplary 
life  gave  him  great  influence,  and  the  Franciscan  monks, 
sent  a  vigorous  protest  to  Spain  against  Guzman 
and  his  auditors,  praying  that  he  be  deposed.  This 
petition  provoked  an  order  from  the  Empress-Regent  and 
the  Royal  Council,  to  take  their  residencia,  and  that  they 
be  imprisoned  if  found  guilty  of  the  abuses  imputed 
to  them.  The  bishop  himself  was  appointed,  ad  interim, 
president  of  the  new  audiencia,  which  was  composed 
of  Quiroga,  Salmerón,  and  Ceynos  pending  the  arrival  of 
the  permanent  president,  Don  Sebastian  Ramirez  de 
Fuenleal,  then  Bishop  of  San  Domingo,  and  afterwards 
of  Cuenca. 

Nunez  de  Guzman  sought  to  evade  the  issue  by  organ- 
ising, against  the  Chichimecas,  an  expedition  which  he 


Marques  del  Valle  57 

conducted  with  characteristic  brutahty.  He  left  the 
city  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  Spaniards,  and  over 
two  thousand  Indians,  between  auxiHaries  and  camp 
servants,  before  Cortes  returned  from  Spain. 

The  powers  conceded  to  Cortes  as  Captain- General, 
and  for  the  continuation  of  his  explorations  and  discover- 
ies, were  so  large,  and  so  ill-defined,  that  they  could  hardly 
fail  to  conflict  with  those  of  the  royal  audiencia,  and 
this  came  to  pass  immediately  after  his  arrival  at  Vera 
Cruz  on  July  15,  1530.  The  Marques,  as  he  was  hence- 
forward called,  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  his 
mother,  and  was  received  upon  landing  with  jubilation 
by  Spaniards  and  Indians  alike,  who  flocked  in  thousands 
from  all  parts  to  welcome  him,  and  to  present  their 
grievances  for  his  adjustment.  The  new  audiencia  was 
not  yet  constituted,  and  the  auditors,  Matienzo  and 
Delgadillo,  sent  strict  orders  to  Vera  Cruz  that  the  people 
assembled  there  in  Cortes's  honour  disperse  to  their 
homes,  while  to  Cortes  himself,  who  had  meanwhile 
marched  amid  ovations  by  the  way  of  Tlascala  to  Texcoco, 
they  delivered  a  prohibition  to  enter  the  capital.  This 
order  was  in  conformity  with  the  instructions  given  him 
before  leaving  Spain,  so  he  was  obliged  to  respect  it,  and 
to  establish  himself  at  Texcoco  until  the  arrival  of  the 
new  audiencia  which  took  place  in  December  of  the  same 
year,  1530.  At  the  outset  everything  went  well,  and 
the  new  auditors  rendered  justice  in  several  of  Cortes's 
claims,  and  took  counsel  with  him  concerning  affairs  and 
the  measures  to  be  adopted.  This  promising  state  of 
things,  however,  was  of  brief  duration,  and,  in  their 
letter  of  February  22,  153 1,  to  the  Emperor,  they  made 
complaints  of  his  pretensions,  and  mentioned  among 
other  things  that  the  bishop  in  reading  the  prayers  for 
the  King  and  royal  family  added  after  the  words  cum 
prole  regia  "  et  duce  exercitus  nostri,"  and  that  they  had 
corrected  him  for  so  doing. 


58  Letters  of  Cortes 

Another  of  their  letters,  in  August,  1532,  complains  of 
his  great  influence  over  the  natives,  and  of  his  using 
his  powers  as  Captain-General  to  revenge  himself  on  his 
enemies,  adding,  "  He  says  he  will  resign  the  Captaincy 
General  and  return  to  Spain,  Oh  if  he  would  only  do  it ! " 
(Muñoz,  tom.  Ixxix.,  fol.  118).  The  auditors  at  other 
times  advised  that  he  be  called  to  Spain  on  some 
pretext, — the  more  so  as  he  wanted  to  go. 

The  conquest  finished,  Cortes's  occupation  was  gone. 
His  proud  spirit  and  active  temperament  could  ill  brook 
the  checks  of  the  audiencia,  and  the  limitations  set  to  his 
enterprises  by  men  who  neither  understood  nor  sym- 
pathised with  them.  At  one  time  he  retired  in  disgust 
from  the  capital,  intending  to  devote  himself  to  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  affairs  of  his  vast  marquisate  of  Oaxaca. 
The  capture  of  the  picturesque  town  of  Cuernavaca  is 
described  in  the  third  letter,  and  for  beauty  of  position 
it  has  few  rivals  even  in  Mexico.  Here  Cortes  had  built 
himself  a  handsome  palace  and  a  large  church,  both 
of  which  are  still  standing,  though  in  a  lamentable  state 
of  advancing  delapidation.  As  a  planter  in  Cuba,  he  had 
already  shown  initiative  and  capacity,  and  he  profited 
by  his  former  experience  to  introduce  successfully  the 
sugar  cane,  the  silk- worm  culture,  new  breeds  of  the 
merino  sheep  and  various  other  kinds  of  cattle.  Mills 
for  the  handling  of  raw  products  were  established  in 
various  places,  and  these  new  industries  with  which 
Cortes  endowed  Mexico  have  continued  to  be  among 
her  chief  sources  of  wealth.  But  this  was  insufficient 
to  occupy  his  restless  activities,  which,  by  the  news  of 
events  in  Peru,  and  of  the  rich  countries  discovered  in  the 
South  Sea  and  along  the  Gulf  of  California,  were  constantly 
excited  to  plan  fresh  enterprises.  In  May,  1532,  he 
fitted  out  two  vessels  which  sailed  from  Acapulco,  under 
command  of  his  cousin  Diego  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  one 
of  which  with  the  commander  on  board  was  never  heard  of 


Marques  del  Valle  59 

again,  while  the  other  reached  JaHsco  after  many  perils. 
The  misfortunes  of  this  expedition  began  with  a  mutiny. 

Two  years  later  (1534)  he  built  two  more  vessels  at 
Tehuantepec,  which  he  entrusted  to  Hernando  Grijalba, 
and  Diego  de  Bezerra  de  Mendoza  (a  relative)  respectively, 
with  Ortun  Jimenez  as  pilot.  The  ships  got  separated 
the  first  night  out  and  never  saw  one  another  again.  The 
one  commanded  by  Grijalba  discovered  a  deserted  island 
called  Santo  Tomé,  somewhere  off  the  point  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, and  returned  thence  to  Tehuantepec;  the  fate  of 
the  other  was  tragical,  for  Bezerra  was  murdered  in  his 
sleep  by  the  pilot  Jimenez,  who  took  command,  and,  after 
coasting  along  JaHsco,  landed  at  the  Bay  of  Santa  Cruz, 
where  he,  with  twenty^Spaniards,  was  killed  by  the  natives. 
The  remaining  sailors  got  back  to  the  port  of  Chiametla, 
where  Nunez  de  Guzman,  who  was  then  in  Jalisco,  took 
possession  of  the  vessel. 

These  two  fruitless  ventures  decided  Cortes  to  take 
command  himself,  and  in  1536  he  sent  three  ships  from 
Tehuantepec  to  the  port  of  Chiametla  where  he  joined 
them,  marching  overland  from  Mexico.  He  regained 
possession  of  the  ship  which  Guzman  had  seized  from 
the  sailors  of  Jimenez,  refitted  it,  and  set  out  on  his 
voyage,  exploring  the  coast  for  some  fifty  leagues  beyond 
Santa  Cruz  (or  La  Paz),  during  which  trip  he  suffered 
innumerable  hardships,  and  lost  many  of  his  men  from 
sickness.  The  news  of  his  own  death  reached  Mexico, 
and  his  wife  sent  two  ships  and  a  caravel  to  look  for  him 
and  bring  him  back.  His  wife's  letters,  together  with 
others  from  the  royal  audiencia  and  the  Viceroy  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  urging  his  return  as  very  necessary, 
decided  Cortes  to  abandon  further  explorations,  and 
after  leaving  Francisco  de  Ulloa  in  California,  he  returned 
to  Acapulco  in  the  early  part  of  1537. 

He  sent  three  ships,  the  Santa  Águeda,  La  Trinidad, 
and  the  Santo   Tomas,  back  to  Francisco  de  Ulloa  in 


6o  Letters  of  Cortes 

May  of  that  same  year,  which  after  some  fruitless  cruising 
about,  returned  to  Acapulco,  the  whole  venture  having 
cost  Cortes  some  two  hundred  thousand  ducats  {Noticia 
Histórica.  Lorenzana  Cartas  de  Cortes,  edition  1776).  A 
royal  cédula,  dated  April  i,  1539  from  Saragossa,  pro- 
\'ided  for  the  payment  of  this  claim,  but  remained  inef- 
fective (Alaman,    Dissertazioni .    V.    Italian   translation 

1859)- 
Thus   the   only   results   obtained   from   these   various 

undertakings  were  debts,  and  he  complained  that  he  had 

so  many  that  he  was  obliged  to  raise  money,  even  on  his 

wife's  jewels.     He  wrote  in  despair  to  the  Emperor  that 

it  was  easier  to  fight  the  Indians  than  to  contend  with 

His  Majesty's  officials,  and  after  years  of  litigation,  during 

which  the  royal  authorities  seemed  to  study  how  best  to  vex 

and  circumvent  him,  and  after  the  series  of  useless  but 

costly  expeditions  in  the  Pacific,  he  started  on  his  second 

journey  to  Spain,  which  was  to  be  his  last. 

A  very  different  reception  from  the  former  one  awaited 
him,  for  the  Emperor  was  coldly  civil,  and  the  Court 
in  consequence  was  colder.  His  constant  complaints 
and  demands  for  satisfaction  fell  upon  deaf  or  weary 
ears,  for  Court  favours  usually  reckon  more  with  present 
than  with  past  services,  and  there  was  nothing  more  to  be 
obtained  from  Cortes,  who  was  broken  in  health  and  no 
longer  young.  At  this  time,  too,  Spain  was  all  aflame 
with  excitement  over  the  brilliant  achievements  of 
Pizarro  in  Peru,  which  eclipsed  the  familiar  exploits  in 
Mexico,  now  grown  stale. 

He  joined  the  unsuccessful  expedition  sent  against 
Algiers  in  1541,  in  which  the  ship  on  which  he  and  his 
sons  Martin  and  Luis  sailed  was  wrecked,  together  with 
eleven  galleys  of  Andrea  Doria.  They  barely  escaped 
with  their  lives,  and  the  five  famous  emeralds,  which 
constituted  an  important  item  in  his  fortime,  and  which 
he  always  carried  on  his  person,  were  lost. 


Marques  del  Valle  6i 

The  supreme  slight  of  leaving  him  out  of  the  council 
of  war,  summoned  to  consider  the  plan  of  the  campaign, 
was  at  this  time  put  upon  him,  and,  to  his  boast  that  with 
his  Mexican  veterans  he  could  take  Algiers,  one  of  the 
generals  superciliously  replied,  that  fighting  the  Moors 
was  different  work  from  killing  naked  Indians.  His 
situation  became  less  and  less  worthy,  and  an  anecdote, 
dramatically  illustrating  the  depth  to  which  he  sunk,  re- 
lates that  after  vain  efforts  to  get  a  hearing  from  the 
Emperor,  he  thrust  himself  forward  to  the  steps  of  the 
royal  carriage,  where  upon  perceiving  him  the  Sovereign 
haughtily  exclaimed,  "And  who  are  you?"  to  which 
Cortes  proudly  answered,  "Sire,  I  am  a  man  who  has 
given  Your  Majesty  more  provinces  than  you  possessed 
cities."  What  happened  next  we  are  not  told.  If  it 
were  true,  the  incident  would  picture  eloquently  the 
degradation  of  the  greatest  captain  of  his  age,  forced 
to  waylay  his  Sovereign  at  his  carriage  steps  like  the 
meanest  beggar.  There  is  no  evidence  forthcoming, 
however,  to  show  that  any  such  dialogue  was  ever  spoken. 
Those  who  have  believed  and  repeated  this  story, — 
and  they  are  many, — ^have  done  so  on  the  sole  authority 
of  Voltaire,  with  whom  it  apparently  originated.  (Essai 
sur  les  Mceurs,  cap.  147.)  He  does  not  indicate  from  what 
source  the  information  reached  him.  The  scene  as  de- 
scribed seems  to  epitomise  a  very  tragedy  of  disappoint- 
ment and  humiliation,  so  despite  the  staring  stamp  of 
fiction  it  bears,  it  will  doubtless  continue  to  pass  for 
history  when  less  dramatic  facts  are  consigned  to  f orget- 
fulness.  Voltaire  sceptically  sneered  at  the  credulity  of 
the  Spaniards,  which  enabled  them,  in  the  heat  of  the 
fight,  to  see  St.  James  and  St.  Peter  hovering  over  the 
Mexican  battlefields  but  he  himself  had  no  difficulty  in 
beholding  Cortes  in  such  a  singularly  improbable  situa- 
tion as  this  story  depicts,  though  indeed  nothing  that  is 
told  of  the  appearances   of   those   holy   apostles   seems 


62  Letters  of  Cortes 

further  beyond  the  Hmits  of  credibiHty.  As  an  un- 
heeded suppHant,  the  Marques  suffered  snubs  enough, 
without  ñctitious  situations  being  invented  to  illustrate 
his  fallen  state.  One  last  effort  to  attract  his  Sovereign's 
attention  to  his  claims,  and  secure  the  fulfilment  of  the 
royal  grants  and  promises,  was  made  in  the  following 
pathetic  letter, — the  last  he  ever  wrote  to  Charles  V., — 
to  which  no  response  was  ever  made : 

Sacred  Catholic  C cesar ian  Majesty: 

I  thought  that  the  labour  of  my  youth  would  have  pro- 
cured me  repose  in  my  old  age,  and  thus  for  forty  years  I 
have  given  myself  to  God's  ser\áce,  deprived  of  sleep,  eating 
poorly,  and  even  at  times  not  eating  at  all,  with  my  arms 
always  at  my  side,  myself  exposed  to  dangers  and  my  fortune 
sacrificed  to  bring  into  His  fold  the  sheep  of  a  distant  and 
unknown  hemisphere,  of  which  we  even  had  no  record,  and 
to  magnify  the  name,  and  extend  the  patrimony  of  my  King 
by  conquering  and  bringing  under  his  royal  yoke  and  sceptre 
the  great  kingdoms  and  dominions  of  barbarous  peoples. 
And  this  I  have  done  at  my  own  expense,  unaided  in  any  way, 
— nay  rather  hindered  by  emulous  rivals,  who  like  leeches 
have  sucked  my  very  blood. 

My  hardships  and  vigils  are  sufficiently  recompensed  by 
God,  in  that  He  chose  me  for  this.  His  work,  and  though 
people  may  attribute  some  merit  to  me,  it  will  be  clearly 
seen  that  not  without  reason  did  Divine  Providence  choose 
the  meanest  instrument  for  its  greatest  work,  so  that  to  God 
alone  might  be  the  glory. 

As  for  the  remuneration  due  me  from  my  King,  I  have 
ever  been  confident  that,  ccsteris  paribus,  it  would  not  be  less 
for  being  in  Your  Majesty's  reign;  for  never  did  these  king- 
doms of  my  native  Spain,  to  which  these  benefits  accrue, 
possess  so  great  and  catholic  a  prince,  so  magnanimous  and 
powerful  a  King.  Thus  when  first  I  kissed  Your  Majesty's 
hands,  and  presented  the  frmts  of  my  labours,  you  showed 
appreciation  of  them,  and  demonstrated  intentions  to  recom- 
pense me  with  honotu-s  which,  as   it   seemed   to   me,  they 


Marques  del  Valle  6^ 

were  not  equivalent  to  my  deserts,  Your  Majesty  knows  I  de- 
murred at  accepting. 

Your  Majesty  commanded,  however,  that  I  should  accept 
them,  saying  they  were  not  in  payment  for  my  ser\áces,  but 
to  demonstrate  your  disposition  to  favour  me,  for  Your  Ma- 
jesty would  do  as  those  who  when  shooting  with  the  crossbow, 
begin  by  firing  beside  the  mark,  but  end  by  piercing  the 
bull's-eye,  for  the  favours  Your  Majesty  conferred  upon  me 
were  outside  the  mark,  but  would  improve  until  they  struck 
the  bull's-eye  of  my  deserts.  I  was  also  assured  that  nothing 
should  be  taken  from  me,  and  that  I  must  accept  what  was 
given  me;  hence  I  kissed  Your  Majesty's  hands  in  gratitude. 
When  you  turned  your  back,  all  that  I  had  was  taken  from 
me,  nor  were  Your  Majesty's  promises  to  me  fulfilled,  for 
since  Your  Majesty  has  such  a  good  memory,  you  will  not 
have  forgotten  that  besides  these  words  and  the  promises 
Your  Majesty  made  me,  I  possess  still  more  and  greater  ones 
in  Your  Majesty's  letters,  signed  with  your  Royal  name. 
If  my  services  up  to  that  time  merited  such  acts  and  the 
promises  Your  Majesty  made  me,  they  have  not  since  then 
diminished,  for  I  have  never  ceased  to  increase  the  patrimony 
of  these  kingdoms,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  thousand  ob- 
stacles opposed  to  me,  I  would  have  accomplished  as  much 
since  I  received  Your  Majesty's  favours,  as  I  had  before  done 
to  merit  them.  I  do  not  know  wherefore  the  promised  benefits 
are  now  withheld,  nor  why  I  am  deprived  of  those  I  possessed. 
And  if  it  be  said  that  nothing  has  been  taken  since  I  still 
possess  something,  I  reply  that  to  have  nothing,  or  to  have 
useless  possessions,  is  one  and  the  same  thing,  for  what  I 
have  produces  me  nothing;  better  were  it  to  have  nothing 
at  all  than  to  have  to  use  its  profits  to  defend  myself  against 
Your  Majesty's  fiscal  officers,  which  indeed  is  harder  than  it 
was  to  win  the  country  from  the  Indians.  Thus  my  labour 
has  procured  me  peace  of  mind  for  having  done  my  duty,  but 
has  brought  me  no  profit,  for  not  only  am  I  without  rest  in 
my  old  age,  but  work  on  until  my  death,  should  it  not  please 
God  to  finish  me  now;  for  he  who  is  so  occupied  in  defending 
his  body  must  needs  neglect  his  soul. 

I  beseech  Your  Majesty  not  to  requite  such  conspicuous 


64  Letters  of  Cortes 

services  with  so  small  a  recompense,  and  since  it  must  be 
believed  that  this  is  not  Your  Majesty's  fault,  let  it  be  known; 
for,  this  work  which  God  has  accomplished  through  me  is  so 
great  and  man-ellous,  and  its  fame  has  spread  so  far  through 
all  your  kingdoms,  and  through  all  Christendom,  and  even 
amongst  the  infidels,  that  everywhere  the  dissension  between 
the  Royal  ñsc  and  me  is  a  subject  of  scandal.  Some  blame 
the  fiscal  officers,  others  blame  me;  but  since  the  blame  suffices 
neither  to  deprive  me  of  the  compensation  nor  to  take  from 
me  m}'  life,  my  honour,  and  my  estate,  (since  none  of  this 
is  done),  it  is  clear  that  the  fault  is  not  mine.  No  one  im- 
putes it  to  Your  Majesty,  for  did  you  -wish  to  deprive  me  of 
all  you  had  given  me,  the  power  to  do  so  is  yours,  and  nothing 
is  impossible  to  your  wish  and  power.  To  say  that  a  form 
is  sought  in  which  the  intention  may  be  realised,  does  not 
sound  credible,  for  it  suffices  for  a  King  anointed  of  God  to 
declare  "thus  I  vn\\  and  thus  I  command,"  for  all  to  be  ac- 
complished without  regard  to  forms. 

I  beseech  that  Your  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  explain 
in  Madrid  your  intention  to  requite  my  sen'ices,  and  I  now 
recall  some  of  these  to  your  memory.  Your  Majesty  told 
me  you  wotdd  order  the  Council  to  despatch  my  affairs,  and 
I  thought  this  order  was  given  since  Your  Majesty  said 
that  you  desired  there  should  be  no  contention  -u-ith  the 
fiscal  ofi5cers.  When  I  asked  for  information,  they  told  me 
I  mtist  defend  myself  in  a  suit  against  the  claim  of  the  fiscal 
officers,  and  abide  by  the  sentence  of  the  Court.  This  seemed 
to  me  to  be  grave,  and  I  wrote  to  Your  Majesty  at  Barcelona, 
begging  that  if  Your  Majesty  was  pleased  to  enter  into  liti- 
gation with  your  ser^'ant,  that  it  should  be  before  judges  who 
were  above  stispicion,  and  that  Your  Majesty  should  order 
others  to  sit  with  those  of  the  Council  for  the  Indies,  and 
jointly  reach  a  decision.  Your  Majesty  was  not  pleased  to 
do  this,  though  I  cannot  divine  the  cause,  since  the  more 
numerous  the  judges  the  better  would  be  their  decision. 

I  am  old  and  poor,  with  more  than  twenty  thousand 
ducats  of  debts  in  the  kingdom,  besides  a  hundred  more  which 
I  brought  or  were  sent  after  me,  and  of  which  I  also  owe  some- 
thing, for  they  were  borrowed  to  be  sent  to  me.     And  all  draw 


Marques  del  Valle  65 

interest.  During  the  five  years  which  have  elapsed  since  I 
left  home,  my  expenses  have  been  great,  for  I  have  main- 
tained my  three  sons  at  Court,  without  once  leaving,  and 
besides  them  men  of  learning,  procurators,  and  solicitors, 
who  were  all  employed  that  Your  Majesty  might  make  use 
of  them.  I  also  assisted  in  the  expedition  to  Algiers.  It 
seems  to  me  the  fruit  of  my  labours  should  not  be  thrown  away, 
or  left  to  the  decision  of  a  few,  without  my  again  begging  that 
Your  Majesty  should  be  pleased  to  allow  that  all  your  judges  of 
the  Council  should  understand  this  case  and  decide  it  justly. 

I  have  heard  that  the  Bishop  of  Cuenca  desired  more 
judges  than  there  are,  because  it  is  against  him  and  the 
licenciate  Salmerón,  the  new  auditor  of  the  Indian  Council, 
that  I  am  contending  for  sums  of  money,  with  interest,  of 
which  they  deprived  me  when  they  were  judges  in  New  Spain, 
and  it  is  clear  that  they  cannot  be  asked  to  decide  against 
themselves.  I  have  not  wished  to  recuse  them  in  this  case, 
because  I  always  believed  Your  Majesty  would  not  permit 
it  to  reach  this  stage,  but  since  Your  Majesty  does  not  please 
to  increase  the  number  of  judges,  I  am  forced  to  recuse  the 
Bishop  of  Cuenca  and  Salmerón,  which  I  do  unwillingly  as  it 
wastes  time.  This  is  the  most  damaging  thing  for  me  at 
sixty  years  of  age,  and,  after  five  years'  absence  from  home. 
I  have  but  one  son  to  succeed  me,  and  though  my  wife  is 
young  enough  to  bear  more,  my  age  leaves  little  hope,  and 
should  it  please  God  to  dispose  of  this  one  before  the  suc- 
cession, who  will  profit  by  what  I  have  acquired?  My  very 
memory  were  lost  in  the  succession  of  women.  Again  and 
again  I  implore  Your  Majesty  to  associate  other  judges  with 
those  of  the  Council ;  since  all  are  your  servants  to  whom  the 
direction  of  your  Kingdoms  and  your  Royal  conscience  is 
confided,  so  also  may  they  be  trusted  to  decide  upon  Your 
Majesty's  grant  to  your  vassal  of  a  part  of  all  which  he  won 
for  Your  Majesty,  without  labour  or  cost  to  your  Royal  Person, 
nor  the  responsibility  of  directing  nor  the  expense  of  pa)áng 
the  men,  who  did  the  work,  and  who  so  loyally  made  over  to 
Your  Majesty,  not  only  the  country  he  conquered,  but  a  vast 
quantity  of  gold  and  silver  and  jewels  which  he  obtained  as 
spoils. 


66  Letters  of  Cortes 

May  Your  Majesty  also  be  pleased  to  order  the  judges  to 
give  their  decision  within  a  certain  time  Your  Majesty  shall 
fix  and  without  delay.  This  will  be  a  great  grace  to  me,  for 
waiting  is  my  loss,  as  I  must  return  home,  being  now  no 
longer  of  an  age  to  travel  from  inn  to  inn,  but  rather  to  with- 
draw and  settle  my  account  with  God,  for  it  is  a  long  one, 
and  little  life  is  left  me  to  discharge  it;  better  to  lose  my 
estate  than  my  soul. 

May  God  our  Lord  guard  the  Royal  Person  of  Your 
Majesty,  with  the  extension  of  your  Kingdoms  and  glory  as 
Your  Majesty  may  desire. 

From  Valladolid,  the  3rd  of  February,  1544. 

Your  Catholic  Majesty's  very  humble  ser\'ant  and  vassal, 
who  kisses  your  Royal  hands  and  feet. 

The  Marques  del  Valle. 


No  reply  necessary,  is  the  laconic  annotation  at  the 
bottom  of  the  last  page  of  this  letter. 

The  marriage  arranged  for  his  daughter  with  a  son  of 
the  Marquis  of  Astorga  was  broken  off,  the  bridegroom 
withdrawing  because  the  full  amount  of  the  stipulated 
dowry  was  not  forthcoming,  and  after  this  mortification, 
Cortes  obtained  permission  to  return  to  Mexico,  travelling 
first  to  Seville,  where  he  was  accorded  a  public  reception. 
His  rapidly  failing  health  made  it  apparent  that  his  end 
was  approaching,  and  prompted  him  to  withdraw  for 
quiet  to  CasteUeja  de  la  Cuesta,  a  small  town  near  Se- 
ville, where  he  died  in  the  house  of  a  magistrate,  Juan 
Rodriguez,  in  the  Calle  Real,  on  the  2nd  of  December, 
1547,  attended  by  his  son  Don  Martin. 

Fernando  Cortes  was  a  man  of  medium  height,  deep 
chested  and  slender  limbed;  his  complexion  was  rather 
pale,  and  his  expression  was  serious — even  sad,  though 
the  glance  of  his  eyes,  which  in  repose  were  impenetrable, 
could  be  kindly  and  responsive.  His  hair  and  beard  were 
dark  and  rather  scanty. 


Marques  del  Valle  67 

Trained  from  his  youth  to  the  exercise  of  arms,  he 
was  a  most  dexterous  swordsman,  very  Hght  on  his  feet, 
and  at  home  in  the  saddle. 

His  speech  was  calm,  nor  did  he  ever  use  oaths  or 
strong  language,  nor  give  away  to  exhibitions  of  temper 
though  a  mounting  flush  and  the  swelling  veins  of  his 
forehead  betrayed  his  mastered  passion  when  he  was 
vexed,  while  a  characteristic  gesture  of  annoyance  or 
impatience  was  the  casting  aside  of  his  cloak. 

He  dressed  with  exquisite  care  and  great  sobriety, 
eschewing  any  excess  of  ornament.  One  splendid  jewel 
adorned  his  hand,  a  gold  medal  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
with  St.  John  on  the  reverse,  hung  from  a  finely  wrought 
gold  chain  around  his  neck,  and  just  under  the  feathers 
of  his  cap  was  also  a  gold  medal;  these  were  his  only 
ornaments.  He  had  some  knowledge  of  Latin,  and  many 
of  the  psalms,  hymns,  and  parts  of  the  Church  liturgy, 
which  he  knew  by  heart,  he  was  fond  of  reciting. 

Though  careless  of  his  food,  he  was  a  great  eater,  but 
moderate  in  drinking,  and  no  one  could  better  withstand 
privations  than  he,  as  was  constantly  shown  on  his  long 
marches.  His  chief  relaxation  was  games  of  chance,  in 
which  he  indulged  habitually,  but  dispassionately,  making 
either  his  winnings  or  losses  a  subject  for  jokes  and 
laughter.  When  strict  laws  were  enacted  suppressing 
gambling  in  Mexico,  his  enemies  alleged  that  he  himself 
violated  the  law,  and  that  the  tables  and  cards  were 
always  ready  in  his  own  house. 

One  of  the  most  notable  things  in  his  last  will  is  the 
mention  of  his  doubts  about  the  right  of  holding  slaves. 
He  admonishes  his  eldest  son  to  look  well  into  the  ques- 
tion, and  if  it  should  be  decided  by  competent  opinion 
that  the  practice  was  wrong,  he  must  act  in  accordance 
with  strict  justice;  meanwhile  he  must  give  great  attention 
to  the  welfare  and  education  of  his  people.  He  left  a 
foundation  and  endowment  fund  for  the  hospital  of  Jesus 


68  Letters  of  Cortes 

{la  Conccpcimi)  in  Mexico,  and  for  a  college  and  monastery 
at  Coyohuacan,  but  the  funds  ran  short,  and  only  the 
hospital  was  really  established  according  to  his  intention. 
Masses  were  directed  to  be  said  at  his  father's  tomb,  and 
two  thousand  masses  were  provided  for  the  souls  of  those 
who  had  fought  with  him  in  the  conquest,  a  provision 
which  cannot  be  considered  in  excess  of  their  probable 
spiritual  necessities. 

In  his  will  it  was  provided  also  that  his  body  should 
be  buried  wherever  he  died  for  a  period  of  ten  years,  at 
the  expiration  of  which  time  his  remains  were  to  be  taken 
to  Mexico,  to  be  there  entombed  in  the  monastery  he  had 
founded  in  Coyohuacan;  consequently  his  body  was 
first  laid  to  rest  with  fitting  ceremonies  in  the  family 
Chapel  of  the  Dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia,  in  the  Church  of 
San  Isidro  at  Seville. 

The  following  epitaph  was  composed  by  his  son  Martin : 

Padre,  cuya  suerte  impropiamente 
Aqueste  bajo  mundo  poseía, 
Valor  que  nuestra  edad  enriquecía 

Descansa  ahora  en  paz,  eternamente. 

(Andres  Calvo,  Los  Tres  Siglos  da  Mexico.) 

There  his  body  lay,  until  by  order  of  his  son  Don 
Martin  Cortes,  second  Marques  del  Valle,  it  was  removed 
in  1562  to  Mexico,  but,  contrary  to  the  provisions  in  the 
will,  the  place  of  sepulture  was  chosen  in  the  monastery 
of  St.  Francis  in  Texcoco,  where  his  mother  and  one  of 
his  daughters  were  already  buried. 

In  1629  Don  Pedro  Cortes  fourth  Marques  del  Valle 
died  in  Mexico,  and  with  his  death  the  male  descendance 
of  Cortes  came  to  an  end. 

It  was  decided  between  the  Viceroy,  the  Marques  de 
Cerralbo,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  D.  Francisco 
Manso  de  Zuñiga,  to  translate  the  body  of  the  Conqueror 


Marques  del  Valle  69 

to  the  capital  and  bury  it  together  with  that  of  his  last 
descendant  in  the  Church  of  St.  Francis. 

An  elaborate  funeral  procession  was  organised,  which 
set  forth  from  the  Cortes  palace  headed  by  all  the  re- 
ligious associations  and  confraternities,  carrying  their 
respective  banners,  after  which  followed  the  civil  tribu- 
nals. Next  came  the  Archbishop  accompanied  by  the 
cathedral  chapter  in  full  canonicals.  The  body  of  Don 
Pedro  Cortes  was  exposed  to  view  in  an  open  coffin  carried 
by  knights  of  the  chapter  of  Santiago,  while  the  coffin  of 
his  great  ancestor  covered  with  a  black  velvet  pall  was 
borne  by  the  royal  judges,  escorted  by  standard  bearers 
carrying  a  white  banner  on  which  were  embroidered  the 
figures  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  John;  another  dis- 
playing the  royal  arms  of  Spain  and  a  third  of  black 
velvet  showing  the  arms  of  the  Marques  del  Valle.  Mem- 
bers of  the  University  followed,  and  the  procession  closed 
with  the  Viceroy  and  all  his  court  with  an  escort  of 
soldiers  carrying  arms  reversed  and  banners  trailing. 
This  funeral  pageant — probably  the  most  magnificent 
ever  seen  in  the  new  world — advanced  to  the  accompani- 
ment of  muffled  drums  and  solemn  chantings,  halting  at 
six  different  places  for  brief  religious  rites. 

During  more  than  a  century  and  a  half  the  bones  of 
Cortes  were  left  undisturbed,  until  in  1794  they  were 
moved  once  more,  and  this  time  to  the  hospital  of  Jesus 
of  Nazareth,  which  he  had  founded  and  endowed,  and  in 
whose  chapel  a  monument  was  prepared  to  receive  the 
body,  which  was  coffined  in  a  crystal  case  riveted  with 
silver  bars.  Would  that  this  translation  had  been  the 
last,  and  that  the  pilgrimages  of  this  poor  body  had 
ended  within  the  walls  its  owner's  piety  had  built. 

During  the  period  of  unrest  which  followed  immedi- 
ately upon  the  establishment  of  Mexican  independence, 
a  design  was  said  to  have  been  formed  by  some  "  patriots  " 
to  rifle  the  tomb,  and  scatter  the  conqueror's  ashes  to 


70  Letters  of  Cortes 

the  winds,  of  which  profanation  the  authorities  were  said 
to  be  aware,  but  either  unwilhng  or  unable  to  prevent  it. 
Others  contrived  to  forestall  the  threatened  violation, 
and  from  1823  the  body  of  Cortes  disappeared.  Señor 
Garcia  Icazbalceta  WTOte  to  Mr.  Henry  Harrisse  upon  the 
subject  saying: 

The  place  of  the  present  sepulture  of  Cortes  is  wrapped  in 
mystery.  Don  Lucas  Alaman  has  told  the  history  of  the 
remains  of  this  great  man.  Without  positively  saying  so,  he 
lets  it  be  understood  that  they  were  taken  to  Italy. 

It  is  generally  believed  that  the  bones  of  Cortes  are  in 
Palermo.  But  some  persons  insist  that  they  are  still  in  Mexico, 
hidden  in  some  place  absolutely  unknown.  Notwithstanding 
the  friendship  with  which  Señor  Alaman  has  honoured  me,  I 
never  could  obtain  from  him  a  positive  explanation;  he  would 
always  find  some  pretext  to  change  the  conversation. 

Señor  Alaman's  description  of  what  occurred  in  1823 
is  substantially  as  follows: 

Early  in  the  year  1822  discussions  began  in  the  Mexi- 
can Congress,  in  which  the  project  of  destroying  the 
monument  in  the  hospital  (of  Jesus)  chapel  was  mooted; 
in  the  month  of  August  of  that  year,  Father  Mier,  in  the 
hope  of  forestalling  the  intended  desecration,  proposed  that 
the  monument  should  be  transferred  to  the  National  Mu- 
seum. The  following  year,  1823,  was  marked  by  the  trans- 
port to  the  capital  of  the  remains  of  the  patriots  who  had 
proclaimed  the  independence  of  18 10,  and  certain  newspa- 
pers published  violent  articles,  inciting  the  people  to  cele- 
brate this  event  by  rifling  the  tomb  of  the  Conqueror,  and 
burning  his  body  at  St.  Lázaro.  Fearing  the  execution  of 
this  threat,  which  would  have  left  an  indelible  stain  on  the 
national  honour,  the  Vicar  General  directed  the  chaplain 
of  the  hospital  to  conceal  the  body  in  a  secure  place,  and 
both  Señor  Alaman  himself  and  Count  Fernando  Lucchesi, 
who  represented    the  Duke   of  Terranova's   interests  in 


Marques  del  Valle  71 

Mexico  at  that  time,  assisted  at  the  temporary  hiding 
away  of  the  remains  under  the  steps  of  the  altar.  The 
bust  and  arms  of  gilded  bronze  were  sent  to  the  Duke  of 
Terranova  in  Palermo,  and  the  dismantled  monument 
remained  in  the  chapel  until  1833,  when  it  also  disap- 
peared (Alaman  Dissertazioni  sulla  Storia  del  Messico 
Dissert.  V.,  Italian  translation  by  Pelaez,  1859). 

Thus  far  Señor  Alaman  is  as  explicit  as  possible,  but 
concerning  the  final  resting  place  of  the  body  he  says 
nothing  whatever  on  his  own  account,  closing  the  sub- 
ject by  introducing  a  quotation  from  Dr.  Mora  (who, 
he  says,  was  the  first  to  publish  these  facts) ,  which  states 
that  "afterwards  the  remains  were  sent  to  his  family." 

In  the  collaborated  work  published  under  the  special 
direction  of  Don  Vincente  Riva  Palacio,  entitled  Mexico 
a  Través  los  Siglos,  it  is  stated  in  a  note  on  page  353  of 
the  second  volume,  that  Cortes's  body  was  sent  to  the 
Duke  of  Monteleone  in  Italy  in  1823.  {"fueren  rimitidos 
a  Italia  a  la  casa  de  los  Duques  de  Monteleone'').  In  the 
chapters  of  the  fourth  volume,  which  chronicle  the  events 
of  the  year  1823,  no  mention  is  made  of  this  occurrence, 
which  it  would  surely  seem  was  of  sufficient  importance 
to  merit  notice.  Neither  Mr.  Prescott  nor  Sir  Arthur 
Helps,  nor  any  other  as  far  as  I  can  discover,  has  left  a 
record  of  any  attempts  to  clear  up  this  mystery. 

If  the  remains  of  the  conqueror  were  taken  to  Palermo 
or  consigned' to  the  family  of  the  Dukes  of  Monteleone, 
there  is  no  record  of  the  transaction,  nor  is  any  tradition 
of  it  known,  even  by  hearsay,  to  the  present  members  of 
the  family,  or  to  the  keepers  of  the  family  archives. 

Not  the  least  of  the  glories  of  the  Pignatelli  famih', 
which  has  kept  its  place  among  the  foremost  of  Sicily 
and  Naples,  is  their  descent  from  the  Spanish  conqueror 
of  Mexico,  and  it  seems  inadmissible  that  the  body  of 
this  illustrious  ancestor  should  arrive  at  Palermo  as 
recently  as  1823,  be  buried  nobody  knows  where,  and  no 


72  Letters  of  Cortes 

record  of  any  sort  be  kept  of  such  an  important  and 
interesting  event  in  the  annals  of  the  family.  The  ab- 
sence, therefore,  of  any  record,  or  even  oral  tradition, 
of  such  an  event  seems  to  be  at  least  a  negative  proof 
that  it  never  took  place.  It  is  quite  thinkable  that  the 
custodians  of  the  hospital  chapel,  where  the  body  lay  in 
1823,  should  have  invented  and  circulated  the  fiction  of 
its  transport  out  of  the  country  to  convince  the  intending 
desecrators  that  it  had  been  put  beyond  their  reach; 
meanwhile  it  was  easy  to  hide  the  coffin  in  some  secret 
place,  doubtless  within  the  walls  of  the  hospital  itself, 
where  it  may  still  lie  in  a  forgotten  grave.  The  legend  of 
the  transport  to  Italy  and  the  burial  in  Palermo  being  thus 
started  and  doubtless  diligently  spread  with  a  purpose, 
encountered  no  contradiction,  and,  with  the  death  of  the 
necessarily  few  persons  who  possessed  the  secret,  all 
knowledge  of  the  facts  was  lost,  while  the  invention  passed 
from  legend  into  history,  and  has  been  commonl}^  ac- 
cepted and  quoted.  Señor  Garcia  Icazbalceta's  letter 
to  Mr.  Harrisse  does,  however,  state  that  "  some  persons 
insist  that  they  are  still  in  Mexico  hidden  in  some  place 
absolutely  unknown,"  and  these  persons  are  doubtless 
right.  Why  Señor  Alaman  should  have  made  any 
mystery  about  the  matter,  even  with  his  friend  Icazbal- 
ceta,  does  not  seem  easy  to  explain,  especially  if  he  knew 
the  body  to  be  in  Palermo.  If  Señor  Alaman  knew  the 
body  was  in  Mexico,  but  wished  to  encourage  the  belief 
that  it  was  in  Palermo,  his  reticence  with  Señor  Garcia 
Icazbalceta  is  explicable,  for  it  must  also  be  borne  in 
mind  that  he  never  positively  said  he  knew  it  to  be  in 
Palermo, — ^he  merely  gave  it  to  be  understood  that  he 
thought  so  by  quoting  Dr.  Mora,  who  stated  the  fact 
without  ofiEering  any  proofs  of  its  truth.  If  he  wished 
what  he  knew  was  not  true  to  be  beheved,  his  regard  for 
truth  forbade  his  going  to  the  length  of  a  positive  state- 
ment, but  he  might  feel  justified  for  motives  which,  what- 


Marques  del  Valle  73 

ever  they  were,  in  the  first  half  of  the  last  century,  have 
no  existence  now,  in  encouraging  the  spread  of  the  Pa- 
lermo legend.  Or  it  may  also  well  be  that  Señor  Alaman 
was  partly  convinced  by  what  he  heard  that  the  body 
was  in  Palermo,  but  in  the  face  of  the  contrary  assertions 
made  by  some  persons,  and  the  absence  of  any  authentic 
record  of  the  transaction,  was  reluctant  to  commit  him- 
self to  a  positive  statement. 

The  Republic  of  Mexico  has  emerged  from  its  state 
of  infancy,  and  has  successfully  survived  the  periods  of 
trials,  and  perilous  struggles,  which  all  new  nations  must 
traverse  to  reach  the  state  of  permanent  and  prosperous 
peace,  indispensable  to  national  greatness.  The  four 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  discovery  and  conquest, 
which  looms  in  sight,  will  find  her  in  the  foremost  ranks 
of  the  republics  of  the  New  World,  and  these  great  events 
will  doubtless  be  commemorated  by  becoming  celebra- 
tions, which  shall  suitably  revive  the  memory  of  the 
great  Conqueror,  and  his  intrepid  allies  of  Tlascala. 
If  there  be  any  clue  or  trace  by  which  the  body  of  Cortes 
can  be  found,  it  should  be  diligently  followed  up,  until 
the  remains  are  recovered  and  restored  to  the  place  of 
honour  in  the  national  pantheon. 


LAST   WILL   AND   TESTAMENT    OF   FERNANDO 
CORTES  MARQUES    DEL   VALLE   DE  OAXACA 


75 


LAST  WILL  AND  TESTAMENT 

IN  the  name  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity,  Father,  Son,  and 
Holy  Ghost,  who  are  three  persons  and  one,  only,  and 
true  God  Whom  I  hold,  believe,  and  confess  to  be  my 
true  God  and  Redeemer,  and  of  the  most  glorious  and  for- 
tunate Virgin  His  Blessed  Mother,  our  Lady  and  Advocate. 
Let  all  who  may  see  this  Testament  know  that  I,  Don 
Fernando  Cortes,  Marques  del  Valle  de  Oaxaca,  Captain 
General  of  New  Spain  and  the  South  Sea  for  the  Caesarian 
Majesty  of  the  Emperor  Charles,  fifth  of  this  name,  my  sover- 
eign Prince  and  Lord,  being  ill,  but  in  such  free  and  sound 
judgment  with  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  endow  me,  fearing 
death,  as  is  natural  to  every  creature,  and  desiring  to  prepare 
myself  against  such  time  as  it  may  please  God  to  call  me 
hence,  do  for  the  good  of  my  soul,  and  the  peace  and  discharge 
of  my  conscience,  execute,  and  recognise  this  document  which 
I  do  make,  and  order  as  my  last  testament  and  final  will,  in 
the  following  form  and  manner. 

I.  First  I  direct  that,  should  I  die  in  the  Spanish  realm, 
my  body  shall  be  interred  in  the  church  of  that  parish  wherein 
shall  stand  the  house  in  which  I  die,  and  that  there  it  shall 
remain  until  such  time  as  it  may  please  my  successor  to  trans- 
port my  bones  to  New  Spain ;  this  I  charge  and  direct  him  to 
do  within  ten  years  and  sooner  if  possible,  and  that  he  trans- 
port them  thence  to  my  town  of  Coyoacan,  and  there  give 
them  sepulture  in  the  monastery  of  the  nuns  called  La  Con- 
cepción, of  the  order  of  St.  Francis  which  I  have  founded  in 
my  said  town,  with  provision  for  the  interment  of  myself 
and  my  successors. 

II.  Item:  I  direct  that  should  it  please  God  that  my  end 
and  death  should  take  place  in  this  realm  of  Spain,  my  burial 
shall  be  attended  to,  according  to  the  provisions  of  those 

77 


78 


Letters  of  Cortes 


gentlemen  whom  I  have  named  my  executors,  or  of  any  one 
of  them  who  may  be  present,  and  that  everything  suitable 
thereto  be  decently  ordered. 

III.  I  direct,  furthermore,  that  the  beneficed  clergy  and 
chaplains  of  the  parish  church  of  the  town  or  place  where  I 
die  shall  carry  my  body,  and  that  all  the  monks  of  the  re- 
ligious Orders  shall  also  march  in  procession,  headed  by  the 
cross,  and  assist  at  the  obsequies  which  shall  be  celebrated; 
and  I  direct  that  the  usual  alms  may  be  given  to  the  said 
religious  orders  according  to  the  judgment  of  my  said 
executors. 

IV.  Item:  I  direct  that,  on  the  day  of  my  death,  fifty 
poor  men  be  provided  out  of  my  means  with  full  gowns  of 
grey  cloth,  with  large  hoods  of  the  same,  and  shall  accompany 
my  funeral  procession  bearing  lighted  torches,  after  which 
each  shall  receive  one  real. 

V.  Item:  I  direct  that  on  the  same  day  of  my  funeral, 
if  it  should  take  place  before  midday,  and  otherwise  on  the 
day  following,  all  the  masses  possible  shall  be  said  in  all  the 
churches  and  monasteries  of  the  said  city  or  town  or  place 
of  my  death;  and  besides  these  masses,  five  thousand  more 
shall  be  said  on  successive  days  in  the  following  manner: 
one  thousand  for  the  souls  in  purgatory,  two  thousand 
for  the  souls  of  those  who  lost  their  lives  serving  under 
me  in  the  discoveries  and  conquests  which  I  made  in  New 
Spain,  and  the  two  remaining  thousand  for  the  souls  of  all 
towards  whom  I  have  obligations  of  which  I  am  ignorant  or 
forgetful;  those  which  I  do  know  and  remember  shall  be 
discharged  as  I  direct  in  this  my  testament.  My  executors 
shall  recompense  the  said  five  thousand  masses  according  to 
custom,  and  I  beg  them  in  all  that  concerns  my  funeral  to 
suppress  the  worldly  pomps,  and  devote  money  rather  to  the 
good  of  souls. 

VI.  Item:  On  the  said  day  of  my  burial  my  executors 
shall  furnish  all  my  own  servants  and  those  of  my  sons  with  a 
suitable  mourning  dress,  as  they  shall  judge  proper,  and  during 
six  succeeding  months,  my  servants  shall  continue  to  receive 
their  usual  stipend  with  their  food  and  drink,  exactly  as 
during  my  lifetime.     Those  who  do  not  remain  in  the  service 


Last  Will  and  Testament  79 

of  my  son  and  successor  Don  Martin  shall  receive  their  pay- 
ment in  full  on  the  day  they  leave  his  service. 

VII.  Item:  I  direct  that  when  my  bones  shall  be  trans- 
ported to  New  Spain  for  interment  in  the  monastery  church 
of  Coyoacan,  which  I  direct  to  be  built,  that  this  shall  be 
done  by  order  of  the  Marquesa  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga,  my 
wife,  and  in  such  ■v^dse  as  she  or  my  son  or  my  successor  at 
that  time,  whichever  of  them  may  be  living  at  that  time,  shall 
direct. 

VIII.  Item:  I  direct  that  the  bones  of  Doña  Catalina 
Pizarro  my  lady  mother,  and  those  of  Don  Luis  my  son, 
which  are  buried  in  the  monastery  church  of  St.  Francis  in 
Texcoco,  and  those  of  Doña  Catalina  my  daughter  which  are 
in  the  monastery  of  Cuahuanavac  (Cuernavaca) ,  be  brought, 
and  buried  in  my  sepulchre  in  the  said  monastery  which  I 
found  in  my  town  of  Coyoacan. 

IX.  Item:  I  direct  that  the  hospital  of  Our  Lady  of  the 
Conception,  which  I  directed  to  be  founded  in  the  city  of 
Mexico  in  New  Spain,  shall  be  finished  at  my  cost  according 
to  the  plan  drawn.  The  principal  chapel  of  its  church  shall 
be  completed  according  to  the  model  in  wood  made  by  Pedro 
Vasquez  Jumetrico,  and  the  plan  described  in  the  letter  which 
I  sent  to  New  Spain,  in  this  present  year  1547.  For  these 
costs  I  set  apart  especially  the  rents  deriving  from  my  shops 
and  houses  in  the  said  city,  situated  in  the  square  and  street 
of  Tacuba  and  San  Francisco,  and  in  the  street  which  unites 
them ;  this  income  shall  be  given  exclusively  to  the  said  works 
until  they  are  completed,  nor  shall  my  successor  employ 
them  for  any  other  purposes.  But  it  is  my  wish  and  will 
that  the  expenditure  be  made  by  my  successor  as  patron  of 

■  the  hospital,  and,  when  the  works  are  finished  according  to 
the  said  plans,  that  the  same  rents  shall  be  devoted  to  pro- 
viding revenues  for  the  wants  of  the  administration,  and  the 
direction  of  the  said  hospital,  following  in  this  institution 
the  order  laid  down  by  me  before  a  notary  public.  Failing 
this,  I  direct  that  the  same  system  of  administration  be 
adopted  as  that  which  obtains  in  the  hospital  of  the  Five 
Wounds,  founded  by  Doña  Catalina  de  Rivera  (may  she 
have  glory),   for  maintaining  the  administrators,  chaplains. 


8o  Letters  of  Cortes 

and     other    officers    and    servants    attached    to    the    said 
hospital. 

X.  Item:  I  direct  that  in  the  chapel  of  the  monastery 
of  St.  Francis  in  Medellin,  where  my  father  Martin  Cortes  is 
buried,  the  memorial  masses,  for  which  I  leave  provision, 
shall  be  celebrated  yearly  in  perpetuity.  My  successor  or 
successors  shall  for  all  time  see  to  this,  for  which  purpose  I 
name,  as  patron  of  the  said  chapel,  my  son  and  successor 
Don  Martin  Cortes,  and  after  him  those  who  shall  follow  him 
in  the  succession.  He,  holding  the  said  patronage  (or  those 
who  succeed  him  by  right  of  primogeniture),  may  name  as 
his  substitute  for  the  exercise  of  the  said  patronage  such 
person  or  persons  as  may  be  desirable  for  such  time  as  may 
please  him,  and  hold  full  power  to  revoke  such  appointment 
whenever  he  may  so  desire,  substituting  any  other  who  is 
deemed  suitable.  Such  person,  thus  appointed,  shall,  in  the 
absence  of  the  head  of  my  house,  hold  the  same  power  and 
faculties  as  the  said  patron  himself,  for  such  time  as  his 
appointment  may  last. 

XL  Item:  I  declare  that  since  Almighty  God  Our  Lord 
has  vouchsafed  to  advance  and  favour  me  in  the  discovery 
and  conquest  of  New  Spain,  and  I  have  always  received  from 
His  merciful  hand  very  great  favours  and  mercies,  both  in 
my  victories  over  the  enemies  of  His  Holy  Catholic  Faith, 
and  in  the  pacification  and  settlement  of  those  kingdoms, 
from  which  I  hope  great  service  may  accrue  to  God  our  Lord, 
I  order  that  the  following  works  be  undertaken  in  grateful 
recognition  of  those  said  favours  and  mercies,  and  also  to 
discharge  and  satisfy  my  conscience  for  whatsoever  faults 
or  burdens  may  lie  thereon,  but  of  which  my  memory  no 
longer  takes  account  to  enable  me  to  specify  them : 

XII.  I  order  and  direct  that,  in  addition  to  the  aforesaid 
hospital  which  I  have  already  provided  shall  be  built  in  the 
city  of  Mexico,  a  monastery  of  the  nuns  of  the  Conception, 
belonging  to  the  Order  of  St.  Francis,  shall  be  built  in  my 
town  of  Coyoacan,  in  such  place,  and  according  to  such  plan 
as  I  shall  indicate;  and  should  I  not  leave  these  instructions, 
then  I  direct  that  my  successor  or  his  deputy  shall  found  and 
build  it,  providing  a  community  with  such  endowment  as 


Last  Will  and  Testament  8i 

shall  be  required.  I  designate  the  said  monastery  in  my 
town  of  Coyoacan  as  my  place  of  sepulture,  which  I  direct 
shall  be  in  the  major  chapel  of  the  church  of  the  said  monas- 
tery, where  no  other  persons  except  my  legitimate  descend- 
ants may  be  buried. 

XIII.  Item:  I  direct  that  a  college  shall  be  built  in  my 
said  town  of  Coyoacan  for  students  of  theology  and  canon 
law;  that  there  may  be  learned  persons  to  officiate  in  the 
churches,  and  to  train  and  instruct  the  natives  in  our  Holy 
Catholic  Faith.  This  college  shall  be  provided  with  faculties, 
and  receive  a  number  of  students,  and  the  rules  and  consti- 
tutions which  I  shall  establish  for  it  shall  be  observed.  It 
shall  be  built  in  such  place,  and  after  a  plan  suitable  to  the 
said  institution,  and  with  such  regulations  and  ordinances 
as  I  shall  prescribe,  and,  if  perchance  I  should  not  explain 
these,  I  direct  that  my  successor  or  his  deputy  shall  organise 
and  build  it,  adopting  the  statutes,  constitutions,  and  or- 
dinances governing  the  college  of  Santa  Maria  de  Jesus  founded 
in  this  city  of  Seville.  The  costs  and  expenses  of  the  said 
college  shall  be  covered  and  supplied  from  the  rents  which 
will  be  designated. 

XIV.  Item:  I  destine,  for  the  endowment  of  the  said 
hospital  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Conception  which  I  am  building 
in  Mexico,  two  front  ground  plots  of  the  houses  of  Jorge 
Alvarado,  and  of  the  treasurer  Juan  Alonso  de  Sosa,  between 
my  house  and  the  aqueduct  which  extends  to  the  houses  of 
Don  Luis  Saavedra,  which  being  now  unoccupied,  I  assume 
the  obligation  to  construct  such  buildings  as  may  amply 
suffice  for  the  said  endowment.  During  such  time  as  the 
said  buildings  are  not  constructed,  the  said  hospital  shall 
receive  support  from  my  estate  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred 
thousand  maravedís  of  good  money.  I  direct  that  the  said 
endowment  shall  be  furnished  as  is  provided,  and  with  the 
conditions  I  shall  hereafter  state,  and  I  direct  that  my  suc- 
cessor shall  be  free  at  any  time  to  allot  the  said  hospital 
some  part  of  the  said  one  hundred  thousand  maravedís  in- 
come, in  lieu  of  the  said  buildings,  should  he  so  desire,  affect- 
ing this  substitution  in  any  assured  manner  he  may  wish. 

XV.  Item:  as,  likewise,  I  have  stated  and  bound  myself 


82 


Letters  of  Cortes 


to  furnish  to  the  said  hospital  lands  near  the  city  of  Mexico, 
producing  three  hundred  thousand  fanegas  of  wheat,  as  is 
set  forth  in  the  said  endowment  to  which  I  refer,  I  direct 
that  this  obligation  be  fulfilled,  and  I  assign  for  such  pur- 
pose a  piece  of  land,  which  I  own,  at  the  extremity  of  Coy- 
oacan,  situated  between  that  town,  and  the  river  which 
crosses  the  road  leading  to  Chapultepec.  Should  this  not 
suffice,  the  amount  shall  be  completed,  at  the  option  of  my 
successor,  from  other  lands  where  I  have  had,  and  have,  my 
plantations,  situated  beyond  the  said  river  in  the  direction  of 
Chapultepec.  Should  my  successor  or  successors  at  any  time 
wish  to  substitute  for  the  said  hospital,  as  required  by  the 
endowment,  other  lands  producing  three  hundred  thousand 
fanegas  of  wheat,  this  may  be  done,  on  condition  that 
they  are  as  good  as  those  I  have  designated.  As  I  do 
not  know  whether  some  part  of  the  lands,  indicated  and 
named  by  me  for  the  said  hospital,  may  not  belong  to  me  as 
Señor  (proprietary  lord)  of  that  place,  or  by  other  title,  I 
direct  that  any  such  be  restored  to  their  owners,  who  shall  be 
paid  the  full  value  to  their  satisfaction.  As  I  have  worked 
such  lands,  profiting  by  them,  under  the  belief  that  I  might 
do  so  with  a  clear  conscience,  I  direct  that  the  rightful  owners 
of  the  said  lands  be  repaid  the  amount  it  may  be  shown  I  have 
derived  from  them,  so  that  my  conscience  may  be  clean;  my 
said  successor  shall  be  obliged,  should  these  lands  be  shown 
not  to  belong  to  me,  to  make  good  the  amount  provided  in 
the  act  of  endowment  to  the  said  hospital. 

XVI.  Item:  I  declare  and  say  that,  as  has  been  stated, 
the  construction  of  the  said  hospital  in  Mexico  shall  be  com- 
pleted in  the  said  city  as  above  mentioned  out  of  the  rents  of 
the  lands  and  buildings  I  own  in  the  square  and  streets  of 
Tacuba  and  San  Francisco;  and  this  construction  completed, 
the  income  from  the  said  shops  and  buildings  shall  revert  to 
my  successor  or  successors.  They  shall  henceforth  devote 
this  entire  sum  annually  to  the  construction  of  the  monastery 
of  nuns,  and  of  the  above  mentioned  college  which  I  directed 
to  be  founded  and  built  in  my  said  town  of  Coyoacan,  using 
and  distributing  the  sums  necessary  to  put  them  in  possession. 

XVII.  And,  that  the  works  of  the  said  hospital,    mon- 


Last  Will  and  Testament  83 

astery,  and  college  above  described  may  be  speedily  completed, 
and  the  service  of  God  our  Lord  thereby  promoted,  as  it  is 
hoped,  I  direct  that,  in  addition  to  the  four  thousand  ducats 
derived  from  the  buildings  already  indicated  for  the  works  of 
the  said  hospital  in  Mexico,  and  the  said  college  and  monastery 
in  Coyoacan,  six  thousand  ducats  more  shall  be  used  from 
my  estate  each  year  from  the  date  of  my  death,  so  that  in  all 
there  will  thus  be  ten  thousand  ducats  devoted  to  this  pur- 
pose ;  four  thousand  from  the  income  of  the  shops  and  buildings 
for  the  work  on  the  said  hospital  until  it  is  finished;  three 
thousand  for  the  construction  of  the  said  monastery  of  nuns; 
and  the  remaining  three  thousand  for  the  building  of  the  said 
college.  When  the  work  on  the  said  hospital  shall  be  ter- 
minated, the  four  thousand  ducats  set  apart  therefor  shall 
be  divided  into  equal  parts,  and  devoted  to  the  works  on  the 
said  monastery  and  college,  so  that  each  of  these  may  thus 
dispose  of  five  thousand  ducats  yearly.  These  works  being 
completed,  in  order  to  relieve  my  successor  of  the  obligation 
of  continuing  from  thenceforth  forever  to  give  the  six  thousand 
and  the  four  thousand  ducats  from  the  income  of  the  said 
shops  and  buildings,  these  sums  shall  be  distributed  as  follows: 
one  thousand  ducats  for  the  endowment  and  estates  of  the 
said  monastery  of  nuns  which,  as  has  been  said,  I  directed  to  be 
founded  in  my  town  of  Coyoacan;  two  thousand  ducats  for 
the  endowment  and  expenses  of  the  said  college  which  I 
directed  to  be  founded  in  the  same  town ;  and  another  thousand 
ducats  do  I  adjudge  to  the  said  hospital  of  the  Conception 
which  I  directed  to  be  founded  in  the  said  city  of  Mexico. 
This  last  shall  be  with  such  condition  that,  by  a  yearly  pay- 
ment of  this  sum,  the  obligation  assumed  by  me  and  my 
successor  and  successors  (to  build  for  the  endowment  of  the 
said  hospital  certain  houses,  and  two  front  ground  plots  of 
the  houses  of  Jorge  de  Alv arado  and  the  treasurer  Juan  de 
Sosa)  may  be  acquitted,  as  well  our  obligation  to  provide  one 
hundred  thousand  maravedís  of  annual  income  to  the  said 
hospital  should  we  fail  to  construct  the  said  buildings.  This 
is  also  that  I  and  my  successor  and  successors  may  be  released 
from  the  obligation,  which  I  assumed  when  I  endowed  the  said 
hospital,  of  giving  it  certain  lands  near  the  city  of  Mexico, 


84  Letters  of  Cortes 

yielding  three  hundred  janegas  of  wheat;  for  it  is  my  wish  and 
intention  that,  by  giving  the  said  hospital  an  annual  income  in 
perpetuity  of  one  thousand  üÍMcaíí,  I  and  my  successor  and  suc- 
cessors may  be  released  from  all  claim  upon  the  said  houses, 
or  in  lieu  of  them,  the  said  one  hundred  thousand  maravedís, 
and  the  said  lands  producing  three  hundred  fanegas  of  wheat ; 
all  of  which  both  in  whole  and  in  part  I  direct  shall  return 
to  the  possession  and  enjoyment  of  my  successor  and  suc- 
cessors. Should  the  said  hospital  not  desist  from  such  claim, 
I  direct  that  this  provision  and  endowment  of  one  thousand 
ducats  yearly  income  shall  be  of  no  value  or  effect,  but  this 
sum  shall  revert  to  my  successor  or  successors. 

XVIII.  Item:  I  say  that,  inasmuch  as  it  is  seen  by  ex- 
perience that  the  revenues  from  lands  and  houses,  both 
in  Spain  and  in  New  Spain,  increase  daily,  my  shops  and 
buildings,  above  mentioned,  may  become  of  greater  value, 
and  yield  an  income  exceeding  the  amount  of  four  thousand 
ducats  which  I  devise  and  give  forevermore,  as  is  attested 
by  the  endowments  of  the  said  monastery  of  nuns,  the  said 
college,  and  the  said  hospital,  and  it  is  my  will  that  should 
the  said  shops  and  buildings  become  more  valuable  and  3áeld 
more  rent,  that  the  excess  of  value  and  rent,  over  and  above 
the  said  four  thousand  ducats,  shall  be  divided  as  follows: 
two  parts  of  the  said  excess  to  go  to  the  said  college  and  of 
the  remaining  two  parts  one  each  to  the  said  monastery  of 
nuns  and  to  the  said  hospital. 

XIX.  Item:  I  say  and  direct  that,  by  virtue  of  the  grant 
made  to  me  by  the  Emperor  our  King,  and  Lord  of  the  towns 
therein  mentioned,  his  rights  of  patronage  over  the  churches 
of  the  said  towns  belong  to  me  in  conformity  with  a  clause  of 
the  said  grant,  in  which  it  is  declared  that  I  possess  in  those 
towns  all  the  rights,  contributions,  and  customs,  and  every- 
thing else  which  His  Majesty  has  or  may  have  in  the  other 
towns  of  New  Spain,  which,  excepting  the  mines  and  salt, 
remain  the  property  of  his  royal  crown.  Thus,  except  these 
two  things  specified  in  the  grant,  the  right  of  patronage 
belonging  to  him,  belongs  for  the  same  reason  to  me.  In 
addition  to  the  grant  made  me  by  His  Majesty,  I  hold  the 
said  rights  of  patronage  by  concession  of  His  Holiness,  the  bull 


Last  Will  and  Testament  85 

for  which  is  deposited  with  His  Majesty,  and  his  Council  for 
the  Indies,  that  they  may  recognise  as  valid  the  said  concession. 
I  desire,  and  it  is  my  will,  that  my  successor  or  successors, 
may  have  and  preserve  forever  the  said  right  of  patron- 
age. As,  at  the  time  I  solicited  the  concession  from  His 
Holiness,  it  was  my  intention  that  the  natives  of  those  towns 
should  be  better  instructed  in  the  doctrines  of  our  Holy  Catholic 
Faith,  I  direct  and  charge  Don  Martin,  my  son,  and  successor 
and  successors,  to  have  very  special  care  of  this,  conferring  the 
benefices  of  the  said  towns  upon  able  men  of  good  life  and 
example,  with  the  obligation  to  daily  instruct  the  said  natives; 
and  that  they  take  great  care  to  oversee  and  ascertain  very 
particularly  how  this  is  done  and  fulfilled.  As  the  said  con- 
cession from  His  Holiness  says  that  I  and  my  heirs  and  suc- 
cessors should  have  and  receive  the  tithes  and  first  fruits  from 
the  said  towns,  comprised  in  the  right  of  patronage  for  the 
endowment  of  the  churches,  I  direct  that  dowries,  vestments, 
and  other  things  necessary  for  the  cult,  and  the  wine  for  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments,  be  aU  provided  for  out  of 
the  said  tithes  and  first  fruits.  During  such  time  as  this  is 
not  complied  with,  through  no  fault  of  my  successor  or  suc- 
cessors, the  said  tithes  and  first  fruits  may  not  be  employed 
otherwise,  for,  from  this  time  forth  and  forever,  I  destine  and 
apply  these  to  provide  the  said  churches  with  all  whatsoever 
belongs  to  or  concerns  them  in  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  for 
the  purposes  above  expressed,  the  control  and  enjoyment  of 
the  said  light  of  patronage  remaining  to  my  successors  the 
same  as  it  has  been  conceded  to  me;  hence  it  is  my  will  that 
whatever  may  remain  of  the  said  titles  and  first  fruits  of  these 
churches,  over  and  above  the  expenses  above  set  forth,  being 
properties  dedicated  to  God  Our  Lord,  and  to  His  holy  temples, 
shall  be  used  and  distributed  in  works  of  His  service,  and  for 
no  other  purpose  I  say  therefor  and  direct  that  such  surplus 
of  tithes  and  first  fruits,  after  each  year's  expenditure  for 
the  above  mentioned  objects,  shall  be  adjudged  perpetually 
by  my  successor  or  successors  or  their  deputies  as  fol- 
lows:— one  half  to  the  endowment  of  the  said  college,  and 
the  remainder  divided  equally  between  the  said  monas- 
tery, and  the  said   hospital,  in   the  same  proportion  as  the 


86  Letters  of  Cortes 

division  which  is  made  of  the  rents  from  the  said  shops  and 
buildings. 

XX.  Item:  I  direct  that  ten  thousand  ducats  be  paid  to 
my  wife,  the  Marquesa  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga,  which  sum 
I  received  as  her  dowry ;  forasmuch  as  I  received  and  expended 
them,  and  they  belong  to  her,  I  direct  that  they  be  paid  with- 
out dispute  or  question  from  the  first  and  best  properties  of 
my  estate. 

XXI.  Item:  I  say  that,  since,  between  Don  Pedro  Alvarez 
Osorio,  marques  de  Astorga,  and  myself,  it  has  been  arranged 
and  concerted  that  his  eldest  son  and  heir,  Don  Alvaro  Perez 
Osorio,  should  marry  Doña  Maria  Cortes,  legitimate  daughter 
of  myself  and  the  Marquesa  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga,  my 
wife,  and  the  conditions  of  this  marriage  have  been  set  forth 
in  a  contract,  it  is  my  will  that  it  should  be  fulfilled  according 
to  the  stipulations;  and  as  I  have  agreed  and  promised  one 
hundred  thousand  ducats  as  a  dower  for  the  said  Doña  Maria, 
my  daughter,  of  which  the  marques  de  Astorga,  conformably 
to  the  said  stipulations,  has  already  received  twenty  thousand 
ducats,  I  desire  that  before  everything  else  the  remaining 
eighty  thousand  ducats  be  paid  from  the  estates  of  the  said 
marquesa,  my  wife,  and  from  my  own  to  complete  the 
said  dower,  at  the  time  and  in  the  manner  provided  in  the  said 
contract.  These  sums  shall  be  charged  against  the  legitimate 
share  of  oirr  estates  which  would  belong  to  my  daughter  Doña 
Maria. 

XXII.  As  I  am  obliged  to  dower  Doña  Catalina  and  Doña 
Juana,  the  legitimate  daughters  of  myself  and  my  wife,  the 
said  marquesa,  I  direct  that,  in  discharge  of  this  obligation 
as  best  I  can,  each  of  them  shall  receive  fifty  thousand  ducats, 
making  one  hundred  thousand  for  both;  for  which  purpose  I 
transfer  this  sum  irrevocably  during  my  lifetime  to  Melchor 
de  Mojica,  my  administrator  and  secretary,  who  is  here  present 
and  accepts  the  same  in  my  name.  These  hundred  thousand 
ducats  may  be  taken  from  the  joint  estate  of  the  marquesa 
my  wife,  and  mine,  and  charged  against  the  share  her  legiti- 
mate daughters  would  have  of  our  estate.  Failing  the  neces- 
sary sum,  at  the  time  of  my  death,  to  pay  these  hundred 
thousand  ducats,  I  desire  that  whatever  is  wanting  shall  be 


Last  Will  and  Testament  87 

paid  by  my  son  and  successor,  Don  Martin,  or  whatever  other 
successor,  by  setting  apart  from  my  estate  fifteen  thousand 
ducats  yearly,  until  the  full  amount  of  one  hundred  thousand 
ducats  be  made  up,  as  said  above. 

I,  Melchor  de  Mojica  accept  and  receive  the  said  dower  of 
one  hundred  thousand  ducats  in  the  name  of  the  said  ladies, 
Doña  Catalina  and  Doña  Juana,  as  set  forth  in  this  article, 
and,  in  witness  and  confirmation  of  the  same,  I  here  sign 
my  name. 

Melchor  de  Mojica. 

XXIII.  Item:  I  direct,  and  place  as  a  charge  on  my  suc- 
cessor, and  on  the  income  of  my  estate,  an  annual  pension  of 
one  thousand  ducats  in  gold  to  each  of  my  natural  sons,  Don 
Martin  and  Don  Luis  Cortes,  for  their  lifetime,  or  until  each 
of  them  may  have  an  income  of  over  five  thousand  maravedís. 
I  direct  that  these  sums  be  paid,  free  from  any  tax  of  any  sort, 
annually;  and  from  this  time  forth  I  establish  them  as  theirs, 
from  the  best  share  of  my  rents.  I  direct  that  my  sons,  Don 
Martin  and  Don  Luis,  be  subject  and  obedient  to  my  successor 
in  everything,  in  which  they  honestly  may,  as  to  the  chief  and 
head  of  the  family  from  which  they  spring,  and  that  for  no 
reason  shall  they  disobey  or  fail  in  their  respect  to  him,  but 
shall  assist  and  serve  him  in  everything  not  contrary  to  God 
Our  Lord,  or  His  holy  religion,  and  Catholic  Faith,  or  against 
their  rightful  king;  and  I  direct  that  should  either  show  notori- 
ous disobedience  or  disrespect,  such  as  may  be  proven  as  such, 
they  shall  lose  the  benefits  and  substance  they  receive,  and 
shall  be  considered  as  strangers  to  my  house  and  children, 

XXIV.  Item:  I  direct  that  marriages  for  my  daughters, 
Doña  Catalina  and  Doña  Juana,  are  to  he  arranged  only  upon 
the  counsel,  and  with  the  approval,  of  the  marquesa,  their 
mother,  and  of  my  successor.  Should  either  of  them  marry 
outside  this  condition,  my  successor  shall  not  be  obliged  to 
pay  anything  of  the  dower  I  have  provided. 

XXV.  Item:  I  direct  that  Doña  Catalina  Pizarro,  my 
daughter  by  Leonor  Pizarro,  wife  of  Juan  de  Salcedo,  a  citizen 
of  Mexico,  be  given  the  full  amount  of  the  income  and  increase 
of  the  cows,  mares,  and  ewes  which  I  gave  her  when  she  first 


88  Letters  of  Cortes 

came  to  the  kinjidom  of  Mexico,  together  with  the  income 
from  the  town  of  Chinantla,  and  all  else  that  I  assigned  for  her 
marriage  dower  and  delivered  to  the  said  Juan  de  Salcedo, 
husband  of  Doña  Leonor  Pizarro,  her  mother.  And,  as  I 
have  received  from  the  increase  on  the  said  ranches  a  number 
of  horses,  bulls,  rams,  and  monies,  I  direct  that  this  amount 
be  repaid  out  of  my  estate,  to  my  daughter  Doña  Catalina, 
according  to  the  account  presented  by  the  said  Juan  de 
Salcedo,  at  the  price  they  were  worth  when  I  received  them. 
I  confess,  now%  that  two  receipts,  made  to  me  by  Hernando 
de  Saavedra,  and  Gil  Gonzale  de  Benevides,  for  a  certain 
amount  in  gold  for  some  cows  which  I  sold  them  at  four  differ- 
ent times,  as  will  appear  from  the  said  receipts,  really  belong 
to  the  estate  and  increase  of  my  daughter  Doña  Catalina, 
although  they  are  made  out  to  me;  and  I  therefore  direct 
that  they  be  paid  to  her  with  interest,  being  hers,  and  coming 
from  her  estate.  The  amounts  of  the  said  receipts  are  two 
thousand  pesos  of  good  gold  for  the  one,  and  two  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  fifty  for  the  other. 

XXVI.  Item:  I  acknowledge  another  receipt  from  Fran- 
cisco de  Villegas,  citizen  of  Mexico,  given  me  for  two  thousand 
pesos  in  gold  for  some  cow^s,  of  which,  according  to  Juan  de 
Salcedo's  statement,  he  only  owes  one  thousand,  as  he  did  not 
receive  the  full  nimiber  of  cows  sold  to  him,  which  coming 
also  from  the  property  of  my  daughter.  Doña  Catalina,  I  order 
be  paid  to  her. 

XXVII.  Item:  I  also  acknowledge  another  receipt,  of 
four  hundred  pesos,  made  me  by  Bernardino  del  Castillo, 
for  mares,  likewise  coming  from  the  property  of  my  daughter. 
Doña  Catalina;  I  order  that  this  be  paid  to  her. 

XXVIII.  Item:  I  acknowledge  another  receipt,  for  two 
thousand  four  hundred  pesos  in  gold,  given  me  by  Alonzo 
Dávalos,  for  twelve  mares  and  six  fillies,  coming  from  the 
property  of  my  daughter.  Doña  Catalina;  I  order  that  this  be 
paid  to  her. 

XXIX.  Item:  I  declare  that  all  the  cows  and  nocks  at 
Matalango  belong  to  my  daughter,  Doña  Catalina,  and  to 
the  said  Leonor  Pizarro,  besides  all  the  mares  and  colts  at 
Taltizapan,  which  bear  her  brand  of  a  large  E  on  the  haunch. 


Last  Will  and  Testament  89 

XXX.  Item:  I  declare  that,  of  the  receipt  made  by  Gil 
Gonzale  de  Benevides  with  Hernando  de  Saavedra,  which, 
as  above  said,  belongs  to  my  daughter.  Doña  Catalina,  three 
hundred  and  fifty  castellanos  in  gold  have  been  paid,  which  I 
received  in  four  horses  which  I  possess;  I  order  that  this  be 
paid  to  the  said  Doña  Catalina. 

XXXI.  Item:  I  declare  that  I  gave  a  final  quittance  to 
the  said  Juan  de  Salcedo,  citizen  of  Mexico,  husband  of  the 
said  Leonor  Pizarro,  stating  that  I  gave  and  give  it  him  in  full 
receipt  for  all  accounts  he  had  with  the  estate  and  goods  of 
Doña  Catalina  Pizarro,  my  daughter,  which  were  delivered  to 
him.  I  say  that  I  gave  the  said  final  quittance,  notwith- 
standing I  was  not  disposed  to  give  it  without  the  accounts 
and  payments,  at  the  instance  and  entreaty  of  the  said  Juan 
de  Salcedo,  to  save  him  the  necessity  of  rendering  the  said 
accounts  during  my  absence;  for  which  he  promised,  under 
oath,  that,  on  my  return  from  my  journey,  he  would  present 
them  in  full,  without  fraud  nor  taking  anything  from  the  said 
Doña  Catalina;  and  this  he  did,  with  Andres  de  Tapia  present 
as  witness. 

XXXII.  Item:  I  direct  that,  when  it  may  please  Our 
Lord  that  the  said  Doña  Catalina,  my  daughter,  should  marry, 
she  shall  do  so  on  the  counsel,  and  with  the  consent  of  my 
successor,  whom  I  beg  to  take  special  care  to  provide  that  his 
sister  Catalina  marries  as  becomes  the  honour  of  our  house 
and  her  own. 

XXXIII.  Item:  I  direct  that  my  natural  daughters. 
Doña  Leonor  and  Doña  Maria,  shall  receive  as  dowries,  each, 
ten  thousand  ducats  from  my  estate,  recommending  them  to 
marry  with  the  counsel  and  consent  of  my  said  successor,  whom 
I  charge  as  in  the  former  article  touching  his  sister,  Doña 
CataUna.  Should  either  or  both  die  before  marrying,  or 
desire  to  enter  the  religious  life,  let  them  receive  for  their 
support  and  expenses  sixty  thousand  maravedís  yearly;  the 
remainder  reverting  to  my  son  and  successor  Don  Martin, 
and  those  who  follow  him. 

XXXIV.  Item:  I  direct  that,  as  some  persons  have 
served  on  my  farming  estates,  and  I  do  not  know  whether 
they  have  been  paid,  the  conditions  agreed  upon  with  me  or 


9©  Letters  of  Cortes 

my  administrators  at  the  time  of  their  engagement  shall  be 
ascertained,  and  that  they  be  paid  as  the  books  of  the  ad- 
ministration show  to  be  just,  without  wearying  them  with 
more  controversy  than  is  required  to  discover  the  truth. 
This  to  be  done  on  the  conscience  of  my  successor  and  exe- 
cutors, without  their  being  obliged  to  give  any  other  account 
than  that  they  have  paid  them. 

XXXV.  Item:  I  direct  that  all  debts  as  shall  appear  from 
my  account  books,  owing  to  people  in  my  service,  both  here 
in  Spain  and  in  New  Spain,  shall  be  paid  in  accordance  with 
the  conditions  established  when  they  entered  my  service, 
and  that  this  be  done  without  delay  or  dispute.  As  Bernar- 
dino del  Castillo  was  engaged  in  taking  account  of  all  that 
the  licenciate  Don  Juan  Altamirano  has  furnished  and  sent 
me,  I  direct  that  the  statement  of  the  said  licenciate  be 
accepted. 

XXXVI.  Item:  I  direct  that  all  my  debts  of  whatever 
nature  public  and  private,  when  shewn  to  be  justly  mine,  be 
paid  without  delay  or  process  of  law,  but  quickly  and  without 
incurring  expense.  As  I  may  have  debts  for  which  I  have  no 
written  proof,  I  direct  that  all  such,  if  shew^n  to  be  mine,  even 
without  writing,  be  paid  without  process  of  law,  up  to  the 
amount  of  one  hundred  pesos  in  good  money. 

XXXVII.  Item:  I  say  that  I  have  spent  large  sums  of 
money  in  New  Spain  and  its  provinces,  which  I  conquered 
and  brought  under  the  dominion  of  the  royal  crown  of  Castile, 
both  in  the  conquest,  as  well  as  in  the  armadas  which  I  sent 
elsewhere,  such  as  those  I  sent  to  Amaluco  (Molucca  Island) , 
under  the  captain  Alvaro  de  Saavedra,  and  one  sent  to  Hibu- 
eras,  with  settlers  commanded  by  Gerónimo  Prima,  and 
another  to  the  same  province  of  Hibueras,  of  which  Francisco 
de  las  Casas  was  captain.  All  were  sent  by  order  of  our  lord 
the  Emperor,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  royal  instructions  and 
signature,  andas  His  Majesty,  to  discharge  his  royal  conscience, 
and  as  a  most  Christian  prince,  sent  me  his  royal  cédula,  which 
is  among  the  papers  in  possession  of  the  licenciate  Juan  Alta- 
mirano, and  an  order  of  his  royal  council,  authorised  an 
account  to  be  made  with  me  of  all  I  have  spent  in  the  said 
conquests  and  armadas,  I  direct  that  this  account  be  made 


Last  Will  and  Testament  91 

and  presented  to  His  Majesty,  since  he  was  pleased  to  order 
payment  to  me.  This  sum  I  wish  and  direct  to  go  to  my 
heir,  the  said  Don  Martin  Cortes,  my  son  and  successor  in 
my  house  and  estate,  and  to  the  successors  who  shall  follow 
him. 

XXXVIII.  Item:  I  direct  that  the  said  Don  Martin,  my 
son,  (and  those  who  may  succeed),  shall  have  the  following 
upon  his  conscience:  His  Majesty  granted  me  the  towns, 
places,  and  lands  of  the  estate  I  have  and  own  in  New  Spain, 
with  all  the  rents,  rights,  tributes,  and  contributions  belonging 
to  His  Majesty,  exactly  as  the  former  rulers  used  to  receive 
them  before  the  conquest.  I  have  used  all  diligence  to  verify 
the  said  rents,  tributes,  rights,  and  contributions  which  those 
rulers  enjoyed,  and  I  was  careful  to  continue  the  former  masters 
where  such  tributes  and  rents  are  usually  paid,  in  agreement 
with  whom  I  have  collected  the  said  rents  and  tributes  until 
today.  I  direct  that,  if  it  shall  at  any  time  appear  that  I  was 
badly  informed  as  to  the  above,  and  have  taken  anything  not 
belonging  to  me,  of  which  I  was  until  today  unaware,  thinking 
I  took  my  rights,  it  shall  be  rectified. 

XXXIX.  Item:  as  there  have  been  many  doubts  and 
opinions  as  to  whether  it  is  permitted  with  a  good  conscience 
to  hold  the  natives  as  slaves,  whether  captives  of  war  or  by 
purchase,  and  up  till  now  this  has  not  been  determined,  I 
direct  my  son  and  successor  Don  Martin,  and  those  who  may 
follow  him,  to  use  all  diligence  to  settle  this  point  for  the 
peace  of  my  conscience  and  their  own. 

XL.  Item:  I  direct  that,  as  in  some  places  on  my  estates 
pieces  of  ground  have  been  taken  for  orchards,  vineyards, 
cotton-fields  and  other  purpose,  it  must  be  ascertained  whether 
such  lands  belonged  to  the  natives  of  those  towns,  and,  if  so,  I 
order  that  they  be  restored,  with  all  such  profits  their  owners 
might  have  derived  from  them,  compensating,  and  receiving 
in  total,  discharge  of  all  the  rents  and  tributes  which  they 
were  obliged  to  pay  for  them;  and,  in  the  case  of  Bernardino 
del  Castillo,  my  servant,  to  whom,  in  past  years,  I  gave  a  piece 
of  land,  situated  on  the  outskirts  of  Coyoacan,  on  whicli  he 
built  a  sugar  mill,  I  order  that  this  be  done  should  it  appear 
that  the  land  belongs  to  third  parties. 


92  Letters  of  Cortes 

XLI.  Item:  I  direct  that,  as  I  have  received,  in  addition 
to  the  tributes  paid  me  by  vassals,  other  ser\'ices  both  personal 
and  real,  and  as  on  this  point  also  opinions  differ  as  to  whether 
such  maybe  accepted  with  a  good  conscience,  this  matter  shall 
be  investigated,  and,  if  it  appears  that  I  have  received  more 
of  such  ser\'ices  than  belonged  to  me,  those  natives  shall  be 
paid  and  indemnified  in  all  that  it  shall  appear  they  may  justly 
claim. 

XLII.  Item:  I  direct  that  all  my  account  books  be 
examined,  especially  a  large  one  in  possession  of  Francisco 
de  Santa  Cruz,  which  my  secretary  and  scrivener  Juan  de 
Rivera  began,  but  which  passed  to  the  said  Francisco  de  Santa 
Cruz,  who  keeps  my  said  books.  I  order  that  all  debts  found 
therein,  due  to  all  persons  whatsoever  shall  be  paid,  and  like- 
wise that  all  debts  due  to  me  be  collected;  and,  I  order  that 
the  said  Francisco  de  Santa  Cruz  render  his  accounts  for 
the  time  he  has  had  charge  of  my  business,  and  everything  be 
settled  with  him,  and  that  all  on  our  side  and  the  other  be  paid. 

XLIII.  Item:  I  say  that,  inasmuch  as  I  loaned  Bernar- 
dino del  Castillo  at  the  time  of  his  marriage  one  thousand 
castellanos  in  gold  and  silver,  besides  six  hundred  more  in 
furnishings  for  the  shop  next  to  the  clock  tower,  as  will  appear 
from  a  receipt  signed  with  his  name,  and  deposited  with  the 
licenciate  Juan  Altamirano,  he  shall  be  credited  with  what  I 
owe  him  for  the  time  of  his  service  which  may  be  determined 
by  a  receipt  signed  by  me  when  I  left  Coyoacan,  and  the 
remainder  shall  go  to  my  successor. 

XLIV.  Item:  I  direct  that,  for  as  long  as  Doña  Elvira 
de  Hermosa,  daughter  of  Luis  de  Hermosa,  citizen  of  Avila, 
who  is  now  maid  to  the  marquesa,  my  wife, shall  remain  in  the 
service  of  any  of  my  daughters  or  of  the  wife  of  Don  Martin, 
she  shall  be  paid  twenty  thousand  maravedís  annually;  and 
should  she  desire  to  become  a  nun,  or  to  live  unmarried  in 
this  city,  she  shall  be  paid  from  my  estate  two  hundred 
thousand  maravedís  besides  giving  her  the  twenty  thousand 
maravedís  annually. 

XLV.  Item:  I  direct  that,  for  as  long  as  my  cousin  Cecilia 
Vazquez  Altamirano  may  desire  to  remain  with  the  mar- 
quesa,  my  wife,  or  with   any  of  my  daughters,  or  the  wife  of 


Last  Will  and  Testament  93 

Don  Martin,  she  shall  enjoy  the  same  respect  I  have  ever 
shown  her;  and  I  desire  that,  wherever  she  may  choose  to  live, 
one  thousand  maravedís  shall  be  surely  and  regularly  paid 
her  annually  from  my  estate. 

XLVI.  Item:  I  direct  that  two  hundred  thousand  mara- 
vedís be  paid  from  my  estate  to  each  of  the  two  daughters  of 
the  administrator,  Juan  Altamirano,  my  cousin,  for  their 
dowry,  and  marriage  portion. 

XLVII.  Item:  I  direct  that,  for  as  long  as  the  said  Juan 
Altamirano  may  wish  to  retain  the  charge  of  the  administra- 
tion in  my  household,  this  shall  be  allowed  him,  and,  with  the 
profit  assigned  him  by  my  cédula,  shall  be  continued  to  him 
for  as  long  as  he  may  wish. 

XLVIII.  Item:  I  direct  that  three  hundred  thousand 
maravedís  be  paid  to  Doña  Beatriz,  and  Doña  Luisa,  her 
sister,  daughters  of  the  marquesa  my  wife,  to  enable  them 
to  marry,  two  hundred  thousand  to  the  said  Doña  Luisa  and 
to  the  said  Doña  Beatriz  one  hundred  thousand  maravedís. 

XLIX.  Item:  I  direct  that,  if  Maria  de  Torres,  now 
duenna  with  the  marquesa,  should  wish  to  remain  in  her 
ser\ñce,  or  in  that  of  any  of  my  daughters,  or  the  wife  of 
my  son  and  successor,  she  be  paid  annually  fifteen  thousand 
maravedís,  and  should  she  want  something  for  herself,  she 
shall  be  given  one  hundred  thousand  whenever  she  wishes, 
in  recognition  of  her  past  services,  without  subtracting  any 
sums  she  may  have  received  in  that  time,  nor  the  fifteen 
thousand  which  I  provide  for  the  time  she  shall  continue  in 
sendee. 

L.  Item:  I  say  that,  as  in  the  year  1542,  while  I  was  in 
Barcelona,  Gonzalo  Diaz  my  equerry  was  short  forty  ducats 
of  my  money  which  was  placed  in  his  hands,  I  ordered  this 
amount  to  be  deducted  from  his  pay,  and,  although  he  sus- 
tained no  harm,  I  now  pardon  him,  and  direct  that  no  deduc- 
tion of  this  sum  be  made  in  his  accounts,  and  if  any  has  already 
been  made  to  cancel  it,  and  pay  him  in  full;  besides  which, 
I  leave  him  as  a  mark  of  favour  one  hundred  ducats  in  gold, 
to  be  paid  him  from  my  estate. 

LI.  Item:  I  direct  that,  although  in  the  year  1544  my 
groom   of   the   chambers   gave   me    his   note   for   forty-four 


94  Letters  of  Cortes 

thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty  maravedís  for  the  value  of 
certain  pieces  of  silver  for  which  he  could  not  account  when 
he  was  my  plate-butler,  for  which  he  therefore  owed  me, 
nevertheless  in  consideration  of  his  service,  I  forgive  him 
that  obligation,  and  pardon  him,  and  he  shall  receive  back 
his  note,  and  be  paid  twenty  ducats  in  gold  from  my  estate. 

LII.  Item:  I  direct  that,  besides  paying  Gerónimo  de 
Andrada  what  is  owing  on  his  account  he  be  given  from  my 
estate  thirty  ducats  in  gold,  which  I  leave  him  in  recognition 
of  his  services. 

LIII.  Item:  I  say  inasmuch  as  there  is  a  suit  with  the 
\vife  and  heirs  of  the  licenciate  Nunez,  member  of  the  council, 
who  was  my  solicitor,  concerning  certain  of  our  accounts, 
which  showed  him  my  debtor  for  large  sums,  and  although  I 
am  well  informed,  and  have  a  clear  conscience,  nor  on  my  side 
has  this  suit  been  sustained  through  malice,  but  only  to  have 
justice,  that,  nevertheless  I  direct,  if  the  widow  and  heirs 
of  the  licenciate  Nunez  wish  to  settle  our  suit  amiably,  that 
two  accountants  be  chosen  to  act  for  them  with  two  of  mine, 
to  whom  all  necessary  papers  shall  be  given,  and  whose  de- 
cision shall  be  accepted  as  final  without  other  legal  action. 
Should  they  not  so  agree,  let  the  suit  go  on  its  ordinary 
course,  as  my  only  wish  is  to  know  the  truth,  and  have  justice 
done.  Whatever  sums  may  result  from  the  suit,  shall  be 
distributed  as  is  provided  in  a  memorandum  in  the  hands 
of  my  secretary,  Melchor  de  Mojica;  and  the  same  shall  be 
done  with  the  sums  received  from  the  suit  now  pending  with 
Francisco  de  Arteaga  Martinez. 

LIV.  Item:  I  direct  that  thirty  thousand  maravedís  be 
given  as  a  marriage  portion  to  a  girl  who  is,  and  has  been 
since  childhood,  a  servant  in  my  household  and  who  is  said 
to  be  a  child  of  one  Francisco  Barco,  born  in  Tehuantepec. 

LV.  Item:  I  direct  that  a  suit  of  mourning,  such  as  I 
have  ordered  to  be  given  my  servants,  shall  be  furnished  to 
Juan  de  Quintanilla,  who  came  from  Valladolid  to  this  city 
of  Seville  to  assist  and  treat  me  during  my  illness,  and  is 
present  at  my  death.  In  addition,  I  leave  him  in  recognition 
of  his  services  fifty  ducats  in  gold  from  my  estate. 

LVI.     Item:  I  direct  that,  besides  paying  what  is  owing 


Last  Will  and  Testament  95 

to  my  page,  Pedro  de  Astorga,  he  shall  be  given  from  my 
estate  thirty  ducats  in  gold,  which  I  leave  him  in  recognition 
of  his  ser\dces,  during  my  illness;  and,  in  consideration  of  this, 
I  charge  and  direct  my  son  and  successor,  the  said  Don  Martin, 
to  retain  him  in  his  household  and  service  in  the  position  I 
now  have  him. 

LVII.  Item:  I  charge  and  direct  the  said  Don  Martin 
my  son  and  successor,  to  retain  in  his  household  and  service, 
my  valet  Antonio  Galvarro,  as  I  have  him,  feeling  confident 
that  he  will  prove  a  good  and  loyal  servant  to  him,  as  he  has 
been  during  the  time  he  has  served  me. 

LVIII.  Item:  I  direct  that  Diego  Gonzalez,  citizen  of 
Medellin,  at  present  living  in  Seville,  shall  receive  a  robe  and 
a  cloak  of  black  cloth,  some  stockings,  a  doublet,  and  a  cap; 
besides  this  twenty  ducats  in  gold,  all  of  which  I  leave  him 
because  of  the  devotion  he  has  shown,  and  does  show,  to  my 
family. 

LXIX.  Item:  I  charge  and  direct  the  said  Don  Martin, 
my  son  and  successor,  to  always  retain  my  accountant  Melchor 
de  Mojica  in  his  service,  for  as  he  has  so  well  and  faithfully 
served  me  during  the  short  time  he  has  been  here  in  my  house- 
hold, that  I  am  confident  he  will  henceforward  give  good  ser- 
vice and  counsel  to  my  son  Don  Martin  in  the  affairs  and 
matters  which  he  has  handled  with  me.  I  charge  and  direct 
the  said  Melchor  de  Mojica  to  do  this,  for  I  place  this  con- 
fidence in  him,  and  I  wish  and  direct  that  he  continue  to  hold 
the  charge  and  position  he  does  at  present,  for  such  time  as  he 
can,  and  the  marques  may  desire. 

LX.  Item:  I  direct  that  the  hospital  of  Amor  de  Dios 
be  paid  the  alms  which  the  accounts  of  Don  Juan  Galiano 
may  show  are  owing,  as  I  have  done  each  month  since  I  have 
been  in  Seville;  besides  which  I  order  one  hundred  ducats  in 
gold  to  be  paid  from  my  estate. 

XLI.  Item:  I  direct  that  the  accounts  of  Master  Vicente 
(for  works  executed  in  my  house  and  room)  be  inspected,  and 
paid,  after  deducting  such  sums  as  he  has  already  received. 

LXII.  For  as  much  as  Don  Martin  Cortes,  my  son  and 
my  wife's,  the  said  Marquesa  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga,  who  is 
my  successor,  is  less  than  twenty-five  years  old,  and  more 


96  Letters  of  Cortes 

than  fifteen,  I  desire,  and  it  is  my  will,  that  he  remain  under 
control  of  the  guardianship  and  care  of  such  tutors  and  ad- 
ministrators as  I  herein  name  for  my  children,  until  they  at- 
tain the  age  of  twenty-five  years  completed.  During  the 
interim,  let  him  not  withdraw  from  or  evade  the  guardianship 
and  control,  so  that,  until  he  complete  the  said  age,  as  I  have 
herein  established,  his  property  and  estate  may  be  the  more 
advantageously  increased,  and  administered,  and  all  that  I 
direct  and  dispose  by  this  testament  may  be  the  better  and 
more  quickly  complied  with.  Thus  from  the  direction  and 
administration  of  the  properties  of  my  son,  the  said  Don 
Martin,  as  well  as  for  the  control  and  care  of  the  persons  and 
goods  of  my  legitimate  daughters,  Doña  Maria,  Doña  Catalina, 
and  Doña  Juana,  I  name  and  appoint  for  tutors  and  guardians, 
the  most  illustrious  gentlemen,  Don  Juan  Alonso  de  Guzman, 
Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia;  Don  Pedro  Alvare  Osorio,  Marques 
de  Astorga;  and  Don  Pedro  de  Arellano,  Count  de  Aguilar, 
I  entreat  the  same  to  graciously  accept  the  said  tutelage  and 
guardianship,  and,  in  accepting  and  receiving  it,  they  may 
remember  and  respect  what  I  beg  and  entreat  them,  for  these 
my  said  children  are  of  their  blood  and  lineage,  by  protecting 
whom  they  do  but  fufill  their  duty  as  gentlemen,  and  profit 
their  own  lineage  and  quality.  In  recognition  of  their  services 
and  of  their  rights  conformably  to  the  law  to  be  recompensed 
from  my  estate  for  the  said  tutelage  and  guardianship,  I  direct 
that,  for  each  year  during  which  their  lordships  exercise  their 
functions,  they  shall  receive  fifty  marks  of  silver,  which  I 
entreat  them  to  agree  to,  and  to  accept  in  consideration  of  the 
causes  and  reasons  above  mentioned.  I  direct  that  my  son  and 
successor,  the  said  Don  Martin,  shall,  until  he  has  completed 
his  twenty-fifth  year,  receive  twelve  thousand  ducats  yearly 
for  his  support,  and  that  of  his  servants.  The  remainder 
of  my  income  may  thus  more  fully  and  quickly  provide  for 
all  that  I  have  ordered  and  directed  in  this  my  testament. 
As  the  towns,  properties,  engineering  works,  mines,  and 
other  works  belonging  to  my  estate,  to  which,  after  my 
death,  the  said  Don  Martin,  my  son,  will  succeed,  are  divided 
and  scattered  through  different  provinces  of  New  Spain,  distant 
one  from  another,  it  is  necessary  that  I,  as  one  who  knows 


Last  Will  and  Testament  97 

by  experience  what  is  necessary,  should  indicate  persons  capa- 
ble of  carrying  on  the  administration.  Hence  I  beg  and  en- 
treat the  said  gentlemen,  tutors,  and  guardians  to  approve  the 
appointments  and  selections  of  persons  which  I  shall  leave, 
drawn  up  and  signed  with  my  name;  for  I  am  positive  that 
the  said  haciendas  will  be  directed  and  administered  to  the 
best  advantage,  and  their  lordships  relieved  of  the  labour  and 
responsibility  of  selecting  persons  for  this  purpose. 

LXIII.  Moreover,  I  leave  and  name  as  my  successor  over 
my  household  and  estate,  Don  Martin  Cortes,  my  son  by  the 
Marquesa  Dona  Juana  de  Zuñiga  my  wife,  and  after  him  his 
descendants  and  other  persons  named  in  the  institution  of 
my  entail,  which  I  institute  by  the  authority  of  the  emperor 
and  king  our  Lord,  according  to,  and  by  the  form,  and  with 
the  conditions,  and  all  else  contained  in  the  said  act  of  institu- 
tion. Further,  if  it  be  necessary,  I  do  now  renew  the  insti- 
tution of  the  said  entail  in  the  said  Don  Martin,  my  son,  in 
the  manner  above  set  forth,  and  by  the  said  authority  and 
licence  which  I  possess,  and  I  leave  as  my  universal  heir  the 
said  Don  Martin,  my  son,  successor  to  all  my  properties,  goods, 
landed  estates,  and  rights,  and  whatever  else  I  may  possess 
outside  the  said  entail;  and  I  leave  as  my  heirs  the  above 
mentioned  Doña  Maria,  Doña  Catalina,  and  Doña  Juana,  my 
legitimate  daughters  by  the  said  marquesa  my  wife,  for 
what  I  leave  them  as  their  rightful  dowries,  ordering  that 
they  content  themselves  therewith,  without  pretending  to 
other  rights  or  claims  of  any  sort  against  my  estate,  on  the 
ground  of  their  legitimacy. 

LXIV.  To  cover  all  expenses  of  this  my  testament,  and  to 
fulfil  its  provisions,  I  name  and  appoint  as  my  executors  in 
Spain  the  most  illustrious  lords,  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia, 
Marques  de  Astorga,  and  Count  de  Aguilar,  to  all  three  of 
whom  jointly,  and  to  each  singly,  I  give  full  powers  to  use  by 
their  authority  whatever  sums  from  my  estate  are  required 
to  provide  for,  and  carry  into  effect,  all  the  provisions  of  this 
my  testament.  And,  for  all  that  touches  the  administration 
in  New  Spain  and  those  provinces,  I  name  and  appoint  as  my 
executors,  the  Marquesa  Doña  Juana  de  Zuñiga,  my  wife, 
and  the  lord  bishop  of  Mexico,  Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  and 

VOL.  I. — 7 


98  Letters  of  Cortes 

Father  Domingo  de  Betanzos,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Dominic, 
and  the  licencíate  Juan  de  Altamirano,  all  at  this  present  time 
in  New  Spain.  And,  I  revoke  every  and  all  other  testaments 
which  I  may  have  made  and  delivered,  and  I  desire,  and  it  is 
my  will,  that  none  be  executed  other  than  this  present  writing ; 
likewise  I  revoke  whatsoever  codicil  or  codicils  I  may  have 
made  and  delivered  either  in  writing  or  by  word  of  mouth  in 
the  past.  And  this  being  seen  and  read  in  my  presence  with 
all  that  it  contains,  I  sign  it  with  my  name,  by  my  hand  on 
each  of  its  pages  which  are  in  all  ten,  all  of  which  signatures  I 
have  written  in  the  presence  of  the  licenciate  Infante. 

Done  at  Seville  on  the  eleventh  day  of  the  month  of  Octo- 
ber, the  year  from  the  birth  of  Our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  forty  seven. 

Item:  I  say  that,  as,  in  one  article  of  this  my  will,  I  have 
disposed  and  ordered  that  the  four  thousand  ducats,  from 
the  rent  of  the  shops  and  buildings  which  I  have  in  Mexico, 
should,  after  the  works  on  the  said  hospital,  monastery,  and 
college  I  have  ordered  founded  be  entirely  devoted  to  the 
endowment,  and  property  of  the  said  college,  monastery,  and 
hospital  to  which  I  refer,  should  it  at  any  time  happen  that 
the  said  shops  and  buildings  should  produce  less  than  this 
sum  of  four  thousand  ducats,  and  my  will  and  intention  be 
defeated,  I  order  that  in  such  a  year  of  shortage,  my  successor 
shall  complete  the  amount  from  his  estate,  so  that  the  said 
four  thousand  ducats  may  be  paid  in  full  without  any  diminu- 
tion. This  page  is  added  to  the  other  ten,  done  and  signed 
on  the  same  date.  The  Marques  del  Valle.  Witness  by  his 
lordship's  command,  the  licenciate  Infante. 

By  his  lordship's  command, 

Melchor  Mojica. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


99 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 

CONCERNING  the  importance  of  the  Five  Letters  of 
Relation  of  Hernando  Cortes,  which  are  now  published 
altogether  in  an  English  translation  for  the  first  time, 
it  may  be  permitted  to  quote  a  passage  from  the  historian 
Dr.  Robertson,  whose  part  in  the  discovery  of  the  first  and 
fifth  letters,  here  presented,  was  such  as  to  give  singular  interest 
and  value  to  his  opinion. 

"Our  knowledge  of  the  events  which  happened  in  the  con- 
quest of  New  Spain  is  derived  from  sources  of  information 
more  original  and  more  authentic  than  that  of  any  transaction 
in  the  history  of  America. 

"The  letters  of  Cortes  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  are  an 
historical  monument,  not  only  first  in  order  of  time,  but  of 
the  greatest  authenticity  and  value." 

Dr.  Robertson's  appreciation  was  shared  by  his  contem- 
poraries, and  has  been  confirmed  by  subsequent  historians, 
who  have  drawn  from  the  letters,  as  from  an  original  source, 
many  of  their  important  facts,  have  appealed  to  them  for 
confirmation  of  information  procured  from  other  sources, 
and  have  used  them  as  a  very  touchstone  of  truth,  in 
accepting  or  rejecting  statements  made  by  other  early  writers, 
even  when  these  latter  were  eye-witnesses  of  the  events  they 
described. 

From  the  beginning,  Cortes  adopted  the  plan  of  reporting 
faithfully  and  minutely  to  the  Emperor,  each  incident,  its 
causes  and  its  consequences,  and  of  recording  his  impressions 
of  all  that  he  saw  in  his  strange  surroundings,  with  the  purpose 
of  putting  before  his  sovereign  an  accurate  and  complete 
picture  of  the  momentous  events  then  unrolling  in  the  New 
World ;  and  he  has  done  this  with  perfect  frankness  and  great 
simplicity,  in  letters  which  are  minute  but  not  wearisome, 


I02  Letters  of  Cortes 

nor  wanting  in  a  certain  literary  excellence.  His  corre- 
spondence was  voluminous,  but,  amongst  all  the  others,  both 
for  the  importance  of  the  events  recorded,  as  well  as  for  their 
volume,  the  five  letters  or  "relations"  (Relaciones)  as  they  are 
called,  in  which  he  recounts  all  that  happened  from  the  date 
of  his  sailing  from  Cuba  in  15 19,  till  his  return  from  the  ex- 
pedition into  Yucatan  in  1526,  are  those  which  the  EngHsh 
historian  justly  described  as  "an  historical  monument  of  the 
greatest  authenticity  and  value." 

The  first  of  these  letters  has  never  been  found,  and  by  some  is 
believed,  perhaps  to  have  been  either  the  one  suppressed  by 
the  Council  for  the  Indies  at  the  instance  of  Panfilo  de  Nar- 
vaez,  or  the  one  taken  by  Juan  de  Florez  from  Alonzo  de 
Avila,  and  thus  prevented  from  reaching  the  Emperor.  It 
bore  the  date  of  July  10,  15 19,  and  left  Vera  Cruz  on  the 
1 6th  of  that  month  with  the  two  envoys,  Alonzo  Hernandez 
Puertocarrero  and  Francisco  de  Montejo.  This  letter  was  in 
duplicate,  as  was  likewise  the  letter  of  the  magistrates  of  the 
newly  founded  colony,  which  was  shown  to  Cortes  before  it 
was  sent.  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castello,  who  was  one  of  the  signers 
of  the  joint  letter,  says  that  Cortes  had  omitted  from  his  own 
letter  the  account  of  the  expeditions  of  Francesco  Hernandez 
de  Cordoba,  and  of  Juan  de  Grijalba.  The  letter  of  Cortes  and 
that  of  the  magistrates  confirmed  one  another,  as  they  were 
intended  to  do,  and,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  that  of  the 
magistrates  was  the  more  detailed  of  the  two;  hence  it  is, 
historically,  the  more  valuable.  The  only  important  events 
which  had  happened  up  to  that  date  were  the  change  in  the 
character  and  objects  of  the  expedition,  and  the  founding  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  on  these  points  Cortes  and  the  magistrates 
were  in  perfect  accord. 

The  search  for  this  missing  letter  having  been  given  up  in 
despair,  it  remained  for  the  perspicacity  of  Dr.  Robertson  to 
divine,  that,  as  the  Emperor  was  about  leaving  Spain  for 
Germany  at  the  time  the  envoys  from  Vera  Cruz  arrived  with 
the  letters,  they  might  still  be  found  in  some  of  the  Imperial 
archives,  and  he  accordingly  undertook  a  search,  for  which 
all  necessary  facilities  were  obtained  by  the  British  Ambas- 
sador in  Vienna.     This  was  crowned  with  a  dual  success,  in 


Bibliographical  Note  103 

that  a  certified  copy  by  a  notary  public  of  the  letter  of 
the  magistrates  of  Vera  Cruz  was  discovered  and,  at  the 
same  time,  the  Fifth  Letter  of  the  Relaciones  was  also 
unearthed. 

The  letter  of  the  magistrates  of  Vera  Cruz  supplies  the  place 
of  the  still  missing  First  Letter  of  Cortes  and  serves  to  complete 
the  series  of  five  Relaciones.  It  was  first  published  in  the 
Colección  de  Documentos  Inéditos  para  la  Historia  de  España 
of  Navarrete,  Salva  y  Baranda,  in  1844.  Señor  Alaman 
reproduced  it  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Disertaciones  sobre  la 
Historia  de  la  República  Mexicana. 

The  Second  Letter  was  dated  from  Segura  de  la  Frontera, 
October  30,  1520.  It  contained  the  first  account  ever  written 
of  the  wonders  of  Mexico  and  the  adventures  of  the  Spanish 
conquerors  in  the  newly  discovered  countries,  and  awakened 
the  liveliest  interest  in  Spain,  where  it  was  first  published  by 
Juan  Cronberger,  a  celebrated  German  printer  in  Seville, 
November  8,  1522.  It  was  again  printed  the  following  year 
by  another  German,  George  Coci,  in  Saragossa. 

The  Third  Letter  was  dated  from  Coyohuacan,  May  15,  1522, 
and  was  likewise  first  printed  in  Seville  by  the  same  Juan 
Cronberger,  March  30,   1523. 

The  Fourth  Letter  was  dated  from  the  city  of  Temixtitan 
(Mexico),  October  15,  1524,  and  was  first  pubHshed  in  Toledo 
by  Gaspar  de  Avila,  and  again  in  Saragossa,  July  8, 
1526. 

All  of  these  editions  are  folios  in  gothic  lettering  and  are 
now  extremely  rare. 

The  Second,  Third,  and  Fourth  Letters,  which  were  the  only 
ones  known  until  Dr.  Robertson's  fortunate  discovery  com- 
pleted the  series,  have  been  translated  into  Latin,  French, 
Italian,  English,  and  German,  at  various  times. 

Of  the  Second  and  Third  Letters  a  Latin  translation  made 
by  Pietro  Savorgnani  of  Forli,  secretary  to  the  bishop  of 
Vienne  (Dauphiné),  was  dedicated  to  Pope  Clement  VIL  and 
first  published  in  Nuremberg  in  1524.  This  translation  was 
reproduced  in  the  work  entitled:  De  Insulis  nuper  inventis, 
which  first  appeared  at  Cologne  in  1532  and  was  afterwards 
included  in  the  Novus  Orbis  of  Simon  Grineo,  of  which  one 


I04  Letters  of  Cortes 

edition  was  issued  at  Basle  in  1555  and  another  at  Rotterdam 
in  1616. 

Nicholas  Liburno  (or  Liburnio)  translated  the  Latin  text 
of  Savorgnani  into  Italian,  publishing  his  work  in  Venice  in 
1524.  This  Italian  translation  was  again  published  by 
Ramusio  in  the  third  volume  of  his  work,  Delle  Navigationi 
et  Viaggi,  in  Venice  (edition  of  1606). 

A  German  translation  of  two  of  the  letters  was  made  by 
Xysto  Betuleio  and  Andrea  Diethero  and  published  in  Augs- 
burg in  1550.  (Garcia  Icazbalceta,  Documentos,  vol.  i., 
p.  XXX vi.) 

Another  German  edition  was  published  in  Heidelberg  in  1779. 

The  first  Spanish  edition  of  the  Second,  Third,  and  Fourth 
Letters  was  published  by  Andrés  Gonzalez  de  Barcia  in  the 
first  volume  of  his  work  entitled  Historiadores  Primitivos 
de  las  Indias  Occidentales,  Madrid,  1749. 

In  1770,  Archbishop  Lorenzana  of  Mexico,  afterwards 
Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  published  the  Second,  Third, 
and  Fourth  Letters,  together  with  other  documents  and  his 
commentaries,  under  the  title  of  Historia  de  Nueva  España, 
and  of  this  work  an  indifferent  second  edition  was  issued  in 
New  York  by  Manuel  del  Mar  in  1828. 

Mr.  George  Folsom,  secretary  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  translated  Archbishop  Lorenzana's  text  into  English 
in   1843. 

The  Vicomte  de  Flavigni  dedicated  to  the  Marquise  de 
Polignac  a  very  free  translation  of  the  three  letters  then 
known,  in  a  book  published  in  Paris  about  1778  (there  is  no 
date  given),  entitled  Correspondance  de  Fernand  Cortes  avec 
r Empereur  Charles  V.  sur  la  conquet  du  Mexique:  reprinted 
in  Switzerland,  1779.  Such  liberties  were  taken  with  the 
Spanish  text  that  Mr.  Folsom,  in  his  notice  of  this  work, 
rightly  calls  it  rather  a  paraphrase  than  a  translation. 

The  Fifth  Letter,  which  was  discovered  in  Codex  CXX.  of  the 
Imperial  Library  in  Vienna,  has  no  date,  but  a  codex  of  the 
sixteenth  century  in  the  National  Library  in  the  City  of 
Mexico  bears  the  following:  De  la  cibdad  de  Temixtitan  desta 
Nueva  España,  a  3  del  mesde  Setiembre,  año  del  nascimiento  de 
nuestro  Señor  é  Salvador  Jesucristo  de  1526. 


Bibliographical  Note  105 

Three  editions  of  the  complete  series  of  five  Relaciones  have 
been  pubHshed  in  Spanish:  one  is  found  in  the  first  volume 
of  Historiadores  Primitivos  de  Indias  of  Don  Enrique  de  Ve- 
dia,  which  is  contained  in  Rivadeneyra's  Biblioteca  de  Autores 
Españoles,  Madrid,  1877 ;  another  appears  in  the  first  volume  of 
the  Biblioteca  Histórica  de  la  Iberia,  and  the  third  is  the  ad- 
mirable collection  of  the  learned  Don  Pascual  Gayangos  of 
the  Spanish  Academy,  Cartas  y  Relaciones  de  Hernán  Cortés 
al  Emperador  Carlos  V.,  published  in  Paris  in  1866.  The 
same  author  made  an  English  translation  of  the  Fifth  Letter, 
which  appeared  in  a  single  volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society's 
publications  in  1868. 

A  French  translation  of  the  five  letters  was  published  by 
Desire  Charnay  in  Paris  in  1896  under  the  title  of  Lettres  de 
Fernand  Cortes  á  Charles  Quint. 

In  preparing  this  present  edition,  a  careful  comparison  has 
been  made  of  the  various  texts  known,  and,  while  idiomatic 
differences  have  imposed  certain  rearrangements  of  form, 
particularly  in  the  matter  of  punctuation,  and  the  suppres- 
sion of  many  cumbersome  repetitions,  it  has  been  sought 
to  leave  to  the  letters  their  unique  characteristics,  due  to 
the  personality  of  their  author,  and  to  the  temper  of  their 
times. 

The  Spanish  language  was  not  yet  the  strong  and  stately 
vehicle  of  thought  into  which  it  was  afterward  shaped  by  gen- 
erations of  scholars,  whose  writings  not  only  brought  the  Cas- 
tilian  tongue  to  a  superlative  degree  of  purity  and  perfection, 
but  also  conspicuously  enriched  the  universal  patrimony  of 
literature.  Fernando  Cortes  had  but  scanty  learning,  and 
the  conditions  under  which  he  wrote  were  little  conducive  to 
the  cultivation  of  literary  style,  but  the  absence  of  adorn- 
ment, the  precision  of  fact,  and  forceful  terseness  of  expression 
furnish  his  compositions  with  .lingular  merit.  The  restraint 
and  self-control  of  which  he  was  master  appear  in  the  equal 
and  passionless  style  of  his  writings;  for  he  seems  neither  ex- 
alted by  success  nor  cast  down  by  misfortunes,  both  of  which 
he  describes  with  calm  simplicity  in  language  which  is  both 
natural  and  fluent.  Perhaps  nowhere  does  the  real  superiority 
and  inherent  strength  of  his  character  more  plainly  appear 


io6  Letters  of  Cortes 

than   in    those   passages   where    he   writes   of  the   intrigues 
and  detractions  of  his  enemies,  men  whose  ambitions  were 

■  selfish  and  whose  characters  were  vulgar  and  unscrupulous. 
Judged  by  his  letters  alone,   Cortes  must  be  ranked  high 

j  amongst  the  Spanish-American  discoverers  and  conquerors. 

!  His  rudely  honest  contemporary  and  faithful  follower  Bernal 
Diaz  del  Castillo  resented — and  perhaps  not  unnaturally 
— ^the  scanty  mention  of  the  other  officers  and  men  of  the 
expedition,  and,  occasionally,  in  the  course  of  his  gossipy 
chronicle,  he  breaks  into   acrimony  over  what  seems  to  him 

1  a  cheating  of  others  of  their  dues. 

On  the   whole,  however,  Cortes  was  wise  to  eschew  per- 
sonalities in  his  reports,  for  no  distribution  of  praise  would 
I  have  satisfied  his  followers,  and  he  would  have  merely  risked 
wearying  the  Emperor  with  a  useless  repetition  of  meaning- 
,  less  names.     Cortes  cannot  be  fairly  reproached  with  self- 

'  laudation;  he  evidently  knew  the  value  also  of  occasional 
self-effacement,  and  he  never  loses  sight  of  the  high  dual 
mission  with  which  he  felt  himself  invested, — the  spreading 
of  the  Faith  and  the  extension  of  the  Spanish  sovereignty; 
while  the  glory  of  victory  is  invariably  ascribed  to  divine  pro- 
tection or  the  intervention  of  the  saints,  rather  than  to  his 
own  courage  or  ability,  and  the  fruits  of  his  victories  were 
laid  at  the  feet  of  his  sovereign. 

The  notes  with  which  the  present  edition  is  supplied  have 
been  carefully  compiled  from  the  best  authorities,  ancient 
and  modern.  Among  these  authorities,  the  soldier  chroniclers 
contemporary  with  Cortes,  and  the  Spanish  priests  in  America 
at  the  same  early  period,  take  the  first  rank,  and  some  brief 
notice  of  the  character  of  these  men,  the  circumstances  under 
which,  and  the  motives  for  which,  they  wrote  may  be  of 
service  in  enabling  the  reader  to  estimate  their  testimony  at 
its  just  historical  worth. 

It  should  always,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
letters  of  Cortes  have  the  unique  and  superlative  merit  of 
having  been  composed  on  the  spot  from  day  to  day,  in  the 
midst  of  the  events  in  which  their  writer  was  playing  the 
chief  part,  and  that  they  were  destined  for  the  Emperor  alone, 
hence  misstatements  of  fact  could  only  result  from  an  inten- 


Bibliographical  Note  107 

tion  to  deceive  the  Sovereign.  The  astuteness  of  Cortes  would 
seem  to  exclude  the  adoption  of  a  short-sighted  policy,  which 
would  have  foredoomed  him  to  exposure  and  failure,  and, 
though  the  story  of  his  deaHngs  with  Diego  Velasquez,  Pan- 
filo de  Narvaez,  and  the  other  Spanish  officials  with  whom  he 
came  in  conflict,  is  told  from  his  own  point  of  view,  the  version 
he  gives  cannot  be  essentially  untrue  in  any  important  par- 
ticular. His  story  of  the  conquest  from  1519  till  1527  is  thus 
told  almost  in  the  form  of  a  diary,  written  at  different  times 
and  places,  under  varying  circumstances  of  fortune,  and  as  it 
was  written,  so  do  we  now  read  it.  ^-  - 

The  other  conquerors,  and  the  priests,  wrote  or  supplied 
material  to  others  several  years  after  the  events  they  chroni- 
cled, and  under  the  influence  of  different  motives,  either 
avowed  or  dissembled.  These  latter  on  some  points  give 
to  their  histories  the  bias  of  special  pleading,  besides  which, 
in  many  instances,  their  manuscripts  reached  responsible 
hands  only  after  many  vicissitudes,  and,  at  times,  only  in 
copies  or  translations,  which  may  suggest  reasonable  doubts 
of  their  entire  authenticity.  Whenever,  therefore,  a  conflict 
of  testimony  is  found  concerning  any  event  described  by 
Cortes,  modem  historians  have  almost  invariably  decided 
that  his  statements,  on  all  points  of  which  he  had  personal 
knowledge,  should  be  held  to  outweigh  those  of  other  writers 
unless  it  conclusively  appears  that  his  conscious  intention  was 
to  mislead  the  Emperor. 

The  death  of  Montezuma  is  one  of  the  few  cases  in  which 
it  seems  the  decision  should  be  against  Cortes.  With  great 
and  perfect  frankness  he  admits  the  murder  of  Quauhpopoca, 
the  torture  and  subsequent  murder  of  Quauhtemoczin,  and 
he  owns  to  a  somewhat  extensive  catalogue  of  indefensible 
crimes,  but  for  Montezuma's  death  he  refuses  responsibility. 
Yet,  whether  we  consider  the  unanimous  testimony  as  to  the 
trifling  character  of  the  Emperor's  wound,  the  useless  embar- 
rassment his  presence  had  become,  the  imprudence  of  leaving 
him  free  in  the  capital,  or  the  impossibility  of  carrying  him  cap- 
tive out  of  it,  and  finally  the  contemporary  Mexican  versions 
of  his  death,  all  the  circumstances  certainly  point  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  royal  captive  died  by  the  will  of  his  conqueror. 


io8  Letters  of  Cortes 

(i) 

FRANCISCO    LOPEZ    DE    GOMARA 

TJie  Historia  General  de  las  Indias  and  the  Crónica  de  la 
Conquista  de  Niieva-España,  which  were  pubHshed  in  Sara- 
gossa,  1552,  were  at  first  received  with  the 'greatest  favour 
by  the  pubHc,  and  other  editions  as  well  as  translations  into 
Italian  and  French  rapidly  followed.  This  success,  however, 
was  short-lived,  as  Gomara's  facts  and  appreciations  were 
promptly  impugned,  first  by  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  who, 
in  publishing  his  book,  called  it  The  True  History  of  the 
Conquest,  in  contradistinction  to  Gomara's  false  and  fanci- 
ful one. 

In  1553  the  Spanish  Government  took  steps  to  suppress 
the  work,  and  withdraw  it  from  circulation,  imposing  a  fine 
of  200,000  niaravedis  upon  any  one  who  should  print  or  sell 
it  in  the  future.  This  rigid  prohibition  was  not  revoked  until 
1727.  Concerning  Gomara's  birth  and  antecedents,  nothing 
is  known,  and,  likewise,  neither  the  date  nor  place  of  his  death 
is  recorded:  "He  came  like  water  and  like  wind  he  went." 
He  is  said  to  have  held  the  Chair  of  Rhetoric  at  the  University 
of  Alcalá,  and  afterwards  to  have  passed  several  years  in 
Rome.  In  1540  he  entered  the  service  of  Fernando  Cortes, 
then  Marques  del  Valle,  and  recently  returned  to  Spain.  Dr. 
Robertson  surmises  that  he  then  began  his  historical  work, 
under  the  inspiration,  if  not  at  the  dictation,  of  his  patron, 
and  this  would  seem  to  be  likely.  He  is  undoubtedly  the 
apologist  of  Cortes,  and,  although  the  latter  was  dead  some 
years  when  the  work  was  published,  the  first  part  is 
dedicated  to  the  Emperor,  and  the  second  to  Don  Martin 
Cortes,  second  Marques  del  Valle. 

But,  all  reservations  admitted,  the  work  of  Gomara  il- 
lustrates a  most  important  and  interesting  period  of  history, 
and,  if  he  was  constrained  to  treat  his  hero  leniently,  he 
nevertheless  had  access  to  a  mass  of  original  information, 
by  which  he  profited  with  excellent  results.  His  style  is 
agreeable  and  scholarly,  revealing  a  writer  of  wide  culture, 
gifted  with  unusual  knowledge  of  astronomy,  geography,  and 
history.     Although  he  never  was  in  America   (as  far  as  is 


Bibliographical  Note  109 

recorded),  he  has  known  how  to  lend  the  reaHsm  to  his  de- 
scriptions which  usually  only  an  eyewitness  can  impart.  When 
not  vindicating  Cortes,  Gomara  has  every  claim  to  be  ranked 
amongst  the  most  trustworthy  of  the  early  writers  on  Spanish- 
American  events,  and  his  facts  and  descriptions  generally 
stand  the  test  of  comparison  with  authentic  temporary  records. 

(2) 

BERNAL  DIAZ   DEL   CASTILLO 

Bernal  Diaz  was  a  perfect  type  of  the  military  adventurer 
of  his  age,  and  first  went  as  a  private  soldier  to  America  in 
1 5 14,  under  the  command  of  Pedrarias  de  Avila,  bound  for 
Darien.  He  next  appeared  in  Cuba,  where  he  was  always 
ready  to  join  any  expedition  of  adventure  which  might  be 
organised,  and,  indeed,  he  went  on  most  of  them,  and  was 
one  of  the  few  who  escaped  from  the  disastrous  exploration 
conducted  by  Ponce  de  Leon  on  the  Florida  coast.  He  next 
joined  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  on  his  journey  to 
Yucatan.  He  returned  again  thither  the  following  year  with 
Juan  de  Grijalba,  from  whose  expedition  he  arrived  once  more 
at  Cuba  just  in  time  to  take  service  under  Fernando  Cortes. 
Diaz  was  a  brave  soldier,  popular  amongst  his  comrades,  and 
esteemed  by  his  commander,  who  some  yeais  later  (in  1540), 
recommended  him  to  the  notice  of  the  Emperor,  as  did  like- 
wise the  Viceroy  Don  Antonio  Mendoza. 

After  the  conquest,  he  received  an  encomienda  in  Guate- 
mala, where  he  held  the  office  of  regidor  of  Santiago  de  los 
Caballeros,  where  presumably  he  died.  And  this  would  have 
been  all  there  was  to  say  about  Bernal  Diaz,  had  Francisco 
Lopez  de  Gomara  not  published  his  history  of  the  conquest 
in  1552.  His  exaltation  of  Cortes,  to  the  exclusion  of  other 
members  of  the  expedition,  enraged  the  old  soldier,  living 
in  peaceful  retirement  on  his  estate  at  Chamula,  and  he  re- 
solved that  he  and  his  fellows,  who  had  borne  the  burden  of 
the  conquest,  should  likewise  make  good  their  just  claims  to 
a  share  of  the  credit.  It  was  a  case  of  "mine  enemy  writing 
a  book,"  and  the  old  veteran  slashes  his  cultivated  rival's 
polished  prose  in  the  language  of  the  camp.     Thirty  years 


no  Letters  of  Cortes 

had  then  elapsed  since  the  fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire,  and  Bernal 
Diaz  was  no  longer  a  young  man;  nowhere  does  he  say  that 
he  had  taken  notes  or  memoranda  of  what  happened  from 
day  to  day,  and  yet,  were  his  chronicle  a  journal,  its  details 
could  hardly  be  more  minute,  nor  its  statements  more  em- 
phatic. These  were  the  great  events  of  his  life,  worthy  indeed 
to  be  the  great  events  of  a  greater  man's  life,  and  doubtless  he 
relived  and  rehearsed  them  constantly,  and,  being  a  man  of 
quick  and  careful  observation,  given  to  pondering  and  re- 
flecting upon  all  that  he  saw  and  heard,  gifted  moreover  with 
a  good  memory,  it  is  not  so  strange  that  in  the  quiet  of  his 
last  years  the  retired  soldier  could  evoke  the  procession  of 
events  in  their  perfect  order. 

He  began  writing  jn  1558,  and  his  declared  purpose  was 
to  correct  the  mistakes  and  misstatements  of  Gomara,  and 
to  show  that  not  only  had  those  under  Cortes 's  control  shared 
in  the  fighting,  but  had  likewise  been  called  into  the  counsels 
of  their  chief.  His  indubitable  claim  upon  Mexico's  per- 
petual gratitude  is  in  his  introduction  of  the  orange-tree  as, 
when  on  Grijalba's  expedition,  he  landed  one  day,  and  planted 
eight  orange  seeds,  which  he  brought  from  Cuba,  all  of  which 
grew.  The  Indians,  seeing  the  strange  little  plants  coming 
up,  carefully  protected  them  from  insects  and  other  perils, 
and  from  this  casual  little  plantation  the  culture  of  the 
orange-tree  spread  over  all  tierra  caliente. 

The  father  of  Bernal  Diaz  was  Francisco  Diaz  del  Cas- 
tillo y  Gabán,  and  his  mother  was  Maria  Diez  Rejón;  as  the 
former  held  the  post  of  regidor  of  the  important  town  of 
Medina  del  Campo,  he  must  have  been  a  man  of  some  family. 

The  Verdedera  Historia,  as  we  have  it,  is  incomplete,  and 
was  printed  not  from  the  original,  nor  even  from  a  certified 
duplicate  of  it,  but  from  a  copy  in  possession  of  the  councillor 
Ramirez  de  Prado.  The  work  was  undertaken  by  F.  Remon, 
who  died  before  its  conclusion,  so  that  it  was  passed  on  to 
Fray  Gabriel  Adarzo  de  Santander,  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Otranto. 

As  literature,  the  work  of  Bernal  Diaz  ranks  far  below  the 
letters  of  Cortes,  and  shows  the  writer  to  be  without  instruc- 
tion or  culture.     The  narrative  is  involved,  the  mass  of  small 


Bibliographical  Note  iii 

details  bewildering,  while  through  all  pierces  the  jealous 
determination  of  a  wounded  vanity  to  assert  its  claims  to 
recognition.  The  stamp  of  perfect  sincerity  and  frankness, 
however,  is  upon  the  whole  work,  and  its  value  as  an  historical 
document,  particularly  when  paralleled  with  the  letters  of 
Cortes,  and  the  chronicles  of  Gomara,  is  superlative  and 
unimpeachable. 

Prescott  describes  Bernal  Diaz  as  of  "a  poor  and  humble 
family,"  but  since  his  father  held  the  office  of  regidor  this  can 
hardly  be  exact,  as  such  posts,  especially  in  a  town  of  the 
importance  of  Medina  del  Campo,  were  not  held  by  the  poor 
and  himible.  He  himself  claimed  some  kinship  with  Don 
Diego  Velasquez. 

(3) 

GONZALO   FERNANDEZ  DE  OVIEDO  Y  VALDÉS 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  was  born  of  an  illustrious 
family  in  Asturias  in  1478,  and  passed  his  early  years  at  Court 
as  page  to  the  Infante  Don  Juan,  only  son  of  the  Catholic 
Sovereigns.  He  spent  some  years  in  Italy  in  the  service  of 
the  King  of  Naples,  but  returned  to  Castile,  where  he  became 
custodian  of  the  crown  jewels,  until  he  was  sent  as  royal 
inspector  of  the  gold  smelting  in  the  Indies.  After  taking 
part  in  Pedrarias  de  Avila's  colonising  expedition  to  Darien, 
he  returned  and  settled  permanently  in  San  Domingo. 

Oviedo  kept  in  touch  with  the  Spanish  Court  and  returned 
several  times  to  Spain,  on  one  of  which  occasions,  in  1526,  he 
published  his  Sumario,  which  was  dedicated  to  the  Emperor, 
and  dealt  with  the  geography,  climate,  vegetation,  animals, 
and  tribes  of  the  American  Colonies,  and  which  met  with  a 
popular  reception  from  the  public.  The  first  volume  of  his 
great  work,  however.  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  in  nine- 
teen books,  to  which  he  had  given  years  of  careful  labour,  ap- 
peared in  1535.  The  entire  work  is  divided  into  three  parts, 
consisting  in  all  of  fifty  books,  and  includes  everything  that 
had  already  appeared  in  his  Sumario.  The  second  and 
third  parts  are  occupied  with  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  Peru, 
and  other  South  American  countries.     Oviedo,  through  his 


112  Letters  of  Cortes 

relations  -^nth  most  of  the  great  personages  of  his  day  and  his 
personal  knowledge  of  the  countries  he  describes,  the  events 
he  portrays,  and  the  men  who  figured  in  them,  collected  an 
enormous  mass  of  data,  which,  however,  he  never  properly 
classified.  He  is,  therefore,  confused  and  confusing,  self- 
contradictory  and  something  of  a  plagiarist,  of  whom  it  was 
said  that,  not  content  with  drawing  his  information  from  the 
higher  and  more  trustworthy  sources,  he  did  not  scruple  to 
collect  the  gossip  of  the  camp  from  common  soldiers,  and  the 
cmicans  of  great  mens'  ante-chambers.  Las  Casas  describes 
his  work  as  "a  wholesale  fabrication,  and  as  full  of  lies  as 
pages."  Oviedo  and  Las  Casas  were  poles  asunder,  and  the 
good  bishop  was  so  averse  to  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of 
his  contemporary  (so  contrary  to  his  own)  that  he  could  see 
no  good  either  in  him  or  his  work. 

Despite  the  blemishes  which  mar  his  work,  Oviedo  must  be 
considered  an  astute  observer,  nor  can  it  be  thought  that 
he  consciously  or  intentionally  misstated  facts.  From  the 
same  events,  two  different  observers  draw  opposite  conclusions, 
and,  in  the  study  of  historical  records,  their  value  may  be 
more  accurately  estimated  by  considering  the  character  of 
the  medium  through  which  they  reach  us. 

Oviedo  died  at  Valladolid  in  1559,  while  on  a  visit  to 
Spain  to  prepare  for  the  publication  of  the  remainder  of  his 
work. 

(4) 

BERNARDINO  DE  SAHAGUN 

The  Historia  Universal  de  Nueva  España  of  Fray  Bernar- 
dino de  Sahagun  serves  as  a  most  valuable  text-book  for  all 
students  of  Mexican  antiquities. 

The  author  was  born  at  Sahagun,  and  entered  the  Francis- 
can Order  in  Salamanca,  where  he  studied  at  the  University. 
He  went  to  Mexico  in  1529,  where  he  devoted  his  energies  to 
the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  He  entered  upon  this  task 
on  the  basis  that,  to  convert  the  natives  to  Christianity,  it 
was  first  necessary  to  know  them,  to  understand  their  language, 
beliefs,  and  traditions,  and,  most  of  all,  to  be  thoroughly  versed 


Bibliographical  Note  113 

in  their  ancient  mythology,  theology,  and  ritual.  To  acquire 
such  knowledge,  he  lived  among  the  natives  of  Texcoco  for 
several  years,  and  mastered  their  language  and  their  hiero- 
glyphic writings  to  such  an  extent  that  his  own  work  was 
originally  written  in  the  Mexican  tongue. 

His  superiors  did  not  give  unqualified  approval  to  the 
publication  of  his  MSS.,  the  tendency  being  rather  to  obliterate 
as  far  as  possible  all  knowledge  of  ancient  Aztec  beliefs,  with 
a  view  to  detaching  the  Indians  entirely  from  the  traditions 
of  their  ancestors.  Starting  thus  with  a  tabula  rasa  as  it  were, 
it  was  thought  that  the  work  of  conversion  would  progress 
more  rapidly.  Fortunately  this  mistaken  conception  did 
not  lead  to  the  destruction  of  the  mass  of  unique  information 
which  Fray  Bernardino  had  accumulated,  although  his 
manuscripts  were  widely  scattered  through  various  convents 
of  the  Order. 

Sahagun  sent  a  statement  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  his 
labours  to  Spain,  where  it  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
President  of  the  Royal  Council  for  the  Indies,  at  that  time 
Don  Juan  de  Ovando,  who  fortunately  perceived  its  value, 
and  caused  the  scattered  manuscripts  to  be  collected  and 
restored  to  their  owner,  at  the  same  time  directing  that  he 
should  return  to  Spain,  and  forthwith  translate  them  into 
Spanish.  Sahagun  was  nearly  eighty  years  of  age  at  this 
time,  but  he  set  diligently  to  work,  and  completed  the  trans- 
lation, which  was  placed  side  by  side  with  the  original,  and 
the  whole  illustrated  with  an  Aztec  vocabulary.  The  entire 
work,  contained  in  two  large  folio  volumes,  was  sent  to  Madrid, 
from  which  time  it  completely  disappeared,  not  to  be  seen 
again  for  more  than  two  hundred  years,  when  the  cosmo- 
grapher  Don  Juan  Bautista  Muñoz  unearthed  it  in  the 
Franciscan  Library  at  Tolosa  in  Navarre. 

The  first  publication,  dedicated  to  Pope  Pius  VIII.  and 
edited  by  Carlos  Maria  de  Bustamente,  deputy  for  the  state 
of  Oaxaca,  appeared  in  Mexico  at  the  cost  of  the  national 
treasury.  One  year  later  Lord  Kingsborough  introduced  it 
into  the  6th  volume  of  his  magnificent  work,  under  the 
natural  impression  that  he  was  giving  it  for  the  first  time  to 
the  public. 


1 14  Letters  of  Cortes 

(5) 

BARTOLOMÉ    DE    LAS    CASAS 

Fray  Bartolomé  de  Las  Casas,  who  later  became  Bishop  of 
Chiapa,  was  bom  at  Seville  in  1474.  His  father  went  with 
Colimibus  on  his  second  voyage  in  1493,  and  amassed  sufiBcient 
means  to  provide  his  promising  son  with  a  university  edu- 
cation at  Salamanca.  He  was  the  first  priest  ordained  in  the 
new  world,  where  he  went  with  Ovando  in  1502.  The  suffer- 
ings of  the  natives  under  the  cruelties  of  the  first  colonists, 
and  especially  the  system  of  ripartimientos  and  encomiendas, 
so  aroused  the  sympathies  of  the  young  priest  that  he  dedi- 
cated his  life  to  their  defence,  and  was  the  first  to  bear  the 
glorious  title  of  Protector-General  of  the  Indians,  which 
Cardinal  Ximenez  de  Cisneros,  regent  in  the  absence  of  Charles 
v.,  conferred  upon  him.  He  was  indefatigable  in  his  crusade 
and  not  always  discreet.  After  the  failure  of  the  native 
colony  entrusted  to  him,  he  retired  to  a  Dominican  con- 
vent (which  Order  he  entered)  and  devoted  himself  during 
many  years  to  various  compositions  in  vindication  of  the 
Indians  and  their  violated  rights.  He  enlisted  his  brethren 
of  the  Order  in  his  apostolate,  and  never  during  his  long  and 
eventful  life  flagged  in  his  zeal  for  the  noble  end  he  had  set 
himself.  After  refusing  the  bishopric  of  Cuzco,  the  richest 
perhaps  in  the  New  World,  he  later  accepted  the  poor  diocese 
of  Chiapa.  He  died  in  July,  1566,  at  the  age  of  ninety-two, 
in  the  monastery  of  Atocha,  at  Madrid. 

Las  Casas  barely  tolerated  Cortes,  and,  having  known  him 
as  an  obscure  young  man  of  no  importance,  courting  the 
favour  of  Diego  Velasquez  in  Cuba,  he  could  never  refrain 
in  later  years,  when  extraordinary  fortune  had  elevated  him 
at  his  former  patron's  expense,  from  recalling  the  humble 
origin  and  many  doubtful  transactions  of  the  great  Con- 
queror's youth.  Indeed  he  treats  Cortes  throughout  as  a 
mere  lucky  adventurer.  Prescott  says  of  him  that  he  had 
the  virtues  and  faults  of  a  reformer,  being  inspired  by  a  great 
and  glorious  idea  which  "urged  him  to  lift  the  voice  of  rebuke 
in  the  presence  of  princes,  to  brave  the  menaces  of  an 
infuriated  populace,  to  cross  seas,  traverse  mountains  and 


Bibliographical  Note  115 

deserts,  to  incur  the  alienation  of  friends,  the  hostility  of 
enemies,  to  endure  obloquy,  insult,  and  persecution." 

His  great  work.  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  to  which 
he  devoted  himself  during  thirty  years,  while  still  in  manu- 
script, was  largely  drawn  upon  by  different  writers,  notably 
by  Herrera,  who  incorporated  a  large  amount  into  his  own 
work  published  in  1601.  An  edition  of  his  works  was  pub- 
lished in  five  volumes  at  Madrid  in  1876.  His  Brevísima 
Relación,  widely  read  and  translated  into  foreign  languages, 
was  a  terrible  indictment  of  his  countrymen  and  their  deal- 
ings with  the  natives.  The  integrity  of  his  character,  the 
purity  of  his  motives,  and  his  apostolic  virtues  command 
admiration,  and,  though  his  intemperate  zeal  in  the  cause  he 
championed  troubled  the  serenity  of  his  appreciations  as  an 
historian,  his  statement  of  facts  may  be  invariably  trusted,  and 
his  record  of  contemporary  events  is  of  unquestionable  value. 

(6) 

MOTOLINIA 

Toribio  de  Benevente  is  best  known  by  his  Indian  name 
(which  he  himself  adopted)  of  Motolinia,  meaning  the  "poor 
man"  (equivalent  of  the  Poverello  which  was  St.  Francis's 
dearest  title).  He  was  one  of  twelve  Franciscans  who  first 
came  to  Mexico  in  response  to  the  request  of  Cortes,  at  the 
close  of  the  conquest  (1523).  He  travelled  from  Mexico  to 
Guatemala  and  Nicaragua  on  foot,  and  knew  the  country  and 
its  peoples  as  did  few.  His  headquarters  were  at  a  convent 
at  Texcoco,  where  his  life  and  energies  were  devoted  with 
success  to  teaching  and  converting  the  Mexicans.  His 
Historia  de  los  Indias  de  Ntieva  España  embraces  first  re- 
ligion and  rites  of  the  Aztecs,  second  conversion,  third  their 
character,  chronology,  astrology,  and  some  account  of  their 
principal  cities,  etc.  His  MS.  was  printed  in  the  first  voltune 
of  Icazbalceta's  Documentos  Inéditos. 

(7) 

PETER    MARTYR 

Pietro  Martire  de  Angleria  of  Arona,  Italy,  came  to  Spain 


ii6  Letters  of  Cortes 

in  1487.  He  wTote  in  Latin  De  Orbe  Novo,  printed  in  a  com- 
plete edition  by  Hakluyt,  Paris,  1587.  He  took  great  interest 
in  the  discoveries  and  colonisation,  and  was  allowed  to  at- 
tend meetings  of  the  Royal  Council  for  the  Indies.  He  was 
personally  acquainted  with  Columbus,  Cortes,  and  others, 
and  their  correspondence  with  the  Court  was  open  to  him. 
His  writings  are  those  of  a  philosophical  observer  of  historical 
events,  unencumbered  with  the  manifold  details  and  small 
incidents  which  crowd  and  confuse  the  pages  of  the  soldier 
chroniclers  such  as  Bemal  Diaz.     He  died  in  1525. 


(8) 

ANTONIO  DE  HERRERA 


.íH 


Antonio  de  Herrera  was  born  at  Cuellar  in  1549,  and  was 
made  Historiographer  of  the  Indies -from  if92-i554.  His 
Historia  General  de  las  Indias  Occidentales  is  divided  into  eight 
decades,  of  which  the  first  four  were  published  in  1601,  the 
others  in  1 6 1 5 ,  fiv e  volumes  in  folio.  A  very  free  English  trans- 
lation, with  omissions', 'was  made  by  Stevens.  The  plan  of 
this  work  is  confused  and  interrupted,  wanting  in  sequence, 
and  filled  with  irrelevant  details.  He  had  access  to  all  the 
Statepapers,  colonial  reports,  and  every  MS.  relating  to  the 
discovery,  conquest,  and  colonisation  of  the  New  World,  and 
he  quoted  very  freely  from  Las  Casas.  Dazzled  by  the 
wonderful  events  of  the  times  and  the  equally  marvellous 
achievements  of  his  countrymen,  he  was  blind  to  their  faults 
and  excesses,  so  that,  while  not  exactly  a  panegyric,  his  work 
is  coloured  by  a  strong  patriotism,  which  shows  in  his  op- 
timistic appreciation  of  the  character  and  deeds  of  the  con- 
querors. His  work  is,  however,  a  compendium  of  authentic 
information  which  cannot  be  too  highly  esteemed.  He  died 
in  1625. 

(9) 

JUAN  DE  TORQUEMADA 

Juan  de  Torquemada,  Provincial    of    the    Franciscans    in 
Mexico  from  1614-1617,  spent  more  than  fifty  years  of  his 


Bibliographical  Note  117 

life  in  the  country,  during  which  time  he  amassed  an  im- 
mense collection  of  ancient  pictures,  writings,  and  original 
manuscripts,  be-^ides  the  information,  often  legendary  and 
contradictory,  which  he  obtained  from  the  Indians.  Of  his 
Monarchia  Indiana  Clavigero  says  that  one  must  seek  jewels 
among  the  rubbish.     It  was  first  published  in  Madrid  in  161 4, 

and  again  in  1724. 

(10) 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT 

The  work  of  the  eminent  American  historian  William  H. 
Prescott  is  too  well  known  to  require  extensive  notice 
here.  His  diligence  in  research,  and  his  scholarly  familiarity 
with  the  iiources  of  Spanish-American  history,  contributed  to 
make  his  Conqviest  of  Mexico  a  masterpiece  of  historical  narra- 
tive, in  which  sober  facts  seem  almost  to  catch  the  glamour 
of  romance  from  the  delightful  style  of  their  presentation, 
and  this  work  will  doubtless  long  remain  the  most  complete, 
as  it  is  the  most  fascinating,  account  in  our  language  of  the 
stirring  events  it  describes. 

(II) 

MANUEL  OROZCO  Y  BERRA 

In  1880,  the  Historia  Antigua  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico, 
by  Don  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra,  Vice-President  of  the  Society 
of  Geography  and  Statistics,  was  published  by  the  order  and 
at  the  expense  of  the  Mexican  Government,  Don  Porfirio 
Diaz  being  then  President,  and  Señor  Mariscal  Minister  of 
Public  Instruction.  This  erudite  work,  the  fruit  of  a  lifetime 
of  discriminating  research  by  the  distinguished  author,  is 
divided  into  four  parts:  I.  Civilisation,  II.  Prehistoric  Man 
in  Mexico,  HI.  Ancient  History,  IV.  The  Conquest. 

(12) 

MANUEL  GARCIA  ICAZBALCETA 

The  collection  of  documents,  for  the  most  part  inedited, 
published  in  1858  by  Don  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  opens 


ii8  Letters  of  Cortes 

many  original  and  invaluable  historical  sources  to  all.  The 
labours  of  this  learned  Mexican  in  the  field  of  historical 
research  are  beyond  all  praise. 

Besides  the  writers  above  noticed,  the  following  are  the 
principal  authorities  who  have  been  consulted: 

De  Rebus  Gestis,  anonymous.  ">       in  Icazbalceta's 

Itinerario  de  larmata  del  Re  Catholico   I  Documentos 

El  CoJtquistador  Anónimo  J      Inéditos,  volume  i. 

IxtHlxochitl,  Historia  Chichimeca. 

P.   Diego  Duran,  Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nueva  España. 

Fernando  Tezozomoc,  Crónica  Mexicana,  1538. 

Diego  Muñoz  Camargo  (Tlascalan),  Historia  Tlascala. 

Carlos  Siguenza,  Imperio  Chichimeco,  Geneal.  Reyes  Mexi- 
canos. 

Pizarro:  Varones  Illustres. 

Joseph  de  Acosta,  S.  J.,  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de  las 
Indias.     Madrid,  1608. 

Thomas  Gage,  Voyage  1626. 

Archbishop  Lorenzana,  Historia  de  Nueva  España, 
1770. 

Salazar  y  Olarte,  Historia  de  la  Conquista. 

Francesco  Xaverio  Clavigero,  Storia  Antica  del  Messico. 

Agostino  de  Vetancourt,  Teatro  Mexicano,  1698  (Mexico). 

GemelU  Careri,  Giro  del  Mondo,    Venezia,  1728. 

Antonio  de  Solis,  Historia  de  la  Conquista. 

Andres  Cavo,  S.  J.,  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico  (Cario 
Bustamente) . 

Archivo  Mexicano,  Residencia  de  Cortes. 

Diego  de  Landa,  Relación  de  las  Cosas  de  Yucatan. 

William  Robertson,  History  of  America;  History  of  Charles  V. 

Washington  Irving,  Life  of  Columbus;  Companions  of 
Columbus. 

Luca  Alaman,  Dissertazioni  sulla  Storia  del  Messico.  Ital- 
ian translation  by  E.  Pelaez,  1859. 

Humboldt,  Essai  Politique;  Vues  des  Cordillieres. 

Mexico  a  Travers  los  Siglos  (published  under  direction  of 
D.  Vincente  Riva  Palacio). 

Sir  Arthur  Helps,  Cortes. 


Bibliographical  Note  119 

Stephens,  Incidents  of  Travel  in  Yucatan. 

Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico  in  Vol.  X. 

Abbé  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg.  Histoire  des  Nations  Civ- 
ilisées  du  Mextqtie,  1839. 

Ternaux-Compans,  Voyages,  Relations  et  Mémoires,  Origi- 
naux.     Paris,  1883. 

Andres  Gonzalez  de  Barcia,  Historiadoses  Primitiros  de  las 
Indias  Occidentales. 

Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete,  Documentos  inéditos  para 
la  Historia  de  España. 

Riradeneira's  Biblioteca  de  Autores  Españoles. 

Desire  Charnay,  Ancient  Cities  of  the  New  World.  Paris, 
1887. 


FIRST  LETTER 


121 


FIRST  LETTER 

Sent  to  the  Queen  Doña  Juana,  and  the  Emperor  Charles 
v.,  her  son,  by  the  Judiciary  and  Municipal  Authorities 
of  the  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  dated  the  loth  July  15 19. 
Very  High  and  Very  Powerful  and  Excellent  Princes, 
Very  Catholic  and  Very  Great  Sovereigns  and  Rulers. 
We  believe  that  Your  Majesties  by  a  letter  from  Diego 
Velasquez/  Lieutenant  of  the  AdmiraP  in  the  Island  of  Fer- 
nandina,  ^  will  have  been  informed  of  the  new  land,  which 

1  He  was  a  native  of  Cuellar,  and  accompanied  Columbus  on  his 
second  voyage  in  1493;  under  commission  of  Diego  Columbus,  then 
viceroy,  he  effected  the  conquest  of  Cuba,  and  became  governor  of  the 
island.  He  showed  himself  ungrateful  to  his  benefactor,  Diego 
Columbus,  and  he  was  in  his  turn  betrayed,  and  finally  outgeneralled, 
by  Cortes.  When  the  royal  appointment  of  the  latter,  as  Captain- 
General  of  New  Spain,  was  proclaimed  in  Cuba  by  Rodrigo  de  Paz, 
and  Francisco  de  las  Casas,  to  the  sound  of  trumpets  in  1522,  Diego 
Velasquez  took  to  his  bed  from  sheer  mortification,  and  died  within  a 
lew  months.  Fuller  notice  of  his  character,  and  his  dealings  with 
Cortes,  are  given  in  the  preceding  Biographical  Note. 

2  Diego  Columbus,  only  son  of  the  Admiral  Christopher  Columbus 
and  his  wife  Felipa  Mogniz  Perestrello  of  Lisbon,  succeeded  Don 
Nicolas  de  Ovando  as  governor,  and  bore  the  title  of  viceroy. 

'  Cuba,  which  was  discovered  by  Columbus,  on  October  28,  1492, 
and  named  by  him,  Juana,  in  honour  of  the  Royal  Infante,  Don  Juan. 
He  was  convinced  that  he  had  reached  China,  or  Cipango,  of  which 
he  had  read  in  Marco  Polo's  narrative.  It  was  discovered  to  be  an 
island  by  Ocampo,  who  first  circumnavigated  it  in  1508.  The 
island  was  conquered  in  1511  by  Velasquez,  in  command  of  three  hun- 
dred men,  but  so  peaceable  and  indolent  were  the  natives,  that  the 
conquest  was  effected  almost  without  a  struggle;  for  only  one  chief, 
Hatuey,  with  a  few  followers,  attempted  to  dispute  the  landing  of  the 
Spaniards.  Hatuey  was  captured,  and  sentenced  to  be  burned. 
When  this  cruel  sentence  was  about  to  be  carried  out,  a  friar  exhorted 
him  to  be  baptised,  and  thus  ensure  his  soul  going  to  paradise.  The 
chief  asked  if  there  would  be  Spaniards  there,  and  when  the  friar 

123 


124  Letters  of  Cortes 

was  discovered  in  these  parts  about  two  years  ago,  which 
in  the  beginning  was  called  Cozumel,  ^  and  has  since  been 
named  Yucatan,  2  without  its  being  the  one  or  the  other. 
This  your  Royal  Highnesses  will  be  able  to  perceive  from 
our  narration  because,  until  now  the  accounts,  which 
have  been  made  to  Your  Majesties  concerning  this  coun- 
try, both  of  its  customs  and  w^ealth,  as  well  as  concerning 
the  manner  of  its  discovery,  and  other  things  which  have 
been  stated  about  it,  are  not  and  could  not  have  been 
exact,  for,  as  will  appear  from  this  account  which  we  send 
to  Your  Highnesses,  up  till  now  no  one  has  known  them. 
We  will  deal  with  it  here  from  the   beginning  of  its 

answered  that  they  all  hoped  to  go  there,  he  replied  that  then  he  would 
rather  not.  So  he  was  burned,  but  not  converted.  The  Indian  name 
Cuba  has  persisted  and  survived  all  others.  (Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  lib- 
xxvii. ,  cap.  iii. ;  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxi.-xxv.) 

'  Cozumel,  also  sometimes  called  Acuzamil  {Ah-Cuza'tnil  meaning 
the  "Swallows"),  was  discovered  by  Juan  de  Grijalba  on  the  feast 
of  the  Invention  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  hence  named  by  him  Santa 
Cruz.  He  took  possession  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns, 
and  of  Diego  Velasquez,  under  whose  commission  the  expedition  had 
sailed.  There  was  a  stone  building  on  the  island,  having  a  square 
tower  with  a  door  in  each  of  its  four  sides.  Inside  this  there  were  idols, 
palm  branches,  and  bones,  which  they  said  were  those  of  a  great  chief 
(Oviedo,  lib.  xvii.,  cap  ix.).  The  tower  was  surmounted  by  a  smaller 
square  turret  which  was  reached  by  an  outside  staircase.  Grijalba 
hoisted  the  Spanish  flag  on  this  turret,  and  named  the  place  San  Juan 
de  Puerta  Latina.  The  Chaplain  Fray  Juan  Diaz  said  mass.  Cristo- 
bal de  Olid,  who  was  sent  by  Velasquez  in  search  of  Grijalba's  expedi- 
tion, about  whose  safety  fears  were  felt,  also  landed  at  Cozumel,  and 
took  formal  possession,  thinking  that  he  was  its  discoverer  (Orozco 
y  Berra,  tom.  iv.,  cap.  i.).  The  inhabitants  seemed  poor,  and  what 
gold  they  produced  was  mostly  an  alloy  with  copper,  of  little  value, 
which  the  Indians  called  guanin,  and  prized  highly  (Las  Casas,  lib. 
7,  cap.  Ixvii.). 

Coziunel  was  a  place  of  pilgrimage,  and  in  one  of  the  great  temples 
there  stood  a  hollow  statue  called  Teel-Cuzam  (the  Swallows'  Feet), 
made  of  terra-cotta,  in  which  a  priest  placed  himself  to  give  oracular 
answers  to  the  pilgrims  (CogoUudo,  Hist,  de  Yucatan,  lib.  iv.,  cap, 
vii.). 

2  Yucatan,  "The  land  of  wounds  and  calamities,"  as  Bemal  Diaz 
called  it.  This  coast  was  first  sighted  by  Columbus,  but  he  did  not 
land.     In  1 5 1 1 ,  a  boat-load  of  men  from  the  wreck  of  Valdivia's  caravel 


First  Letter  125 

discovery  up  to  its  present  state,  so  that  Your  Majesties 
will  know  the  country  as  it  really  is,  the  people  who 
possess  it,  and  the  manner  of  their  life,  and  the  rites 
and  ceremonies,  the  sect  or  law  they  obey,  and  the 
profit  which  Your  Royal  Highnesses  may  derive  from  it; 
and  may  also  know  who  have  here  rendered  services 
to  Your  Majesties,  in  order  that  Your  Royal  Highnesses 
may  act  as  best  suits  your  service.  The  most  faithful 
and  exact  account  is  as  follows: 

It  may  be  two  years,  a  little  more  or  less,  Most  En- 
lightened Princes,  that,  in  the  City  of  Santiago,  ^  which 
is  in  the  Island  of  Fernandina,  of  whose  towns  Expedition 
we  have  been  citizens,  three  inhabitants  of  of  Feman- 
the  said  Island  united,  and  the  one  was  called  ^ez  de 

Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  2  another  or  0  a 
Lope  Ochoa  de  Caicedo,   and  the  third    Cristobal   Mor- 

drifted  onto  the  coast,  and  the  men  were  sacrificed,  and  eaten,  all  save 
two,  who  escaped  as  will  be  explained  later.  The  coast  was  first  really- 
discovered  by  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  as  is  here  related, 
and  the  name  of  Yucatan  was  the  word  tectetan,  meaning  "I  don't 
understand,"  caught  by  the  Spaniards  from  the  natives,  and  which 
they  took  to  be  the  name  of  the  country  (Motolinia,  trat  iii.,  cap. 
viii.).  The  Indian  name  was  Ulumil  Cuz,  and  Etel  Ceh,  meaning  the 
land  of  birds  and  game;  they  also  called  it  Peten,  an  island,  though 
they  well  knew  that  it  was  not  one.  According  to  Ordonez,  not  only 
the  coast  province,  but  the  entire  country,  was  also  called  Maya 
(a  waterless  land).  The  language  of  all  the  country  was  known  as 
the  Maya  tongue. 

The  subjoined  references  will  be  useful  to  students  of  the  history 
of  this  most  interesting  country  and  its  stupendous  antiquities: 
CogoUudo,  Hist,  de  Yucatan;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Histoire  des 
Nations  civilisées  du  Mexique;  Diego  de  Landa,  Relación  de  las  Cosas 
de  Yucatan  (French  translation  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg) ;  Stephens, 
Incidents  of  Travels  in  Yucatan;  Bancroft,  Native  Races;  and  Carrillo, 
Compendio  de  la  Hist.  Yucatan. 

»  Santiago  was  the  seat  of  the  governor,  and  the  cathedral  city  of 
the  first  bishop. 

2  This  expedition  was  organised  by  the  men  who  had  originally  come 
from  Spain  with  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  commonly  called  Pedrarias 
de  Avila,  when  he  was  sent  in  command  of  an  admirably  equipped 
fleet  to  supersede  Balboa  as  governor  of  Darien.  Among  these  men 
was  Berna!  Diaz  del  Castillo,  whose  copious  narrative  of  the  events 


120  Letters  of  Cortes 

ante;  and,  as  it  is  customary  in  these  Islands,  which 
have  been  peopled  by  Spaniards  in  the  name  of  Your 
Majesties,  to  bring  Indians  for  their  service  from  the 
other  Islands  which  have  not  been  peopled  by  Spaniards, 
these  said  persons  sent  two  ships  and  a  brigantine,  in 

order  to  fetch  Indians  from  those  Islands  ^  to  Fernandina 

« 

in  the  islands,  ani  in  Mexico,  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  sovirces 
of  American  history. 

These  men,  on  their  return  from  Darien,  were  cordially  received 
in  Cuba  by  Diego  Velasquez,  who  encouraged  them  to  continue  ex- 
plorations. After  three  years  of  fruitless  delays  during  which  many 
were  ill  and  some  had  died,  they  decided  to  organise  a  venture  on  their 
own  account,  and  they  secured  the  co-operation  of  Francisco  Fernandez 
de  Cordoba,  a  rich  colonist,  who  was  willing  to  put  his  money  into  the 
undertaking.  He  was  chosen  as  captain,  three  vessels  were  bought, 
one  of  which  Cortes  and  others  assert,  was  furnished  by  Velasquez, 
on  condition  that  he  should  be  reimbursed  for  his  outlay  by  slaves, 
who  should  be  brought  back  from  the  islands.  Bemal  Diaz  says 
that  they  refused  this  condition,  but  that  Velasquez  furnished  the 
ship  just  the  same;  this,  however,  does  not  accord  with  other  testi- 
mony, and  it  may  well  be  that  Bemal  Diaz,  who  was  simply  an  enlisted 
soldier-adventurer,  knew  little  of  the  conditions  negotiated  amongst 
the  owners  and  leaders. 

The  little  flotilla  put  to  sea  from  Santiago  on  February  8,  1517, 
stopping  first  at  Puerto  del  Principe  for  supplies,  and  continuing 
thence  under  the  direction  of  the  pilot  Alaminos,  who  laid  the  course. 
After  a  voyage  not  free  from  dangers,  they  discovered  a  small  island 
off  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  which  they  called  Isla  de  las  Mugeres 
(Women's  Island),  because  they  found  there  statues  of  the  goddesses 
Xchel  and  Ixchebeliax,  and  others.  From  this  island  an  important 
looking  town  on  the  mainland  was  visible,  which  they  named  Grand 
Cairo.  This  expedition,  as  will  be  seen  in  succeeding  notes,  ended 
badly. 

Í  The  Spanish  settlements  in  the  New  World  were,  at  that  time, 
limited  to  the  islands  of  Hispaniola  (Haiti),  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico,  and 
Jamaica,  which  were  called  the  Indies  by  the  discoverers  and  con- 
querors, because  they  were  firmly  persuaded  they  had  encircled  half 
the  globe,  and  reached  the  Orient.  Besides  these  four  islands,  there 
was  the  colony  of  Darien,  of  which  more  information  will  be  given 
later.  Popular  imagination  in  Spain  was  inflamed  by  the  tales  of  vast 
wealth  in  gold,  silver,  pearls,  precious  stones,  and  spices,  lying  in 
the  virgin  lands  waiting  to  be  picked  up  by  the  first  comer.  Avaricious 
adventurers  set  out  to  enrich  themselves  by  a  lucky  venture,  and 
return  with  their  easily  and  quickly  won  fortunes  to  Spain.  Serious 
projects  for  colonisation  were  not  yet  conceived,  and,  what  settlements 


First  Letter  127 

to  make  slaves  of  them.  We  believe,  although  we  do 
not  positively  know  it,  that  the  said  Diego  Velasquez, 
Lieutenant  of  the  Admiral,  owned  a  fourth  part  of  the 
armada.  One  of  the  owners  of  the  said  armada,  called 
Trancisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  went  as  its  Captain, 
taking  as  pilot  a  resident  of  the  town  of  Palos,  ^  one 
Anton  de  Alaminos,  2  whom  we  have  also  now  as  pilot, 
and  whom  we  have  sent  to  Your  Royal  Highnesses  that 
he  may  furnish  information  to  Your  Majesties. 

Pursuing  their  voyage,  they  arrived  at  the  said 
Island  of  Yucatan,  at  its  uttermost  point,  which  may 
be  sixty  or  seventy  leagues  both  from  the  Discovery 
said  Island  of  Fernandina,  and  from  this  coun-  of 

try  of  the  rich  land^of  Vera  Cruz,  [thus  in  Yucatan 
the  MS.  ,  where  we  now  are  in  the  name  of 
Your  Royal  Highnesses.  At  this  point  they  disembarked 
at  a  town  called  Campoche,  ^  whose  chief  they  named 

there  were,  had  been  made  by  disillusioned  immigrants  who,  when  they 
found  that  gold  and  pearls,  instead  of  lying  at  their  feet,  had  to  be 
sought  as  elsewhere  with  labour,  enslaved  the  natives  for  the  exploita- 
tion of  the  natural  resources  of  the  islands.  Thus  the  slave  trade  sprang 
up,  and  as  the  Indians,  unaccustomed  to  hard  work  and  harsh  treat- 
ment, died  off  in  such  numbers  as  to  rapidly  depopulate  'the  neighbour- 
hoods of  the  Spanish  settlements,  expeditions  were  constantly 
organised  to  the  neighbouring  islands  for  the  purpose,  as  Cortes  states, 
of  capturing  the  natives.  The  system  of  repartimientos  and  en- 
comiendas was  begun  under  the  sanction  of  Columbus,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  denunciations  of  the  Church,  and  repeated  edicts  from  the  home 
government,  the  slave  trade  flourished,  and  the  island  population 
rapidly  dwindled.  This  subject  is  more  fully  noticed  in  Appendix  I. 
to  the  Fourth  Letter. 

1  Anton  de  Alaminos  had  served  under  Columbus  on  his  voyage 
in  1502,  when  the  other  pilots  were  Comacho  de  Triana,  and  Juan 
Alvarez ;  there  was  also  the  inspector  of  the  royal  fifth  Bernardino  de 
Iñiquez,  and  a  Chaplain,  Alonzo  Gonzalez  from  the  town  of  San 
Cristobal. 

2  The  little  port  from  which    Columbus  originally  sailed  in    1492. 

3  The  point  of  Catoche,  where  they  landed  on  March  5th,  is 
the  extremity  of  the  peninsula  nearest  to  Cuba.  A  chief  and  many 
people  came  out  to  the  caravels  in  canoes,  and  having  no  interpreter 
they  made  themselves  understood  as  best  they  could  by  signs,  inviting 


128  Letters  of  Cortes 

Lázaro,  and  gave  two  spindles  with  a  piece  of  cloth  of 
gold;  but,  as  the  natives  of  the  country  did  not  allow 
them  to  remain  in  the  town,  or  on  land,  they  left,  and 
went  about  ten  leagues  down  the  coast,  where  they  again 
landed  at  a  town  called  Machocobon,  ^  whose  chief  was 
Champoto.  Here  they  were  well  received  by  the  natives, 
though  they  were  not  allowed  to  come  into  the  towns; 
and  that  night  they  slept  out  of  their  ships,  and  on  land. 
The  natives,  seeing  this,  attacked  them  2  on  the 
morning  of  the  following  day,  in  such  a  manner  that  26 
Spaniards  perished,  and  all  the  rest  were  wounded,  and 
at  last  the  Captain  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba^ 
seeing  this,  escaped  with  those  who  were  left  to  him  by 
taking  refuge  in  the  ships.  The  said  Captain,  seeing 
that  more  than  a  quarter  of  his  people  had  been  killed, 
and  that  he  himself  had  received  30  odd  wounds,  and 
was  almost  dead,  and  despairing  of  escape,  returned  with 
the  ships  and  people  to  the  said   Island  of  Fernandina.  ^ 

the  Spaniards  to  land,  and  saying  Co7iex  Cotoche,  which  means  ' '  come  to 
our  houses,  "  but  was  thought  by  the  Spaniards  to  be  the  name  of  the 
place.  They  called  it  Catoche  therefore  (Carrillo,  Compendio  de  la 
Hist.  Yucatan  p.  105).  Cortes  here  confuses  Catoche  with  Cam- 
peche (in  Maya,  Kimpech),  further  westward  on  the  bay  of  the  same 
name,  where  the  caravels  arrived  on  Sunday,  the  feast  of  San  Lázaro 
(March  22nd).  Oviedo  says  that  the  Spaniards  called  the  chief  of  the 
place  Lázaro,  and  that  the  Indian  name  for  the  place  was  Campeche, 
but  Orozco  y  Berra  states  that,  in  ancient  letters,  the  place  is  called 
llazaro,  and  the  river  Campeche     (tom.  iv.,  cap.  i.,  note). 

>  There  is  much  confusion  amongst  the  early  writers  in  the 
spelling  of  Indian  names,  and  in  assigning  them  correctly.  In  this 
case  the  place  was  called  Poton-Chan,  and  the  bay  received  the  name 
of  Mala  Pelea  from  the  Spanish  sailors,  on  account  of  the  disastrous 
rout  they  suffered  there.  The  Cacique,  Machocobon,  according  to 
Gomara,  was  a  very  formidable  warrior. 

2  See  Appendix  I.  at  close  of  Letter. 

3  Alaminos,  after  consulting  the  other  pilots,  decided  to  sail 
for  Florida,  as  being  the  best  way  back  to  Cuba,  and  because  he  knew 
that  coast  since  its  discovery  by  Ponce  de  Leon.  They  reached 
Florida  in  four  days,  and,  upon  landing  to  get  water,  they  were  again 
attacked.  Both  Alaminos  and  Bemal  Diaz  were  wounded,  while 
Berrio,  the  only  soldier  who  had  come  unscathed  out  of   the  Mala- 


First  Letter  129 

Here  they  made  known  to  Diego  Velasquez  that  they 
had  found  a  land  very  richjn  gold,  because  they  had  seen 
that  all  theliatives  wore  it,  some  in  their  noses,  some 
in  their  ears,  and  some  in  other  parts,  and,  likewise, 
that  there  were  in  that  country  edifices  Return 
built  of  mortar  and  stone.     They  made  known  of  the 

to  him  also  many  other  facts,  which  they  pub-  expedition 
lished  about  the  admirable  things  and  riches  of  the  said 
land,  and  they  counselled  him  to  send  ships  to  barter  for 
gold,  saying  that,  if  he  would  do  so,  a  great  amount  of 
it  could  be  obtained.^ 

Upon  learning  this,  the  said  Diego  Velasquez,  moved 
more  by  cupidity  than  any  other  zeal,  sent  a  Procurator 
to  the  Island  of  Hispaniola,  with  a  certain  account,  which 
he  made  to  the  Reverend  Fathers  of  St.  Jerome,  2  who 
resided  there  as  Governors  of  the  Indies,  to  obtain  per- 

Pelea  fight,  met  the  worse  fate  of  being  taken  alive.  After  many 
mishaps,  they  finally  landed  at  Carenas  {Habana),  and,  ten  days  later> 
Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba  died  from  his  wounds,  and  thus  ended 
this  disastrous  expedition  (Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  i-vi.;  Oviedo,  lib 
xvii.,  cap.  iv.;  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  lii.;  Herrera,  dec.  ii." 
lib.  iii.,  cap.  xvii-xviii.;  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucatan,  lib.  i.,  cap.  i-ii.; 
Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  iii.). 

1  Their  description  of  the  solidly  built  houses  and  temples,  the 
spoils  of  gold  which  they  brought,  together  with  the  two  converted 
captives,  aroused  the  greatest  excitement,  and  inflamed  Diego  Velas- 
quez's cupidity.  Speculation  as  to  the  origin  of  the  natives  of  Yucatan 
was  rife,  and  the  theory  was  advanced  that  they  descended  from  the 
tribes  of  Jews  exiled  from  Jerusalem  under  Vespasian  and  Titus. 

2  Fray  Bartolomé  Las  Casas  had  succeeded,  by  the  moving  picture 
he  drew  of  the  oppression  and  injustice  practised  by  the  Spaniards  on 
the  natives  of  the  islands,  in  interesting  the  Cardinal- Regent  Ximenez 
deCisereros  in  their  behalf,  and  His  Eminence's  first  step  was  to  apply 
to  the  General  of  the  Jeronymites  at  San  Bartolomé  de  Lupiano  to 
furnish  some  men  of  that  order  for  service  in  the  Indies.  A  chapter 
of  the  Priors  of  Castile,  which  the  General  assembled,  assented  to  the 
Cardinal's  wish,  and  furnished  three  friars  who  were  sent  out  with 
instructions,  and  very  full  powers.  Las  Casas  says  that  they  did  not 
go  as  governors,  as  some  supposed,  but  rather  to  see  that  the  laws  for 
the  protection  of  the  Indians  were  observed,  and  to  report  abuses. 
They  were  instructed  to  visit  each  island  personally,  to  ascertain  the 
number  of  chiefs  and  tribes,  and  to  sec  how  they  were  treated  by  the 

VOL.  1.— Q 


130  Letters  of  Cortes 

mission  to  colonise  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesties,  by- 
virtue  of  the  authority  which  Your  Highnesses  had  given 
them.  He  told  them  that  they  would  do  a  great  service 
to  Your  Majesties  if  they  would  give  him  permission  to 
trade  with  the  natives,  for  gold  and  pearls  and  precious 
stones  and  other  things,  all  of  which  would  become  his 
property  by  paying  the  fifth  part  to  Your  Majesties.  All 
this  was  granted  by  the  said  Reverend  Fathers  of  St. 
Jerome,  the  Governors,  inasmuch  as  he  said  in  his  ac- 
count that  he  had  discovered  the  land  at  his  own  cost, 
and  moreover  knew  the  secrets  of  it,  and  that  he  would 
provide  in  every  respect  as  should  best  advance  the 
service  of  Your  Royal  Highnesses.  On  the  other  hand, 
without  communicating  it  to  the  said  Jeronymite  Fathers, 
lie  sent  to  Your  Royal  Highnesses  a  certain  Gonzalo  de 

holders  of  encomiendas,  as  well  as  by  the  governors,  judges,  and  other 
officials.  Hispaniola  (Haiti),  Cuba,  and  Jamaica,  were  particularly- 
designated  for  their  visitations,  and  they  were  enjoined  to  inspect  the 
mines,  and  report  on  possible  ameliorations.  They  had  power  to 
regulate  the  amount  of  meat  to  be  allowed  each  labourer,  the  market 
price  of  necessities,  the  housing  of  the  Indians,  the  education  of 
children,  marriages  between  Spaniards  and  natives,  etc. 

These  friars  were  selected  by  Cardinal  Ximenez  from  among  twelve 
names  presented  to  him  by  four  Priors,  sent  by  the  Chapter  to  Madrid 
for  that  purpose,  and  they  sailed  from  San  Lucar,  November  11,  15 16, 
landing  in  San  Domingo  thirteen  days  later  (Las  Casas).  Gayangos, 
Cartas  de  Cortes,  p.  3,  mentions  the  Jeronymite  Fathers  as  numbering 
but  two.  Fray  Luis  de  Figueroa,  a  native  of  Seville,  who  was  Prior  of 
Mejorada,  and  Fray  Alonso  de  Santo  Domingo,  Prior  of  San  Juan 
de  Ortega.     The  third,  however,  was  Fray  Bernardino  de  Manzanedo. 

The  island  of  Hispaniola,  where  the  Jeronymites  resided,  was  discov- 
ered on  December  6,  1492,  by  Christopher  Columbus  who  named  the 
harbour  where  he  landed  San  Nicolas.  San  Domingo  became  the  prin- 
cipal city  and  residence  of  the  viceroy.  In  consequence  of  the 
dissensions  between  Don  Diego  Columbus,  who  held  that  office,  and 
various  persons,  notably  the  royal  treasurer,  Miguel  Pasamonte, 
who  headed  a  faction  against  him,  the  Spanish  government  in  15 10 
established  the  Royal  Audiencia.  This  was  a  court  of  appeal  for 
all  causes  in  which  the  viceroy  had  pronounced  judgment.  The 
name  Hispaniola  (Española),  given  by  Columbus  to  the  island,  has 
been  superseded  by  the  original  Indian  name  of  Haiti. 


First  Letter  131 

Guzman/  with  power  of  attorney,  and  the  same  account, 
saying  that  he  had  discovered  the  country  at  his  own  cost, 
thus  rendering  service  to  Your  Majesties,  and  that  he 
wished  to  conquer  it  at  his  own  cost,  and  he  prayed  Your 
Royal  Highnesses  to  make  him  adelantado  2  and  governor 
of  it,  with  certain  privileges  for  which  he  asked  further 
on,  as  Your  Majesties  will  have  seen  by  his  account,  and 
for  which  reason  we  do  not  express  them  here. 

In  the  meantime,  as  the  permission  was  given  by  the 
Reverend  Fathers  of  St.  Jerome,  the  Governors  in  the 
nameof  Your  Majesties,  he  hastened  to  fit  out  Expedition 
three  ships  and  a  brigantine,  so  that,  if  Your  of 

Majesties  were  not  pleased  to  grant  Gonzalo  de  Gri jaiba 
Guzman  what  he  had  asked,  the  ships  would  have 
already  been  sent,  with  the  permission  given  by 
the  said  Reverend  Jeronymite  Fathers,  the  Gover- 
nors. He  sent  as  Captain  one  of  his  relatives,  called 
Juan  de     Grijalba,  ^     and    with   him    160    men    of    the 

>  Gonzalo  de  Guzman  was  a  royal  treasurer  in  the  islands. 

2  Spanish  title  for  the  governor  of  a  province. 

3  A  native  of  Cuellar,  who  came  to  Cuba  when  a  mere  lad. 
Las  Casas  describes  him  as  a  youth  of  great  promise,  and  Gomara 
says  he  was  a  nephew  of  Velasquez's.  He  was  of  gentle  birth,  and, 
as  a  fellow-townsman,  he  was  treated  by  Velasquez  with  much  con- 
sideration, whether  he  was  a  relative  or  not.  The  armada  furnished 
him  consisted  of  four  caravels,  the  Santiago,  San  Sebastian,  La 
Trinidad,  and  Santa  Maria  de  los  Remedios;  the  pilots  were  the  same 
who  went  with  the  first  expedition,  with  the  addition  of  a  fourth  one, 
unnamed.  There  was  a  treasurer,  Anton  de  Villasaña,  an  inspector, 
Francisco  de  Peñalosa,  and  a  chaplain,  Fray  Juan  Diaz;  in  all  told 
above  two  hundred  persons  composed  the  company.  After  several  false 
starts,  they  finally  set  sail  on  May  ist.  This  date,  in  spite  of  divers  con- 
tradictions, is  established  by  the  Itinerario  de  I'armata  del  Re  Cattolico 
verso  la  Isola  de  Yucatan,  MDXVIL,  which  is  given  in  the  Documentos 
Inéditos  of  Joafiuin  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  Mexico,  1858. 

Three  other  captains  were  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  Francisco  de  Montejo, 
and  Alonso  Davila;  the  men  including  pilots  and  sailors  numbered 
250.  They  discovered  the  Tabasco  River,  which  was  henceforth  named 
Grijalba,  though  the  name  Tabasco  (Tabzcoob  was  the  Indian  name) 
remained  to  the  province  between  Yucatan  and  Cuazocoalco. 

After  Rio  Tabasco,  they  discovered  a  river  (Xamapan,  now  called 


132  Letters  of  Cortes 

inhabitants  of  said  Island,  amongst  whom  some  of  us  came 
as  Captains  for  the  purpose  of  serving  Your  Majesties,  and 
not  only  did  we  and  those  of  the  said  armada  come  risking 
our  own  persons,  but  we  and  they  also  provided  almost  all 
the  outfit  of  the  said  armada  from  our  own  resources, 
in  which  we  and  they  spent  a  very  great  part  of  our 
fortunes.  And  there  went  again  as  pilot  of  this  armada 
the  same  Anton  de  Alaminos,  who  first  discovered  the 
said  country  when  he  went  with  Francisco  Fernandez 
de  Cordoba. 

In  making  this  voyage,  they  followed  in  his  former 
track,  and,  before  they  reached  the  said  land,  they  dis- 
covered a  small  island,  called  Cozumel,  which  may  measure 

Jamapa),  which  they  called  Banderas,  because  Indians  carrying 
white  flags  were  seen  along  the  coast.  They  received  them  with  great 
civility  and  interest,  and  traded  to  the  amount  of  15,000  dollars 
worth  of  gold  (Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xiii.).  Here  the  name  of  Monte- 
zuma was  first  heard  by  the  Spaniards.  The  next  stopping  place 
was  named  Isla  de  los  Sacrifios,  because  they  found  in  a  temple  there 
six  or  seven  bodies  of  men  with  their  breasts  cut  open,  and  their  hearts 
gone.  The  Island  of  Ulua  was  so  named  from  the  Indian  word  Culua, 
which  the  Spaniards  imperfectly  caught,  and,  to  distinguish  it  from 
San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico,  they  called  the  place  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
(Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xiv. ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  ii.). 

On  the  Island  of  Ulua  the  Spanish  government  afterwards  built 
a  fortress  said  to  have  cost  forty  millions  of  dollars,  and  which  was 
the  last  stronghold  of  Spain  in  Mexico.  On  November  23,  1825, 
the  President  of  the  new  republic  announced  its  fall  by  a  proclamation : 
"The  standard  of  the  republic  floats  over  the  castle  of  Ulua!  I 
announce  to  you,  fellow  citizens,  with  inexpressible  pleasure  that, 
after  a  lapse  of  three  hundred  and  four  years,  the  flag  of  Castile  has  now 
disappeared  from  our  coasts. ' ' 

From  here,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  with  one  of  the  four  ships,  the  San 
Sebastian,  was  sent  to  report  to  Diego  Velasquez  what  had  been  dis- 
covered. He  took  also  the  gold  and  treasures,  and  was  to  ask  for 
further  instructions  concerning  settlements,  which  Grijalba  had  no 
power  to  make.  The  others  next  went  on  to  Panuco.  Velasquez 
was  vexed  with  Grijalba  for  not  colonising,  though  the  latter  justified 
himself  by  the  instructions  given  him,  which  expressly  forbade  this 
(Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xv. ;  Oviedo,  lib.  xvii.,  cap.  xviii. ;  Gomara,  Crónica, 
cap.  v.,  vi. ;  Cogolludo,  lib.  i.,  cap.  iii.,  iv. ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv., 
cap.  ii.-iii.). 


First  Letter  133 

about  thirty  leagues,  and  lies  off  the  southern  part  of  the 
said  land;  and  they  arrived  in  the  Island  at  a  town,  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  San  Juan  de  Puerta  Latina,  ^ 
and  the  Island  they  named  Santa  Cruz.  2  The  same 
day  on  which  they  arrived  there  about  150  Indians  of 
the  town  came  to  see  them,  and  as  it  appeared,  on  the 
following  day  these  Indians  abandoned  the  town  and 
fled  to  the  woods. 

Being  in  need  of  water,  the  Captain  hoisted  sail  in 
order  to  obtain  it  elsewhere  that  same  day,  and  while 
pursuing  his  voyage,  it  was  agreed  to  return  to  the  said 
port  and  Island  of  Santa  Cruz,  where  he  anchored  and 
went  on  shore,  finding  the  town  without  people,  as 
though  it  had  never  been  inhabited.  He  took  his  supply 
of  water,  returning  to  his  ships  without  taking  soundings, 
or  learning  anything  so  as  to  be  able  to  give  a  true  account 
to  Your  Royal  Highnesses  concerning  that  Island. 

Setting  sail  he  left,  keeping  on  his  voyage  until  he 
arrived  at  the  land  which  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cor- 
doba had  discovered,  where  they  coasted  about,  from 
south  to  west,  until  they  came  to  a  bay,  which  the  said 
Captain  Gonzalo  and  the  chief  pilot,  Anton  de  Alaminos, 
named  Bay  of  Ascension.  ^  This,  according  to  the 
opinion  of  the  pilots,  is  very  near  to  Punta  de  las  Velas, 
discovered  by  Vicente  Yañez  ^  which  is  the  part  [passage 
in  the    MS.  not  intelligible]  of    the  Bay  which  is    very 

'  The  town  thus  named  by  Grijalba,  as  described  in  Note  i ,  page  124. 

2  Cozumel.  Here  the  converted  Indians,  Melchor  and  Julian, 
began  to  act  as  interpreters. 

3  Bay  of  Ascension.  This  was  on  Thursday  the  13th,  feast  of  the 
Ascension,  and  they  remained  there  reconnoitring  until  Sunday. 

« Vincente  Yañez  Pinzón,  who  landed  [here  about  January  26, 
1500,  was  one  of  the  three  Pinzón  brothers  who  first  sailed  with 
Columbus  from  Palos  in  1492.  He  afterwards  commanded  an  expedi- 
tion composed  of  four  small  ships  which  sailed  from  Palos  in  1499, 
making  the  first  discovery  of  land  at  the  present  Cape  St.  Augustine, 
on  the  coast  of  Brazil,  in  1506.  He  again  sailed  with  Juan  de  Solis, 
on  a  voyage  to  find  the  strait  which  it  was  thought  joined  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  oceans,  and,  in  1508,  he  repeated  this  fruitless  experiment. 


134  Letters  of  Cortes 

large,  and  it  is  thought  that  it  reaches  to  the  Sea  of  the 
North. 

Thence  they  returned  along  the  same  coast  by  which 
they  had  gone,  until  they  rounded  the  point  of  the  said 
land,  and,  continuing  in  a  northerly  direction,  they  sailed 
until  they  arrived  at  the  said  Point  Campoche,  whose 
chief  was  named  Lázaro,  where  Francisco  Fernandez 
de  Cordoba  had  stopped  to  trade,  and,  as  ordered  by 
Diego  Velasquez,  as  well  as  to  take  the  water  he  greatly 
needed,  landed  there. 

As  soon  as  the  natives  saw  them  coming,  they  placed 
themselves  near  their  town,  in  array  of  battle,  so  as  to 
defend  its  entrance.  The  Captain  called  to  them,  through 
the  interpreters  who  accompanied  him,  and  certain  In- 
dians came,  whom  he  made  to  understand  that  he  came 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  them  for  such 
things  as  they  might  have,  and  to  get  water;  and  thus 
he  went  with  them  until  they  arrived  at  a  place,  very 
near  their  town,  where  there  was  a  spring.  A^Hiile  taking 
the  water  he  asked  them  through  the  said  interpreter  for 
gold,  saying  he  would  give  them  in  exchange  the  valu- 
ables which  he  brought,  and,  as  soon  as  the  Indians  saw 
this,  having  no  gold  to  give  him,  they  told  him  to  go 
Griialba's  ^'^'^Jy  but  he  begged  them  to  allow  him  to 
Encounters  finish  taking  water,  saying  that  he  would 
with  the      immediately  leave.     In  spite  of  this,  however, 

^'^^^  he  was  unable  to  save  himself  from  being 
obliged  the  next  day,  at  the  hour  of  mass,  to  fight  the 
Indians,  armed  w4th  their  bows  and  arrows,  their  lances, 
and  rodelas,  ^  so  that  they  killed  a  Spaniard,  and  wound- 
ed the  said  Captain  Grijalba  and  many  others.  That 
same  afternoon  they  re-embarked  in  their  caravels  with 
aU  their  people,  without  having  gone  into  the  town  of  the 

>  These  were  round  shields  for  defence,  which  were  adorned 
with  different  coloured  feathers  of  herons,  parrots,  and  other  birds, 
according  to  the  category  of  the  troops,  or  the  heraldic  emblem  of  the 
chief. 


First  Letter  135 

said  Indians,  and  without  having  learned  anything  which 
they  could  truly  relate  to  Your  Majesties. 

From  there  they  went  along  the  said  coast  until  they 
came  to  a  river,  which  they  named  Grijalba,  and  which 
they  ascended  about  the  hour  of  vespers.  Early  the 
following  morning,  they  found  on  both  sides  of  the  river 
a  great  number  of  Indians  and  warriors,  with  their  bows 
and  arrows,  and  lances,  and  rodelas,  to  defend  the  en- 
trance to  their  country;  and  to  some,  it  seemed  there 
were  about  five  thousand  Indians. 

The  Captain  seeing  this,  no  one  landed,  but  he  spoke 
to  them  from  the  ship  through  his  interpreters,  praying 
them  to  approach  nearer  so  that  he  might  explain  to  them 
the  motives  of  his  coming,  and  twenty  Indians  entered 
a  canoe,  and  cautiously  approached  the  ships.  The 
Captain  Grijalba  then  told  them,  and  made  them  under- 
stand through  his  interpreter,  that  he  had  come  only  to 
barter,  and  that  he  wished  to  be  their  friend,  and  that 
they  should  bring  their  gold  for  which  he  would  give  them 
many  valuables  which  he  carried;  and  thus  they  did. 

The  next  day,  they  brought  certain  jewels  of  thin 
gold,  for  which  the  said  Captain  gave  them  in  return  such 
valuables  as  he  thought  proper,  and  they  returned  to  their 
town;  and  the  said  Captain  remained  there  that  day. 

The  next  day  he  set  sail,  without  learning  anything 
else  about  the  country,  and  continued  until  he  anived 
at  the  Bay,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  San  Juan. 

The  Captain  went  ashore  there  with  some  of  his  people 
to  some  desolate  sand-hills,  and  as,  when  the  natives  had 
seen  the  ships  coming  along  the  coast,  they  had  assembled, 
he  spoke  to  them,  through  his  interpreter,  and  had  a 
table  brought  on  which  he  spread  out  some  of  his  valu- 
ables, making  them  understand  that  he  had  come  to 
trade  with  them  and  to  be  their  friend.  When  the  In- 
dians saw  and  understood  this,"  they  brought  some  stuffs, 
and  ornaments  of  gold,  which  they  traded  with  the  Cap- 


136  Letters  of  Cortes 

tain;  and  from  there  the  said  Captain  Grijalba  dispatched 
one  of  the  caravels  to  Diego  Velasquez,  with  all  that  they 
had  up  till  then  obtained. 

The  caravel  having  departed  for  the  Island  of  Fer- 
nandina  where  Diego  Velasquez  was,  the  Captain  Gri- 
jalba went  down  the  coast  with  the  remaining  caravels, 
cruising  for  a  distance  of  about  forty-five  leagues  without 
landing,  or  seeing  anything  except  what  could  be  seen 
from  the  sea.  He  then  set  out  to  return  towards  the 
Island  of  Femandina,  and  never  more  did  he  see  any- 
thing of  the  country  worth  mentioning,  from  which  your 
Royal  Highnesses  may  beheve  that  all  the  accounts 
which  have  been  made  about  this  country  cannot  have 
been  exact,  because  they  knew  nothing  more  of  the 
secrets  of  it  than  what  it  has  suited  their  purpose  to 
write. 

As  soon  as  the  said  caravel,  which  the  Captain  Juan 
de  Grijalba  had  dispatched  from  the  Bay  of  San  Juan, 
arrived,  and  Diego  Velasquez  saw  the  gold  which  it 
carried,  and  learned  from  Grijalba's  letters  about  the 
stufis  and  valuables  which  had  been  given  in  exchange, 
it  seemed  to  him,  according  to  information  given  him 
by  those  who  arrived  in  the  said  caravel,  that  he  had 
obtained  little  in  proportion  to  what  he  expected.  He 
declared  that  he  had  not  even  covered  the  cost  he  had 
incurred  in  the  said  armada,  and  he  was  vexed,  and  showed 
dissatisfaction  at  the  little  which  Captain  Grijalba  had 
accomplished  in  this  country. 

In  truth,  Diego  Velasquez  had  no  reason  to  complain, 
because  his  outlays  in  the  said  armada  were  covered  from 
certain  casks,  and  tuns  of  wine,  and  other  merchandise, 
and  boxes  of  laced  shirts,  and  beads,  which  he  had  sent 
with  it.  The  wine  was  sold  there  to  us  at  four  dollars 
in  gold,  which  are  two  thousand   maravedís  ^  the  aroba, 

«A  small  Spanish  coin:  Bancroft  (Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  376) 
gives  the  value  of  the  ducat  as  equal  to  375  maravedís,  and  peso  de 


First  Letter  137 

and  each  shirt  at  two  dollars  in  gold,  and  the  string  of 
green  beads  at  two  dollars,  so  that  he  thus  covered  his 
outlay  in  the  armada,  and  even  made  money.  We  make 
special  mention  of  this  to  Your  Majesties  that  it  may  be 
known  that  the  armadas,  which  until  now  have  been 
fitted  out  by  Diego  Velasquez,  have  been  intended  as 
much  for  trading  merchandise  as  for  privateers,  and  this 
with  our  persons  and  with  our  property;  and  although 
we  have  suffered  infinite  hardships  we  have  served,  and 
we  shall  serve.  Your  Royal  Highnesses  as  long  as  life 
lasts. 

Diego  Velasquez  being  vexed  by  the  small  amount  of 
gold  that  had  been  brought  him,  and  wishing  to  obtain 
more,  determined,  without  making  it  known  to  the  Gov- 
ernors, the  Jeronymite  Fathers,  to  equip  a  swift  armada, 
and  to  send  it  in  search  of  his  relative,  the  said  Captain 
Juan  de  Grijalba.  To  do  this  at  less  cost  to  himself,  he 
spoke  to  Fernando  Cortes,  a  resident  and  alcalde  for 
Your  Majesties  in  the  city  of  Santiago,  proposing  to  him 
that  they  should  fit  out  between  them  eight  or  ten  ships, 
because  at  that  time  Fernando  Cortes  had  more  resources 
than  any  other  person  in  the  said  Island,  and  because 
it  was  believed  that  more  people  would  enlist  with  him 
than  with  any  other. 

The  said  Fernando  Cortes,  considering  what  Diego 
Velasquez  had  proposed,   and  moved  by  zeal  to  serve 

minas  as  450  maravedís,  which  he  computes  as  equal  to  $9.75 ;  he  refers 
to  Clemencin,  secretary  of  the  Spanish  Royal  Academy  as  his  authority. 
Prescott  (Conquest  of  Mex.)  computes  the  ducat  at  $8.75,  and  gives  the 
peso  de  oro,  and  the  castellano  as  identical,  and  worth  $11.67.  ^r. 
George  Folsom,  in  his  English  translation  of  three  Letters  of  Cortes, 
gives  the  value  of  the  castellano  as  only  $2.75.  According  to  these 
calculations,  the  peso  de  minas,  and  the  peso  de  oro,  were  different  coins. 
The  value  of  these  monies  is  difficult  to  estimate.  Their  purchasing 
power  was  far  greater  than  their  exact  equivalent  would  be  to- 
day, and  the  value  of  articles  of  European  manufacture,  of  horses, 
iron,  and  other  imported  necessities  was  variable,  according  to  their 
scarcity,  and  to  the  needs  of  the  buyer.  Nails,  horseshoes,  and  like 
objects,  sometimes  cost  their  weight  in  gold,  or  double  in  silver. 


o 


8  Letters  of  Cortes 


Your  Royal  Highnesses,  was  ready  to  spend  all  he  had, 
and  to  equip  almost  two  parts  of  this  armada  at  his  own 
cost,  not  only  in  ships,  but  also  in  stores,  and  moreover 
to  distribute  his  moneys  amongst  those  who  were  going 
in  the  armada,  and  who  needed  to  provide  things 
necessary  for  the  voyage. 

The  armada  having  been  fitted  and  equipped,  Diego 
Velasquez  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesties,  named  the 
Cortes  ^^^^    Fernando   Cortes  Captain  of    it,  that  he 

Given  Com-  should  come  to  this  land  to  trade,  and  accom- 
mand  of  the  piish    what   Gri jaiba  had    failed   to   do.     The 

™*  ^  agreement  respecting  the  said  armada,  although 
he  did  not  invest  or  spend  more  than  one-third  part 
of  it,  was  made  entirely  according  to  Diego  Velas- 
quez's wishes  as  Your  Royal  Highnesses  may  command 
to  be  verified  from  the  instructions  and  faculty  which 
the  said  Fernando  Cortes  received  from  him  in  the  name 
of  Your  Majesties.  These  we  now  send  with  these  our 
procurators  to  Your  Royal  Highnesses. 

Let  it  be  known  to  Your  Majesties  that  the  larger 
part  of  the  third,  which  Diego  Velasquez  spent  in  fitting 
out  the  said  armada,  consisted  in  investing  his  money 
in  wines,  and  clothing,  and  in  other  things  of  little  value, 
in  order  to  sell  them  to  us  here  at  a  much  higher  price 
than  they  had  cost  him,  so  that  we  may  say  that  Diego 
Velasquez  has  made  his  bargains,  and  the  profits  on  his 
money,  amongst  us  Spaniards,  vassals  of  your  Royal 
Highnesses,  doing  a  very  good  business. 

Having  finished  fitting  out  the  said  armada.  Your 
Royal  Highnesses'  Captain,  Fernando  Cortes,  sailed 
upon  his  voyage  from  the  Island  of  Fernandina,  having 
ten  caravels,  and  four  hundred  men  at  arms,  amongst 
whom  were  many  knights  and  other  noblemen,  and  six- 
teen horses.  Pursuing  their  voyage,  the  first  landjwhere 
they  arrived  was  the  Island  of  Cozumel  (now  called 
Santa  Cruz,  as  has  been  said),   in  the  port  of  San  Juan 


First  Letter  139 

de  Puerta  Latina.  Upon  landing,  the  town  which  ex- 
isted there  was  found  to  be  deserted,  as  though  it  had 
never  been  inhabited,  and  the  Captain  Fernando  Cortes, 
wishing  to  know  the  cause  of  that  place  being  deserted, 
brought  the  people  on  land,  and  quartered  them  in  that 
town.  While  there  with  his  people  he  learned  from  three 
Indians,  who  had  been  taken  in  a  canoe  ^  at  sea  while 
going  to  Yucatan,  that  the  caciques  of  that  Island,  seeing 
the  Spaniards  were  approaching,  had,  out  of  fear  of  them 
(not  knowing  with  what  purpose,  and  in  what  disposition 
they  came),  abandoned  their  town,  and  gone  with  all 
their  Indians  into  the  woods. 

Fernando  Cortes,  speaking  to  them  through  the 
medium  of  an  interpreter  who  accompanied  him,  told 
them  we  were  not  going  to  do  them  any  evil  Neeotia- 
or  injury,  but  only  to  instruct  them,  and  win  tions  at 
them  to  the  knowledge  of  our  Holy  Catholic  Cozumel 
Faith,  so  that  they  might  become  vassals  of  Your 
Majesties,  serving  and  obeying  them,  as  had  all  the 
Indians  of  these  parts  which  the  Spaniards  have 
settled,  who  are  likewise  vassals  of  Your  Royal  High- 
nesses. The  said  Captain,  having  thus  reassured  them 
they  put  aside  their  fears,  in  great  part,  and  said  that 
they  would  go  and  call  the  caciques  who  had  gone  into 
the  woods;  and  the  Captain  immediately  gave  them  a 
letter,  so  that  the  said  caciques  might  come  in  all  con- 
fidence, and,  the  Captain  having  given  them  a  term  of  five 
days  in  which  to  return,  they  went  off  thus. 

But  while  the  Captain  was  waiting  for  the  reply  the 
Indians  were  to  bring,  and  as  already  three  or  four  days 
beyond  the  five  which  he  had  stipulated  had  elapsed, 
and  he  saw  that  they  did  not  come,  he  determined,  in 
order  that  the  Island  might  not  remain  deserted,  to  send 

>  Their  canoes  were  made  of  tree-trunks,  hollowed,  and  were 
sometimes  large  enough  to  hold  forty  or  fifty  men  (Bernal  Diaz, 
cap.  ii.)- 


I40  Letters  of  Cortes 

along  the  coast  to  the  other  side.  He  despatched  two  cap- 
tains, therefore,  each  with  one  hundred  men,  directing  that 
one  should  go  to  the  extremity  of  the  island  from 
one  side,  and  the  other  from  the  other,  and  that  they 
should  speak  to  the  caciques  whom  they  might  encounter, 
telling  them  that  he  was  waiting  for  them  in  that  town 
and  port  of  San  Juan  de  Puerta  Latina  to  speak  to  them 
on  behalf  of  Your  Majesties.  He  also  directed  that  they 
should  invite  and  attract  them  as  best  they  could,  so 
as  to  induce  them  to  come  to  the  said  port  of  San 
Juan,  and  that  they  should  do  them  no  harm,  either 
in  their  persons,  or  houses,  or  property,  so  as  not  to 
alarm  them,  nor  drive  them  further  away  than  they 
already  were. 

The  two  captains  went  as  the  Captain  Fernando 
Cortes  had  ordered  them,  and  three  or  four  days  after- 
wards they  returned,  saying  that  all  the  towns  they  had 
found  were  empty  and  bringing  with  them  ten  or  twelve 
persons  whom  they  had  captured.  Amongst  these  was  a 
principal  Indian  to  whom  the  said  Fernando  Cortes 
spoke  in  the  name  of  Your  Highnesses,  through  his  inter- 
preter, telling  him  to  go  and  call  the  caciques,  as  he  would 
on  no  account  leave  the  Island  without  having  seen  and 
spoken  with  them.  The  Indian  answered  that  he  would 
do  this,  and  thus  he  left  with  a  letter  to  the  said  caciques, 
returning  two  days  later  with  the  principal  cacique,  who 
said  that  he  was  Lord  of  the  Island,  and  had  come  to  see 
for  what  he  was  wanted. 

The  Captain  spoke  to  him  through  the  interpreter, 
and  told  him  that  he  did  not  wish,  nor  had  he  come  to  do 
them  any  harm,  but  in  order  to  bring  them  to  a  knowledge 
of  our  Holy  Faith,  and  to  let  them  know  that  our  rulers 
were  the  greatest  Princes  in  the  world,  and  that  they 
obeyed  a  Greater  Prince,  And  what  the  said  Captain 
Fernando  Cortes  told  them  he  wanted  of  them  was  that 
the  caciques  and  Indians  of  the  said  Island  should  also 


First  Letter  141 

obey  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  and  that  in  so  doing  they 
would  be  much  favoured,  and  no  one  would  ever  molest 
them.  The  Cacique  answered  that  he  would  be  glad  to 
do  this,  and  he  immediately  sent  to  call  all  the  principal 
people  of  the  Island,  who  came  and  were  much  pleased 
with  all  that  the  said  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  had  told 
the  chief  cacique  of  the  Island.  Thus  he  ordered  them 
to  come  back,  which  they  joyfully  did,  becoming  reas- 
sured to  such  an  extent  that,  within  a  few  days,  the  towns 
were  as  full  of  people  as  before,  and  all  the  Indians  went 
about  amongst  us  with  as  little  fear  as  if  they  had  already 
had  a  long  period  of  intercourse  with  us. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Captain  learned  that  there 
were  in  the  power  of  certain  caciques  in  Yucatan, 
some  Spaniards  who  had  been  made  captives  Spanish 
as  long  since  as  seven  years,  when,  having  Prisoners  in 
been  lost  in  a  certain  caravel  ^  which  was  Yucatan 
wrecked  on  the  reefs  of  Jamaica,  ^  while  coming  from 
Tierra  Firma,  they  had  escaped  in  one  of  the  boats  of  the 
caravel,  and  reached  that  coast.  From  that  time  they 
had  been  held  captives  and  prisoners  by  the  Indians. 
Since  the  said  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  had  left  the 
Island  of  Fernandina  to  seek  for  these  Spaniards,  and  as 
he  here  received  information  about  them,  and  about  the 
country  where  they  were,  it  seemed  to  him  that  he  was 

»  The  caravel  of  Valdivia.,  sent  from  Darien  and  wrecked  (1511) 
on  the  reefs  called  las  Víboras,  situated  fifteen  leagues  to  the  south  of 
Jamaica,  and  which  extend  for  a  distance  of  forty-five  leagues, 
from  27°  10'  longitude,  and  17°  north  latitude  (Alcedo,  Diccionario 
Ceogr.  Hist,  de  las  Indias  Occid.).  Twenty  were  saved  in  an  open  boat 
without  sails,  food,  or  water,  and,  after  thirteen  days'  drifting,  reached 
the  Maya  coast.  Seven  or  eight  had  died  in  the  meantime  from 
exhaustion,  and  Valdivia  and  five  others  were  fattened  and  sacrificed 
by  the  Mayas,  who  captured  them  on  their  landing,  and  were  after- 
wards eaten.     Notice  of  those  who  escaped  is  given  in  a  later  note. 

2  Discovered  by  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage,  in  1494,  and 
named  Santiago.  His  son  Diego  effected  its  conquest,  and  governed  it 
from  San  Domingo,  through  his  captains,  of  whom  the  best  known  was 
Francisco  de  Garay. 


142  Letters  of  Cortes 

rendering  a  great  service  to  God  and  to  Your  Majesty 
in  striving  to  liberate  them  from  their  imprisonment 
and  captivity.  He  himself  with  the  whole  fleet  would 
have  gone  immediately  to  rescue  them,  had  not  the  pilots 
told  him  on  no  account  to  do  this,  as  it  would  be  the 
cause  of  the  loss  of  the  fleet  and  all  the  people  of  it,  be- 
cause the  coast  was  very  rough,  as  it  really  is,  and  has  no 
port  or  any  place  w^here  the  ships  could  anchor.  For 
this  reason  he  abandoned  the  idea,  and  ordered  that 
certain  Indians,  who  had  told  him  they  knew  that 
cacique  with  whom  those  Spaniards  were,  should  go 
in  a  canoe;  and  he  wrote  to  the  Spaniards  that  the  only 
reason  why  he  gave  up  coming  himself  with  his  armada  to 
liberate  them  was  because  the  coast  was  very  bad  and 
rough  for  anchoring,  but  that  he  prayed  them  to  strive 
for  their  Hberation,  and  to  escape  in  canoes,  and  that  he 
should  wait  for  them  in  the  Island  of  Santa  Cruz, 

Three  days  after  the  said  Captain  had  sent  those 
Indians  with  his  letters,  as  it  appeared  to  him  that  he  had 
not  acted  satisfactorily,  and  believing  that  those  Indians 
would  not  know  how  to  carry  out  his  wishes,  he  de- 
termined to  send  forty  Spaniards  to  the  said  coast  with 
two  brigantines,  and  a  boat  from  his  armada,  so  that  they 
might  recover  those  captive  Spaniards  if  they  could 
find  them.  With  them  he  sent  three  other  Indians,  who 
should  go  ashore  with  another  letter  ^  of  his  to  seek  the 
Spanish  prisoners.     When  those  two  brigantines  and  the 

i  Noble  Sirs, — I  left  Cuba  with  a  fleet  of  eleven  ships,  and  five 
hundred  Spaniards,  and  have  arrived  at  Cozumel,  whence  I  write  you 
this  letter. 

The  people  of  this  island  assure  me  that  there  are  five  or  six  bearded 
white  men  in  this  country,  who  greatly  resemble  us,  and,  I  conjec- 
ture, though  they  can  give  me  no  other  indications,  that  you  are 
Spaniards.  I,  and  the  gentlemen,  who  have  come  with  me  to 
explore  and  take  possession  of  these  countries,  earnestly  beg  you 
to  come  to  us  within  five  or  six  days  after  you  receive  this,  without 
further  delay  or  excuse. 

If  you  will  come,  all  of  us  will  recognise,  and  thank  you,  for  the 


First  Letter  143 

boat  reached  the  coast,  they  landed  the  three  Indians, 
and  sent  them  to  seek  for  the  Spaniards,  as  the  Captain 
had  ordered ;  and  they  remained  six  days  along  the  coast 
with  much  difficulty,  always  waiting  for  them,  though 
they  were  almost  lost  and  nearly  foundered  as  the  sea 
along  the  said  coast  was  very  rough,  just  as  the  pilots  had 
said.  Seeing  then  that  neither  the  Spanish  captives,  nor 
the  Indians  who  had  gone  to  look  for  them,  returned,  they 
determined  to  go  back  to  the  Island  of  Santa  Cruz  where 
the  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  was  waiting  for  them. 

When  they  reached  the  Island,  and  the  Captain  learned 
their  bad  news  he  was  much  grieved,  and  immediately 
proposed  to  embark  the  next  day,  firmly  resolved  to  visit 
that  country,  even  if  the  whole  flotilla  should  be  lost, 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  there  was  any 
truth  in  the  report  which  Captain  Juan  de  Grijalba  had 
sent  to  the  Island  of  Fernandina,  to  the  effect  that  it  was 
all  an  invention,  and  that  no  such  Spaniards  as  were 
said  to  be  captives  had  ever  arrived  on  that  coast. 

Having  taken  this  decision,  he  had  all  the  people  em- 
barked, except  himself,  and  some  other  twenty  Spaniards, 
who  remained  with  him  on  shore.  The  weather  had 
been  most  favourable  to  his  intention  to  leave  the  port, 
but  there  suddenly  sprang  up  a  contrary  wind,  with 
squalls  of  rain,  so  that  the  pilots  advised  the  Captain 
not  to  set  sail  while  the  weather  was  unfavourable  for 
getting  to  sea ;  so,  in  view  of  this,  the  Captain  commanded 
all  on  board  the  armada  to  disembark  once  more. 

The  next  day  at  noon,  a  canoe  with  sails  was  seen 
coming  in  the  direction  of  the  Island,  in  a  •  1  # 
which,  upon  its  approach,  we  saw  one  of  Jerónimo 
the  Spanish  captives,  whose  name  was  Jerónimo    de  Aguilar 


assistance  this  armada  shall  receive  from  you.     I    send  a  brigantine 
to  bring  you,  with  two  ships  as  escort. 

Hernán  Cortes. 
The  Indian  took  this  letter  tied  in  his  hair. 


144  Letters  of  Cortes 

de  Aguilar,  *  who  told  us  all  about  how  he  came  to  be 
lost,  and  the  length  of  time  he  had  been  in  captivity, 
which  is  as  we  have  already  related  to  Your  Royal 
Highnesses. 

Of  a  truth,  this  adverse  weather  coming  upon  us  so 
unexpectedly  seemed  a  great  mystery  and  miracle  of 
God,  and  led  us  to  believe  that  no  enterprise  undertaken 
in  Your  Majesties'  service,  be  it  what  it  may,  could  end 
in  anything  but  good. 

We  learned  from  Jerónimo  de  Aguilar,  that  the  other 
Spaniards,  who  were  lost  with  him  in  the  shipwrecked 
caravel,  were  scattered  over  all  the  land,  which  he  told 
us  w^as  very  extensive,  and  that  it  would  be  quite  impos- 
sible to  gather  them  without  staying  and  losing  much 
time  over  it.  So,  as  the  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  saw 
that  the  provisions  of  the  armada  were  giving  out,  and 
that  the  people  would  be  exposed  to  suffer  great  want 
from  hunger  if  they  delayed  longer,  and  that  this  would 
not  contribute  to  the  object  of  their  voyage,  he  deter- 
mined, with  the  approval  of  the  others  to  depart.  They 
immediately  set  sail,  therefore,  leaving  that  Island  of 
Cozumel,  which  is  now  called  Santa  Cruz,  entirely  pacified, 
so  that  had  it  been  their  intention  to  colonise,  the  Indians 

Í  He  was  a  native  of  Encija,  and  had  taken  holy  orders.  Seeing 
the  dreadful  fate  of  their  companions,  Aguilar  and  Gonzalo  Guerrero 
managed  to  escape  from  the  cages,  in  which  they  were  being  fattened 
for  the  sacrificial  feasts,  and  to  lose  themselves  in  the  forests.  Here 
they  were  finally  captured  by  the  cacique  of  another  tribe,  who  was 
less  bloodthirsty,  and  held  them  as  slaves  instead  of  killing  them. 
Aguilar's  virtues  and  abilities  soon  attracted  attention,  and  won  the 
respect  of  his  captor,  and  he  rose  to  a  position  of  influence  in  the  country. 

When  the  news  came  of  the  arrival  of  the  ships  with  more  white  men, 
and  Cortr-.'s  letter  was  delivered  to  Aguilar,  he  procured  permission 
to  go  to  hiS  countrymen;  but  his  companion  Guerrero,  who  had  mar- 
ried, and  had  a  family,  refused  to  go,  for  he  was  ashamed  to  show  him- 
self naked  and  tattooed,  and  with  his  nose  and  lips  pierced  in  Indian 
fashion.  Jerónimo  de  Aguilar  was  not  distinguishable  from  the 
Indians,  as  he  was  burned  nearly  black,  and  wore  the  same  ornaments. 
He  remained  with  Cortes  as  his  interpreter,  rendering  invaluable 
services  throughout  the  conquest. 


First  Letter  145 

would  have  served  them  to  the  best  of  their  ability; 
and  the  caciques  were  very  pleased  and  contented  both 
with  what  the  said  captain  had  told  them  on  the  part 
of  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  and  with  the  many  ornaments 
he  had  given  them;  and  I  am  confident  that  any  Span- 
iards who  from  henceforward  shall  arrive  at  Cozumel 
will  be  as  well  received  there  as  in  any  of  those  Islands 
which  have  been  long  since  settled.  The  said  Island 
is  small,  and  there  is  no  creek  or  river  in  it,  and  all 
the  water  which  the  Indians  drink  is  from  wells,  and  there 
are  only  rocks,  and  stones,  and  mountains.  The  only 
trade  which  the  Indians  have  is  in  bee-hives,  and  our 
Procurators  will  bear  to  Your  Highnesses  specimens  of 
the  honey  and  the  bee-hives  that  you  may  command 
them  to  be  examined.  ^ 

Be  it  known  to  Your  Majesties,  that  the  Captain 
exhorted  the  caciques  of  the  said  Island,  admonishing 
them  to  renounce  the  heathen  sect  in  which  they  were 
living,  and,  when  they  asked  him  to  give  them  a  law  ac- 
cording to  which  they  might  henceforth  live,  the  said 
Captain  instructed  them  as  best  he  could  in  the  Catholic 
Faith.  He  left  them  also  a  cross  of  wood  in  a  lofty  house, 
and  an  image  of  Our  Lady,  the  Virgin  Mary,  making  them 
understand  perfectly  well  what  they  were  obliged  to  do 
to  become  good  Christians;  and  they  showed  that  they 
received  everything  with  the  best  will,  and  thus  they 
were  left  contented  and  happy. 

After  leaving  the  Island,  we  went  to  Yucatan,  and, 
continuing  towards  the  north,  we  kept  in  sight  of  land, 
until  we  arrived  at  the  great  river  called  Grijalba  (Rio 

>  Clavigero  notices  six  different  varieties  of  bees  in  Mexico,  some 
like  those  common  in  Europe,  and  others  without  stings,  which  make 
the  honey  "Estabentun,"  the  clearest,  sweetest,  and  most  aromatic 
known.  These  bees  are  found  in  Yucatan,  and  Chiapa,  and  it  is 
doubtless  their  honey  which  is  here  mentioned.  It  was  collected  every 
two  months,  but  the  November  honey  was  the  best,  because  it  was 
made  from  a  very  sweet  flower  called  "  Estabentun,"  which  blooms  in 
September. 

VOL.  I. 10 


146  Letters  of  Cortes 

de  Tabasco),  which,  according  to  the  account  given  to 
Your  Royal  Highnesses,  is  where  Captain  de  Grijalba, 
relative  to  Diego  Velasquez,  had  been.  The  mouth  of 
that  river  is  so  shallow,  that  none  of  the  larger  ships 
could  enter,  but,  as  the  said  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  is  so 
devoted  to  the  service  of  Your  Majesties,  and  has  the  best 
intention  to  relate  truthfully  everything  about  that  coun- 
tr}^,  he  determined  not  to  go  further  until  he  had  learned 
the  mystery  of  that  river,  and  because  of  their  great  repu- 
tation for  wealth,  of  the  towns  which  people  its  banks. 

He  therefore  embarked  all  the  people  of  his  armada 
in  his  small  brigantines  and  boats,  and  ascended  the 
Cortes  at  ^^^^  river,  observing  the  country  and  the 
Riode  towns  along  it;  and  when  we  came  to  the 
Tabasco  f^-gt  town  we  found  the  Indians  drawn  up 
on  the  banks,  to  whom  the  said  Captain  spoke  through 
the  interpreter,  and  through  the  said  Gerónimo  de 
Aguilar,  who  having,  as  we  have  heretofore  stated, 
been  a  captive  in  Yucatan,  understood  and  spoke  the 
language  of  that  country  very  well.  He  made  them  under- 
stand how  he  had  not  come  to  do  them  any  harm  or 
evil,  but  only  to  speak  to  them  on  the  part  of  Your 
Majesties ;  and  that  he,  therefore,  prayed  that  they  would 
allow  and  approve  of  his  landing,  because  we  had  no  place 
to  sleep  that  night  in  the  brigantines  and  barques,  in 
which  we  could  not  even  stand  on  our  feet;  and  as  for 
returning  to  our  ships,  it  was  already  very  late  and  they 
were  on  the  high  sea.  The  Indians  answered  to  this 
that  he  could  say  all  he  wished  from  where  he  was,  but 
that  he  should  not  talk  of  landing,  neither  he  nor  his 
people,  for  they  would  dispute  his  entrance;  and,  saying 
this,  they  menaced  us  with  their  arrows,  bidding  us  to 
go  away  from  there.  So  as  it  was  late  in  the  after- 
noon (it  being  already  the  hour  of  sundown),  the  Captain 
ordered  us  to  go  to  some  sand-hills  which  were  opposite 
the  town,  and  there  we  slept  that  night. 


First  Letter  147 

On  the  morning  of  the  following  day  some  Indians 
came  in  a  canoe  and  brought  us  a  certain  number  of 
chickens  and  a  little  maize,  which  might  be  sufficient  for 
[text  missing]  number  of  men  for  one  meal.  They  told 
us  to  take  that,  and  to  depart  from  their  country,  and 
the  captain  spoke  to  them  through  the  interpreter  whom 
we  had,  and  made  them  understand  that  he  would  in  no 
wise  go  away  until  he  knew  the  secret  of  it,  so  that  he 
might  write  a  true  account  of  it  to  Your  Majesties. 
He  again  begged  them  that,  as  they  would  suffer  no 
harm  from  him,  they  would  not  obstruct  his  entrance  to 
the  said  town,  because  they  were  vassals  of  Your  Royal 
Highnesses.  But  still  they  answered,  that  we  should 
no:;  venture  into  the  said  town  but  must  depart  from 
theircountry. 

When  they  were  gone  the  Captain  determined  to  go 
there,  so  he  ordered  one  of  his  captains  to  start  with  two 
hundred  men  by  a  road  which  he  had  discovered  during 
the  night  we  slept  on  land,  while  he,  himself,  embarked 
with  about  eighty  men  in  the  barques  and  brigantines, 
stationing  himself  in  front  of  the  town,  ready  to  dis- 
embark whenever  they  would  allow  him. 

When  he  came  there  he  found  the  Indians  ready  for 
battle,  armed  with  their  bows  and  arrows  and  lances 
and  rodelas,  and  they  told  him  to  depart  from  pjahtine 
their   country,   but  if  he    would  not    go,  and  at 

wanted  war,  to  begin  at  once,  for  they  were  Tabasco 
men  to  defend  their  town.  After  the  Captain  had 
required  ^  them  three  times  and  asked  Your  High- 
nesses' notary,  whom  he  carried  with  him,  to  bear 
witness  to  the  fact,  he  told  them  that  he  did  not 
want  war.  Seeing,  however,  that  it  was  the  deter- 
mination of  the  said  Indians  to  resist  his  landing,  and 
that  they  began  to  discharge  arrows  at  us,  he  ordered 
the  charges  of  artillery  to  be  fired,  and  that  we  should 

'  See  Appendix  II.  at  close  of  Letter. 


148  Letters  of  Cortes 

charge  them.  "When  the  shots  were  being  fired  and  while 
landing  they  wounded  some  of  us,  but  finally,  in  con- 
sequence of  our  rapid  charges,  and  of  the  attack  in  the 
rear  by  those  who  had  gone  by  the  road,  they  fled,  leaving 
us  the  town,  and  we  took  possession  of  that  part  of  it 
which  seemed  to  us  the  stronger. 

The  next   day  following,  at  the  hour  of  vespers,  two 
Indians,  ^  on  the  part  of  the  caciques,  came  to  us,  bring- 

>  The  appearance  of  the  ships  of  de  Cordoba  and  Grijalba,  and  the 
fighting  in  Yucatan,  were  quickly  reported  to  Montezuma,  whose 
superstitious  mind  was  so  affected  by  events,  in  which  he  saw  the 
disasters  to  himself  and  his  people  foretold  by  Quetzalcoatl,  that  his 
first  impulse  was  to  save  himself  by  some  enchantment  or  incantation, 
which  should  translate  him  to  the  abode,  or  Walhalla,  of  the  famous 
kings  and  demi-gods  of  antiquity.  The  simultaneous  apparition  of  a 
great  comet  in  the  sky  confirmed  these  forebodings,  and  he  gave 
himself  entirely  into  the  hands  of  his  diviners  and  necromancers, 
who  exercised  all  their  resources  of  interpreting  dreams,  reading  signs 
in  natural  phenomena,  and  studying  the  heavens,  to  obtain  direction 
for  their  sovereign  in  his  perplexity.  Many,  whose  dreams  presaged 
evil,  were  starved  to  death  or  put  to  tortures;  a  reign  of  terror  set  in, 
and  none  dared  to  speak  in  the  sovereign's  presence,  while  the  prisons 
were  full  of  luckless  magicians,  and  death  penalties  were  inflicted  even 
upon  their  families  in  the  provinces  (Duran,  cap.  Iviii.,  and  Tezozo- 
moc.  apud  Orozco  y  Berra,  tom.  iv.,  cap.  ii.).  As  the  proofs  of  the 
presence  of  the  white  strangers  in  their  floating  houses  accumulated, 
despite  Montezuma's  reluctance  to  believe  the  reports  which  were 
repeatedly  brought  to  him,  the  sovereign  fell  into  a  state  of  profound 
depression,  and  despairing  of  warding  off  the  ominous  presence,  he 
ordered  costly  gifts  to  be  especially  made,  and  he  sent  the  two  envoys, 
Teutlamacazqui  and  Cuitlalpitoc,  to  Pinotl,  governor  of  Cuetlachtla, 
commanding  him  to  provide  in  every  way  for  the  reception  and  enter- 
tainment of  the  celestial  guests.  After  the  departure  of  Grijalba's 
men,  the  fears  of  Montezuma  somewhat  subsided,  and  he  persuaded 
himself  that  he  had  staved  off  the  impending  disaster.  The  governor 
of  the  coast  provinces,  however,  had  strict  orders  to  keep  watch,  and 
immediately  report  any  further  appearance  of  the  fearsome  strangers. 
Hence  the  arrival  of  Cortes,  nine  months  later,  was  at  once  an- 
nounced, by  fleet  messengers,  to  the  Emperor,  who  decided  in  council 
to  send  ambassadors  to  welcome  him,  and  bring  exact  information 
concerning  all  they  could  see  and  learn.  Thus,  on  Easter  Day,  the 
twenty-fourth  of  April,  Teuhtlilli,  governor  of  Cuetlachtla  and  Cuitlal- 
pitoc, who  had  been  before  sent  to  Grijalba,  appeared  before  Cortes. 
While  extending  the  welcome  his  superstitious  fears  forbade  him  to 


First  Letter  149 

ing  certain  jewels  of  very  thin  gold  of  Httle  value.  They 
told  the  Captain  that  they  brought  him  those  ornaments 
to  induce  him  to  go  away,  and,  without  doing  them  any 
harm  or  injury,  to  leave  them  their  land  where  they  had 
always  been.  The  said  Captain  answered,  saying,  that,  as 
to  doing  them  any  harm  or  injury,  he  had  no  such  wish, 
and  as  to  leaving  them  the  land,  they  must  understand 
that  from  henceforward  they  were  to  have  for  their  Lords, 
the  greatest  Princes  of  the  earth,  whose  vassals  they 
would  be,  and  that  they  would  have  to  serve  them,  and 
that,  in  acting  thus,  Your  Majesties  would  grant  them 
many  mercies,  and  favours  would  grow  upon  them,  and 
that  they  should  be  protected  and  defended  from  their 
enemies.  They  answered  that  they  would  be  satisfied 
to  do  this,  but  still  they  required  that  their  country 
should  be  left  to  them.  Thus  we  all  became  friends, 
and,  our  friendship  being  established,  the  Captain  told 
them  that  the  Spaniards  there  with  him  had  nothing 
to  eat,  as  nothing  had  been  brought  from  the  ships, 
and  he  prayed  them  to  bring  us  food  during  the  time 
we  remained  on  the  Island  ;  they  answered  that  the 
next  day  they  would,  and  thus  they  went  away,  and  re- 
mained away  that  day  and  the  next,  nor  did  they  bring 
us  any  food. 

As  all  of  us  were,  on  this  account,  in  great  need  of 
supplies,  on  the  third  day  some  Spaniards  asked  per- 
mission of  the   Captain  to    go   to  some    farms   in  the 

withhold,  the  Emperor  secretly  charged  his  magicians,  whom  he  as- 
se'mbled  from  far  and  wide,  to  rid  the  country  of  the  strangers  by 
the  power  of  magic.  The  allied  kings  and  nobles  were  in  constant 
council  from  which  no  decision  issued,  the  greater  number  being  of 
Cacamatzin's  opinion,  that,  if  the  strangers  were  gods,  it  was  useless 
to  resist  them,  if  they  were  envoys  of  a  distant  monarch,  they  should 
be  received  as  such,  while  if  they  were  men  who  came  with  hostile 
intent,  they  could  easily  be  crushed.  Only  Cuitlahuac,  lord  of  Itzta- 
palapan,  opposed  this  view  (Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  Ixxx.) 
This  prince  with  patriotic  foresight  was  for  crushing  the  strangers 
nstantly,  and  before  they  could  work  the  nation  any  evil. 


I50  Letters  of  Cortes 

neighbourhood  to  look  for  something  to  eat;  and  the 
Captain,  seeing  that  the  Indians  did  not  return  as  they 
had  promised,  sent  four  captains  with  more  than  two 
hundred  men  to  hunt  round  about  the  town,  and  see 
if  they  could  find  anything  to  eat.  While  these  were 
engaged  in  searching,  they  met  many  Indians  who 
immediately  shot  arrows  at  them,  wounding  twenty 
Spaniards,  and  had  not  the  Captain  been  immediately 
advised  of  this,  so  as  to  go,  as  he  did,  to  their 
assistance,  they  would  probably  have  killed  more  than 
half  the  Christians.  So  we  all  retreated  to  our  camp, 
where  the  wounded  were  cared  for,  and  those  who  had 
fought  obtained  some  rest. 

The  Captain,  seeing  how  wrongly  the  Indians  had 
acted,  in  that,  instead  of  bringing  us  food  as  they  had 
agreed,  they  had  wounded  us  with  their  arrows,  and  made 
war  upon  us,  ordered  ten  of  the  horses  and  mares  we 
had  on  board  to  be  brought,  and  all  the  people  to  be  pre- 
pared, because  he  thought  that  those  Indians,  encouraged 
by  the  advantage  they  had  obtained  the  day  before, 
would  fall  upon  us  hoping  to  injure  us.  On  the  next 
day  when  all  was  thus  prepared,  he  sent  certain  captains 
with  three  hundred  men,  to  the  place  where  the  battle 
had  been  fought  the  day  before,  to  learn  if  the  Indians 
were  still  there  or  what  had  become  of  them.  A  little 
later,  he  sent  two  other  captains,  with  a  rear-guard  and 
another  hundred  men,  and  the  said  Captain  Fernando 
Cortes  went  secretly  to  one  side  with  ten  men  on  horse- 
back. Proceeding  in  this  order,  those  who  went  ahead 
met  a  great  number  of  warriors  coming  to  attack  us  in 
our  camp,  and,  if  we  had  not  gone  out  that  day  to  en- 
counter them  on  the  road,  we  should  probably  have  found 
ourselves  in  great  distress. 

When  the  captain  of  artillery,  who  went  ahead,  made 
certain  requirements  before  the  notary,  of  the  warriors 
whom  he  met,  giving  them  to  understand  through  the 


First  Letter  151 

interpreters  that  we  desired  no  war,  but  peace  and  love 
with  them,  they  did  not  bother  to  answer  us  with  words, 
but  let  fly  a  thick  volley  of  arrows  at  us.  While  those  in 
the  fore  were  fighting  with  the  Indians,  two  captains 
of  the  rear-guard  came  up,  and,  after  two  hours  of  fighting, 
the  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  arrived  with  the  horsemen, 
coming  out  from  the  woods  at  the  point  where  the  In- 
dians were  surrounding  the  Spaniards  on  all  sides;  and 
so  he  kept  up  the  fight  with  the  Indians  for  an  hour,  and 
such  was  their  multitude  that  neither  those  who  were 
fighting  the  Spanish  foot-soldiers  could  see  the  horsemen, 
nor  know  where  they  were,  nor  could  the  horsemen,  ad- 
vancing and  retreating  amongst  the  Indians,  see  each 
other.  As  soon,  however,  as  the  Spaniards  realised  that 
the  horsemen  had  come  up,  they  charged  quickly  upon 
the  Indians,  who  immediately  began  to  fly,  and  pursued 
them  for  half  a  league.  The  Captain,  seeing  that  the 
Indians  were  in  full  flight,  and  that  nothing  remained 
to  be  done,  and  that  his  troops  were  very  fatigued,  gave 
the  order  that  all  should  collect  in  some  farmhouses  near 
by;  and,  when  they  were  assembled,  twenty  were  found 
to  be  wounded,  of  whom  no  one  died,  nor  did  anyone 
who  had  been  wounded  the  day  before.  Thus  assembled, 
and  the  wounded  cared  for,  we  returned  to  our  camp, 
carrying  with  us  two  Indians  whom  we  had  captured, 
whom  the  Captain  ordered  to  be  liberated,  and  sent  letters 
by  them  to  the  caciques,  telling  them  that,  if  they  would 
come  to  him,  he  would  pardon  them  the  offence  which 
they  had  committed,  and  they  would  be  his  friends. 

That  same  afternoon  two  who  seemed  to  be  principal  In- 
dians ^  came,  saying  that  they  were  very  sorry  Rgguitg  of 
for  the  past,  and  that  those  caciques  besought  the  Hos- 
him  to  pardon  them,  and  not  to  do  any  further  tiiities  at 
injury  nor  kill  any  more  of  their  people,  for         ^  ^^^^ 

•  The  first  messengers  seemed  from  their  dress  to  be  slaves, 
and  though  their  gifts  of  chickens,  smoked  fish,  and  maize-cakes,  were 


152  Letters  of  Cortes 

there  were  as  many  as  two  hundred  and  twenty  men  slain. 
They  also  said  that  the  past  should  be  the  past,  and  hence- 
foi"ward  they  wished  to  be  vassals  of  those  Princes  of 
whom»  he  had  told  them,  giving  and  holding  themselves 
as  such,  and  that  they  would  acknowledge  and  bind 
themselves  to  serve  them  whenever  they  should  be  com- 
manded to  do  so  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesties.  Thus 
peace  was  made  and  agreed  upon,  and  the  Captain  asked 
the  said  Indians,  through  the  interpreter  whom  we  had 
with  us,  who  were  the  people  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
battle,  and  they  answered  that  they  came  from  eight 
provinces,  and  according  to  their  counting  they  were  in 
all  forty  thousand  men,  ^  and  that  they  knew  perfectly 
well  how  to   count  up   to   that   number.     Your  Royal 

accepted,  and  they  were  given  some  glass  beads  in  return,  they  were 
sent  back  to  say  that  if  their  people  wanted  peace  the  chiefs  must 
come  themselves,  as  the  Spaniards  could  not  treat  with  slaves.  Some 
thirty  head-men  appeared  the  next  day,  bringing  the  usual  present  of 
provisions,  and  asking  permission  to  bury  and  cremate  their  dead, 
offering  to  conclude  peace  the  following  day.  This  was  agreed  to, 
and  the  dead  were  buried,  or  burned  according  to  the  usage  of  each 
tribe.  At  noon  the  next  day,  the  chiefs  appeared,  and  in  the  conversa- 
tion Jerónimo  de  Aguilar  acted  as  interpreter.  Cortes  adroitly  ar- 
ranged a  show  of  gun  firing  and  horsemanship  to  impress  them,  and  he 
threw  all  the  blame  for  the  fighting  upon  them,  but  declared  that,  if 
they  were  ready  for  peace  his  sovereigns  would  regard  them  as  friends, 
and  favour  and  help  them.  Negotiations  terminated  the  next  day, 
when  an  assembly  of  all  the  neighbouring  chiefs  acknowledged  them- 
selves vassals  of  the  Spanish  king,  giving  Cortes  presents  of  gold  and 
slaves.  Amongst  these  latter  was  Marina,  of  whom  further  notice 
will  appear. 

'Andres  de  Tapia  fi:xes  the  number  at  48,000,  but  these  figures 
seem  hardly  possible,  and  Orozco  y  Berra  observes  that  they  must  be 
taken  as  representing  the  idea  of  multitude,  rather  than  an  actual 
counting.  This  decisive  battle,  which  took  place  on  March  25th, 
became  known  as  the  battle  of  Ceutla,  and  in  Gomara's  chronicle, 
as  well  as  in  Tapia's  narrative,  and  that  of  others,  the  victory  was 
attributed  to  the  miraculous  intervention  of  St.  James,  the  patron 
of  Spain,  or  of  St.  Peter  the  patron  of  Cortes.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that 
it  may  be  as  Gomara  describes,  and  that  "los  glorias  apostólos  Señor 
Santiago  atid  Señor  San  Pedro  "  did  appear,  but  he,  miserable  sinner, 
was  not  worthy  to  behold  the  apparition. 


First  Letter  153 

Highnesses  may  believe  for  certain,  that  this  battle  was 
won,  rather  by  the  will  of  God,  than  by  our  forces,  be- 
cause weak  was  the  defence  of  our  four  hundred  against 
forty  thousand  warriors. 

After  we  had  become  good  friends,  they  gave  us,  during 
the  four  or  five  days  we  still  remained  there,  some  one 
hundred  and  forty  dollars  of  gold  in  pieces  of  all  kinds,  and 
very  thin,  and  so  much  esteemed  by  them  that  it  seemed 
their  country  was  very  poor  in  gold,  because  it  appeared 
certain  that  the  Httle  they  possessed  had  come  from  other 
parts  in  trading.  The  land  is  very  good  and  provisions  are 
abundant,  both  in  maize,  as  well  as  fruits,  fish,  and  other 
things  which  they  eat.  This  town  is  situated  on  the 
banks  of  the  afore-named  river,  about  which  extends  a 
plain,  where  there  are  many  farms  and  cultivated  fields, 
such  as  they  have.  He  [Cortes]  reproved  them  for  the 
evil  they  did  in  adoring  their  idols  and  gods,  and  he 
made  them  understand  that  they  should  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  our  Very  Holy  Faith,  and  he  left  them  a 
large  wooden  cross  set  up  on  an  elevation,  and  they 
remained  very  satisfied,  saying  they  would  hold  it 
in  great  veneration,  and  would  adore  it ;  thus  these  In- 
dians became  our  friends  and  vassals  of  Your  Royal 
Highnesses. 

The  said  Captain  Fernando  Cortes  left  there,  continuing 
his  voyage,  and  we  arrived  at  the  port,  and  bay,  which 
is  called  San  Juan,  where  the  above-named  Captain 
Gri jaiba  traded,  of  which  extensive  relation  has  hereto- 
fore been  made  to  Your  Majesty.  Immediately  upon 
our  arrival,  the  natives  came  to  inquire  what  caravels 
were  those  which  had  arrived,  and  as  it  was  very  late 
that  day,  almost  night,  the  Captain  remained  quietly 
in  the  caravel,  and  ordered  that  no  one  should  go  on 
shore.  Early  the  next  day  the  Captain  landed  with  a 
great  part  of  the  people  of  his  armada,  and  found  two 
of  the  principal  Indians  there,   to  whom  he  presented 


154  Letters  of  Cortes 

certain  of  his  own  valuable  garments,  and,  speaking  to 
them  through  the  interpreters,  he  gave  them  to  understand 
that  he  had  come  to  these  parts,  by  command  of  Your 
Royal  Highnesses,  to  speak  to  them,  and  to  tell  them 
what  they  should  do  to  advance  your  service.  For  this 
he  besought  them  that  they  should  immediately  go  to 
their  town,  and  call  the  cacique,  or  caciques  who  might 
be  there,  to  come  and  speak  to  him;  and,  to  ensure  their 
coming,  he  gave  them  two  shirts  for  those  caciques,  and 
two  jackets,  one  of  silk  and  one  of  velvet,  also  various 
caps,  and  some  hawk's  bells;  so  they  went  with  these 
valuables  to  the  said  caciques.  The  next  day  a  Httle  before 
noon  one  of  the  caciques  of  that  town  came,  to  whom  the 
said  Captain  spoke,  and  made  him  understand,  through 
the  interpreter,  that  he  had  not  come  to  do  them  any 
hurt  nor  injury,  but  to  inform  them  that  they  were 
to  be  vassals  of  Your  Majesties,  and  how  they  were  to 
serve  them  and  to  pay  tribute  of  what  they  had  in  their 
country,  as  did  all  wiio  are  such.  And  the  cacique  an 
swered  that  he  was  very  satisfied  to  be  such,  and  to  obey, 
and  that  he  would  be  much  pleased  to  serve  them,  and 
to  have  such  high  Princes  for  lords  as  the  Captain  had 
made  them  understand  Your  Royal  Majesties  w^ere.  Im- 
mediately afterwards,  the  Captain  told  him  that,  since 
he  was  so  well  disposed  towards  his  King  and  Lord,  he 
would  see  what  great  favours  Your  Majesties  would 
grant  him  in  the  future;  and,  saying  this,  he  made  him 
put  on  a  shirt  of  holland,  and  a  robe  of  velvet,  and  a 
girdle  of  gold,  with  which  the  said  cacique  was  much 
pleased  and  happy.  He  told  the  Captain  then,  that  he 
wanted  to  go  to  his  country,  and  asked  him  to  wait  for 
him  there,  for  the  next  day  he  would  come  back,  and 
bring  him  such  things  as  he  had,  so  that  we  might  more 
fully  understand  his  good  will  towards  the  service  of  Your 
Royal  Highnesses.  Thus  he  took  his  leave,  and  de- 
parted; and,  the  next  day,  the  said  cacique  returned,  as 


First  Letter  155 

he  had  agreed,  and  spreading  a  white  cloth  before  the 
Captain,  he  offered  him  certain  precious  jewels  of  gold, 
which  he  placed  upon  it;  of  these,  and  the  others  which 
we  afterwards  obtained,  we  make  relation  to  Your 
Majesties  in  a  memorial  which  our  procurators  take 
with  them. 

After  the  said  cacique  had  taken  leave  of  us,  and 
returned  satisfied  to  his  house,  some  of  those  noble 
persons  ^  who  came  in  this  armada,  gentle-  Decision 
men,   and  sons  of  gentlemen,    zealous   in  the  to 

service  of  our  Lord,  and  of  Your  Royal  High-  Colonise 
nesses,  and  desirous  for  the  exaltation  of  your  royal 
crown,  and  the  extension  of  your  dominions,  and  the  in- 
crease of  your  revenues,  assembled  and  spoke  with  the  Cap- 
tain Fernando  Cortes,  saying  that  this  land  was  good  and 
that,  judging  by  the  sample  of  gold  which  that  cacique  had 
brought,  it  was  reasonable  to  believe  that  it  must  be 
very  rich,  and  that  he  and  all  his  Indians  were  well  dis- 
posed towards  us.  For  these  reasons,  it  seemed  to  us 
that  it  was  not  advantageous  for  Your  Majesties'  sen.áce 
to  do  as  Diego  Velasquez  had  ordered  the  said  Captain 
Fernando  Cortes  to  do  (which  was  to  trade  for  all  the 
gold  we  could,  and,  having  obtained  it,  to  return  to  the 
island  of  Fernandina,  in  order  that  the  said  Diego  Velas- 
quez, and  the  said  Captain  mightpr  ofit  exclusively  by  it, 

>  The  armada  was  composed  of  eleven  vessels,  of  which  the 
largest,  on  which  Cortes  sailed,  was  of  loo  tonels,  the  tonel  being  some- 
what more  than  one  ton.  The  number  of  men  is  variously  given  by 
different  authorities,  but,  in  the  memorandum  of  Cortes  at  the  time 
of  his  residencia  in  1534,  it  is  stated  that  there  were  530  men.  The 
persons  of  nobility  must  be  sought  among  the  leaders  and  captains 
who  were  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  Francisco  da 
Orozco,  Alonso  Hernandez  Puertocarrero,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  Alonzo 
de  Avila,  Juan  de  Escalante,  Francisco  de  Montejo,  Francisco  de 
Morla,  Francisco  de  Saucedo,  Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon,  and  Cristobal 
de  Olid.  Pedro  de  Alvarado  had  two  brothers,  Jorge  and  Gomez, 
and  a  natural  brother,  called  Juan,  and  there  may  have  been  some  other 
adventurers  of  good  origin  amongst  the  company  (Orozco  y  Berra; 
tom,  iv.,  cap.  iii.). 


156  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  that  it  seemed  better  to  all  of  us  that  a  town  should 
be  founded  and  peopled  there  in  the  name  of  Your  Royal 
Highnesses.  In  this,  there  should  be  a  court  of  justice, 
so  that  you  would  have  your  jurisdiction  in  this  country 
just  as  in  your  kingdoms  and  dominions,  since  possibly 
this  country,  being  peopled  by  Spaniards,  in  addition 
to  the  increase  of  the  kingdoms  and  dependencies,  and 
the  incomes  of  Your  Majesties,  you  might  show  some 
favours  to  us,  and  to  the  colonists  who  would  come  there 
hereafter. 

Having  decided  this,  we  all  agreed  with  one  accord 
and  mind,  and  we  made  a  requirement  to  the  said  Captain, 
in  which  we  told  him  that,  as  he  saw  how  agreeable  it 
would  be  to  the  service  of  God,  Our  Lord,  and  of  Your 
Majesties,  that  this  country  should  be  peopled  (giving 
the  reasons  which  we  have  heretofore  recounted  to  Your 
Highnesses),  we  required  him  to  cease  trading,  as  he 
was  doing,  inasmuch  as  it  was  equivalent  to  destroying 
the  country  to  a  great  extent,  and  that  Your  Majesties 
would  thus  be  but  poorly  served;  and  that,  for  the  same 
reason,  we  asked  and  required  him  to  name  alcaldes,  and 
municipal  authorities,  in  the  name  of  Your  Royal  High- 
nesses, for  the  town  which  was  to  be  founded  and  built 
by  us.  This  was  accompanied  by  intimations  in  legal 
form  that  we  would  protest  against  him  if  he  acted  other- 
wise. This  requirement  having  been  made  to  the  said 
Captain,  he  replied  that  he  would  give  his  answer  the 
next  day;  and  the  said  Captain,  having  seen  how  all  that 
we  had  asked  him  to  do  would  be  profitable  to  the  service 
of  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  answered  us  the  next  day, 
saying  that  he  was  exclusively  devoted  to  the  service  of 
Your  Majesties,  and  that,  without  considering  the  profit 
which  might  result  to  him  from  carrying  on  the  trading 
as  planned,  so  as  to  recover  the  great  expenses  which 
had  been  sustained  out  of  his  property  in  fitting  out  that 
armada  with  the  said  Diego  Velasquez,  but  rather  putting 


First  Letter  157 

aside  everything  else,  he  was  glad  and  satisfied  to  do 
whatever  we  had  asked  him  to  do,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
advantageous  to  the  service  of  Your  Royal  Highnesses. 
Immediately,  therefore,  he  began  with  great  pq^^^^^j^^ 
diligence  to  found  and  people  a  town,  to  which  of 
the  name  was  given  of  Rica  Villa  de  la  Vera  ^^""^  ^^"^ 
Cruz.  ^  He  named  :those  of  us  who  will  sign  at  the 
endas  alcaldes  and  municipal  officers  of  the  said  town 

'  The  legal  formalities  so  scrupulously  observed,  were  a  trifle 
farcical  in  this  particular  instance,  and  Cortes  doubtless  listened  to  the 
reading  of  the  "requirements"  with  a  solemn  exterior,  but  with  his 
"tongue  in  his  cheek."  The  narrative  here  is  clear.  He  resigned  the 
authority  he  had  received  from  Velasquez,  the  royal  governor  of  Cuba, 
into  the  hands  of  the  municipal  authorities  he  had  himself  appointed 
in  response  to  the  popular  demand,  and  who  thereby  likewise  became 
royal  officials.  They  in  their  turn  exercised  their  powers  to  appoint 
him  Captain-General,  and  Chief  Justice,  of  the  new  colony,  and  thus, 
by  due  form  of  law,  Cortes  found  himself,  within  twenty-four  hours  after 
his  abdication,  installed  as  the  recognised  dispenser  of  civil  justice, 
and  as  military  commander.  He  showed  a  becoming  reluctance  to 
accept  the  nomination,  and  finally  had  all  the  appearance  of  yielding 
to  an  irresistible  expression  of  the  popular  will.  Bemal  Diaz  quotes 
to  the  point  an  old  Spanish  proverb :  Tu  mi  lo  megas  y  yo  mi  lo 
quiero.  The  partisans  of  Cortes,  led  by  the  Alvarados,  Olid,  Avila, 
Escalante,  and  Puertocarrero,  secretly  formed  a  party  among  the 
men  and  propounded  the  new  plan  of  colonisation  for  the  crown,  in 
substitution  for  that  of  merely  trading  in  the  interest  of  Diego  Velas- 
quez, arguing  that  he,  Velasquez  would  get  the  lion's  share  of  the 
profits,  on  their  return  to  Cuba,  while  they  would  be  about  as  poor  as 
when  they  started.  This  idea  won  adherents,  but  was  not  slow  in 
reaching  the  knowledge  of  the  friends  of  Velasquez,  who  protested 
vigorously  against  such  a  betrayal  of  confidence,  and  insisted  that 
they  should  return  to  Cuba  with  the  treasure,  and  make  their  report 
to  the  governor.  Cortes  feigned  to  accede  to  their  view,  and  perplexed 
them  greatly  by  giving  immediate  orders  to  embark  the  next  day. 
No  sooner  were  these  orders  given,  than  the  "imperialist"  group, 
to  describe  them  by  a  modern  term,  held  a  second  meeting,  in 
which  it  was  resolved  that  their  allegiance  and  duty  were  to  the  crown, 
that  being  already  in  practical  possession  of  a  rich  strip  of  coast,  and 
well  received  by  the  Indians,  since  they  had  proved  their  superiority, 
they  should  rather  consider  the  conversion  of  the  natives,  and  the 
extension  of  His  Majesty's  dominions,  than  the  mere  trading  profits 
of  the  governor  of  Cuba,  and  hence  that  they  should  found  there  a  port 
and  city  in  the  name  of  the  sovereigns,  who  would  certainly  approve 


158  Letters  of  Cortes 

receiving  from  us  the  oath  in  the  name  of  Your 
Royal  Highnesses,  with  the  solemnity  customary  in  such 
cases;  after  which  we  assembled  the  next  day  in  our 
council  and  assembly  chamber,  and,  being  thus  assembled, 
we  sent  to  summon  the  Captain  Fernando  Cortes,  and 
we  asked  him  in  the  name  of  Your  Royal  Highnesses 
to  show  us  the  powers  and  instructions,  which  the  said 
Diego  Velasquez  had  given  him  for  coming  to  these 
parts.  He  immediately  sent  for  these,  and  showed  them 
to  us,  and,  having  been  seen  and  read  by  us,  and  well 
examined  according  to  the  best  of  our  understanding, 
it  seemed  to  us  that,  by  those  powers  and  instructions, 
the  said  Captain  Fernando  Cortes,  had  no  longer  any 
authority,  and  that,  they  having  expired,  he  could  no 
longer  exercise  the  office  of  justice,  or  of  captain. 

It  seemed  to  us,  Very  Excellent  Princes,  that,  for  the 
sake  of  peace  and  concord  amongst  us,  and  in  order  to 
govern  us  well,  it  was  necessary  to  install  a  person  for 

when  they  came  to  understand  the  circumstances.  The  Velasquez 
party  seems  to  have  offered  no  open  resistance. 

The  elaborate  name  of  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cn.tz  was  given  to  the 
new  settlement,  the  ''rica"  being  suggested  by  the  rich  character  of  the 
soil,  and  the  "Vera  Cruz"  by  the  date  of  their  landing,  which  was  a 
Good  Friday,  the  day  when  the  Cross  is  especially  venerated. 

The  transformation  scene  was  very  complete.  Cortes,  from  being  the 
semi-rebellious  captain  of  a  trading  fleet  became  the  recognised  repre- 
sentative of  the  King  of  Spain  in  Mexico ;  the  volunteer  soldiers  of  the 
expedition  became  a  militia;  municipal  officers,  and  royal  officials 
sprang  into  existence,  who  acknowledged  no  superior  but  the  King, 
while  Diego  Velasquez  was  eliminated  from  the  scheme  of  things 
entirely. 

The  partisans  of  Velasquez,  though  in  a  minority,  still  argued  that 
Cortes's  election  was  irregular,  because  they  had  not  taken  part  in  it, 
nor  had  it  been  confirmed,  either  by  the  Jeronymite  Fathers,  or  the 
governor  of  Cuba.  This  incipient  sedition  was  characteristically 
met,  by  Cortes  offering  as  many  as  were  dissatisfied  permission  to 
re-embark,  and  return  to  Cuba,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  demonstrate 
the  reality  of  the  new  state  of  things,  he  ordered  the  Alguacil  Mayor 
to  arrest  Juan  Velasquez,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  Pedro  Escudero,  and  others 
of  the  more  active  agitators,  and  to  imprison  them  on  the  captain's 
ship.     This  drastic  move  had  the  desired  effect  upon  the  waverers. 


First  Letter  159 

Your  Royal  service  to  act  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesties 
in  the  said  town,  and  in  these  parts  as  Chief  Justice, 
and  Captain,  and  head,  whom  we  could  all  respect  and 
obey  until  we  might  give  account  of  everything  to  Your 
Royal  Highnesses,  so  that  you  could  provide  as  best 
suited  your  service.  Recognising  that  to  no  one  could 
we  better  give  such  a  charge  than  to  the  said  Fernando 
Cortes,  because,  besides  being  a  most  suitable  person,  he 
is  moreover  very  zealous  in  the  service  of  Your  Majesties, 
as  well  as  being  very  experienced  in  these  parts  and 
islands,  of  which  he  has  always  given  good  proofs,  for 
having  spent  all  that  he  possessed  to  serve  Your  Majesties 
in  this  armada,  and  heeded  so  little  (as  we  have  already 
related)  his  possible  gains  and  profits  from  continuing  to 
trade,  we  therefore  elected  him,  in  the  name  of  Your 
Royal  Highnesses,  to  the  office  of  Justice  and  Superior 
Alcalde,  receiving  from  him  the  oath  which  is  required  in 
such  cases.  And,  having  done  this  as  profitable  to  the  ser- 
vice of  Your  Majesty,  we  received  him  in  Your  Royal  name 
in  our  Council  and  Assembly  Chamber,  as  Chief  Justice 
and  Governor  of  Your  Royal  arms,  and  thus  he  is,  and 
will  continue,  until  Your  Majesties  provide  what  is  best 
for  your  service. 

We  have  wished  to  fully  relate  all  this  to  Your  Royal 
Highnesses,  that  you  may  know  what  has  been  done 
here,  and  in  what  condition  we  are  living  here. 

Having  done  as  stated,  and,  being  all  assembled  in 
our  Council  Chamber,  we  agreed  to  write  to  Your  Ma- 
jesties, and  to  send  you,  in  addition  to  the  one-fifth  part 
which  belongs  to  your  rents,  according  to  Your  Royal 
prescriptions,  all  the  gold,  and  silver,  and  valuables  which 
we  have  obtained  in  this  country,  on  account  of  its  being 
the  first,  and  above  which  we  keep  nothing  for  ourselves. 
We  place  this  at  the  disposition  of  Your  Royal  Highnesses, 
as  a  proof  of  our  very  good  will  for  your  service,  as  we 
have  heretofore  done  with  our  persons  and  property, 


1 6o  Letters  of  Cortes 

and,  having  agreed  upon  this  amongst  ourselves,  we 
selected  as  our  procurators^  Alonso  Hernandez  Porto- 
carrero,  and  Francisco  de  Montejo,  whom  we  send  to 
Your  Majesties  with  all  this,  that  they  may  kiss  Your 
Royal  hands  on  our  behalf,  and  that,  in  our  names,  and 
in  that  of  this  town,  and  its  Council,  they  may  pray  Your 
Royal  Highnesses  to  favour  us  as  may  be  agreeable  to 
God,  and  to  Your  Majesties,  and  for  the  coming  good  of 
this  town,  as  will  appear  at  greater  length  from  the  in- 
structions which  we  have  given  them.  We  humbly  beg 
Your  Majesties,  with  all  the  respect  which  is  becoming, 
to  receive  them,  to  give  them  Your  Royal  hands  to  kiss 
on  our  behalf,  and  to  grant  them  all  the  favours  they 
may  ask  and  supplicate  on  behalf  of  this  Council,  and 
ourselves,  because,  in  doing  this  Your  Majesties,  besides 
rendering  service  to  Our  Lord,  and  this  town  and  Council, 
will  bestow  on  us  the  special  favour  which  we  daily  hope 
that  Your  Royal  Highnesses  will  grant  us. 

In  one  chapter  of  this  letter,  we  have  already  said 
that  we  would  send  an  account  to  Your  Royal  High- 
Description  iiesses,  by  which  Your  Majesties  might  be 
of  the  perfectly   informed   of   everything   about   this 

Country  country,  its  condition,  riches,  the  people  who 
possess  it,  and  of  the  law  and  sect,  rites  and  cere- 
monies which  they  observe.  This  country,  Most  Potent 
Princes,  where  we  now  are  in  the  name  of  Your 
Majesties,  has  fifty  leagues  of  coast  on  the  one  side 
and  the  other  of  this  town,  the  seacoast  being  low 
with  many  sand-hills,  some  of  which  are  two  leagues 
or  more  in  length.  The  country  beyond  these  sand-hills 
is  level,  with  many  fertile  plains,  in  which  are  such  beauti- 
ful river  banks,  that  in  all  Spain  there  can  be  found  no 
better;  these  are  as  grateful  to  the  sight  as  they  are  pro- 
ductive in  everything  sown  in  them,  and  very  orderly  and 
well  kept  with  walks,  and  facilities  for  grazing  all  kinds 

»  See  Appendix  III.  at  close  of  Letter. 


First  Letter  i6i 

of  animals.  There  is  every  kind  of  game  in  this  country, 
and  animals,  and  birds  such  as  are  familiar  to  us, — deer, 
fallow  deer,  wolves,  foxes,  quails,  doves,  and  pigeons, 
and  two  or  three  kinds  of  hares  and  rabbits, — so  that 
there  is  no  difference  between  this  country  and  Spain, 
as  regards  birds  and  animals ;  there  are  lions  and  tigers  ^ 
about  five  leagues  from  the  sea,  in  some  places,  and  others 
are  very  beautiful  [word  missing].  There  is,  moreover, 
a  great  range  of  very  beautiful  mountains,  some  of  them 
very  high,  amongst  which  one  ^  very  greatly  exceeds  all 
the  others,  and  from  it  can  be  discovered  and  seen  a  great 
part  of  the  sea  and  land ;  and  it  is  so  high  that  if  the  day 
is  not  very  clear  you  cannot  see  or  distinguish  the  summit 
of  it,  because  one  half  of  it  is  all  covered  with  clouds; 
and  sometimes  when  the  day  is  very  clear  the  peak  of  it 
can  be  seen  above  the  said  clouds,  and  it  is  so  white  that 
we  judge  it  to  be  snow,  and  the  natives  even  tell  us  that 
it  is  snow,  but  as  we  have  not  seen  it  well,  although  we 
have  been  very  near  to  it,  and  because  this  region  is  so 
hot,  we  do  not  affirm  it  to  be  snow.  We  will  endeavour 
to  know  and  see  it,  as  well  as  many  other  things  about 
which  we  have  information,  so  as  to  send  a  true  account 
to  Your  Royal  Highnesses  of  the  wealth  of  gold  and 
silver  and  stones,  and  we  judge  that  Your  Majesties 
may  order  it  to  be  examined  according  to  the  samples 
of  all  which  we  remit  to  Your  Royal  Highnesses.  Ac- 
cording to  our  judgment,  it  is  credible  that  there  is 
everything  in  this  country  which  existed  in  that  from 
whence  Solomon  is  said  to  have  brought  the  gold  for  the 

'  The  largest  beasts  of  prey  in  Mexico  were  the  puma,  the  jaguar, 
and  the  ocelot ;  lions  and  tigers  there  were  none. 

» Orizaba ;  the  usual  Indian  name  for  the  volcano  was  Citlalte- 
petl, meaning  star-mountain,  though  they  also  called  it  Zenctepatl,  and 
Pojauhtecatl.  According  to  Humboldt,  its  known  period  of  greatest 
activity  was  from  1 545  to  1 566 ;  he  also  notes  that  both  this  crater,  and 
that  of  Popocatepetl,  incline  towards  the  south-east.  His  measure- 
ment of  Orizaba  is  5395  metres  (Essai  Politique,  vol.  ¡.).  Ferrer's 
measurement  is  5450  metres. 
VOL.  I.— n 


102  Letters  of  Cortes 

Temple,  but,  as  we  have  been  here  so  short  a  time,  we 
have  not  been  able  to  see  more  than  the  distance  of  five 
leagues  inland,  and  about  ten  or  twelve  leagues  of  the 
coast  length  on  each  side,  which  we  have  explored  since 
we  landed;  although  from  the  sea  it  must  be  more,  and 
we  saw  much  more  while  sailing. 

The  people  who  inhabit  this  country,  from  the  Island 
of  Cozumel,  and  the  Cape  of  Yucatan  to  the  place  where 
Description"^®  ^^^  ^^®»  ^^®  ^  people  of  middle  size,  with 
of  the  bodies  and  features  well  proportioned,  except 

Indians  ^j^^^  j^  each  province  their  customs  difier, 
some  piercing  the  ears,  and  putting  large  and  ugly  ob- 
jects in  them,  and  others  piercing  the  nostrils  down 
to  the  mouth,  and  putting  in  large  round  stones  like 
mirrors,  and  others  piercing  their  under  lips  down  as 
far  as  their  gums,  and  hanging  from  them  large  round 
stones,  or  pieces  of  gold,  so  weighty  that  they  pull 
down  the  nether  lip,  and  make  it  appear  very  deformed. 
The  clothing  which  they  wear  is  like  long  veils,  very 
curiously  worked.  The  men  wear  breech-cloths  about 
their  bodies,  and  large  mantles,  very  thin,  and  painted 
in  the  style  of  Moorish  draperies.  The  women  of  the 
ordinary  people  wear,  from  their  waists  to  their  feet, 
clothes  also  very  much  painted,  some  covering  their 
breasts  and  leaving  the  rest  of  the  body  uncovered. 
The  superior  women,  however,  wear  very  thin  shirts  of 
cotton,  worked  and  made  in  the  style  of  rochets.  Their 
food  is  maize  and  grain,  as  in  the  other  Islands,  and 
potuyuca,  as  they  eat  it  in  the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  they 
eat  it  broiled,  since  they  do  not  make  bread  of  it;  and 
they  have  their  fishing,  and  hunting,  and  they  roast 
many  chickens,  like  those  of  the  Tierra  Firma,  which  are 
as  large  as  peacocks.  ^ 

There  are  some  large  towns  w^ell  laid  out,  the  houses 
being  of  stone,   and  mortar  when  they  have  it.     The 

»  These  were  turkeys,  which  were  unknown  in  Europe 


First  Letter  163 

apartments  are  small,  low,  and  in  the  Moorish  style, 
and,  when  they  cannot  find  stone,  they  make  them  of 
adobes,  whitewashing  them,  and  the  roof  is  of  straw. 
Some  of  the  houses  of  the  principal  people  are  very  cool, 
and  have  many  apartments,  for  we  have  seen  more  than 
five  courts  in  one  house,  and  the  apartments  very  well 
distributed,  each  principal  department  of  service  being 
separate.  Within  them  they  have  their  wells  and  reser- 
voirs for  water,  and  rooms  for  the  slaves  and  dependents, 
of  whom  they  have  many.  Each  of  these  chiefs  has 
at  the  entrance  of  his  house,  but  outside  of  it,  a  large 
court-yard,  and  in  some  there  are  two  and  three  and  four 
very  high  buildings,  with  steps  leading  up  to  them,  and 
they  are  very  well  built ;  and  in  them  they'  have  their 
mosques  and  prayer  places,  and  very  broad  galleries  on 
all  sides,  and  there  they  keep  the  idols  which  they  worship, 
some  being  of  stone,  some  of  gold,  and  some  of  wood,  and 
they  honour  and  serve  them  in  such  wise,  and  with  so 
many  ceremonies,  that  much  paper  would  be  required 
to  give  Your  Royal  Highnesses  an  entire  and  exact  de- 
scription of  all  of  them.  These  houses  and  mosques, 
wherever  they  exist,  are  the  largest  and  best  built  in  the 
town,  and  they  keep  them  very  well  adorned,  decorated 
with  feather-work  and  well-woven  stuffs,  and  with  all 
manner  of  ornaments.  Every  day,  before  they  under- 
take any  work,  they  burn  incense  in  the  said  mosques, 
and  sometimes  they  sacrifice  their  own  persons,  some 
cutting  their  tongues  and  others  their  ears,  and  some 
hacking  the  body  with  knives ;  and  they  offer  up  to  their 
idols  all  the  blood  which  flows,  sprinkling  it  on  all  sides 
of  those  mosques,  at  other  times  throwing  it  up  towards 
the  heavens,  and  practising  many  other  kinds  of  cere- 
monies, so  that  they  undertake  nothing  without  first 
offering  sacrifice  there. 

They  have  another  custom,  horrible,  and  abominable, 
and  deserving  punishment,  and  which  we  have  never  be- 


104  Letters  of  Cortes 

fore  seen  in  any  other  place,  and  it  is  this,  that,  as 
Human  often  as  they  have  anything  to  ask  of  their 
Sacrifices  idols,  in  order  that  their  petition  may  be 
more  acceptable,  they  take  many  boys  or  girls,  and 
even  growTi  men  and  women,  and  in  the  presence 
of  those  idols  they  open  their  breasts,  while  they 
are  alive,  and  take  out  the  hearts  and  entrails,  and 
burn  the  said  entrails  and  hearts  before  the  idols,  offer- 
ing that  smoke  in  sacrifice  to  them.  ^  Some  of  us  who 
have  seen  this  say  that  [it  is  the  most  terrible  and 
frightful  thing  to  behold  that  has  ever  been  seen.  So 
frequent^,  and  so  often  do  these  Indians  do  this,  ac- 
cording to  our  information,  and  partly  by  what  we  have 
seen  in  the  short  time  we  are  in  this  country,  that  no 
year  passes  in  which  they  do  not  kill  and  sacrifice  fifty 
souls  in  each  mosque;  and  this  is  practised,  and  held 
as  customary,  from  the  Isle  of  Cozumel  to  the  country 
in  which  we  are  now  settled.  Your  Majesties  may  rest 
assured  that,  according  to  the  size  of  the  land,  which  to 
us  seems  very  considerable,  and  the  many  mosques  which 
they  have,  there  is  no  year,  as  far  as  we  have  until  now 
discovered  and  seen,  when  they  do  not  kill  and  sacrifice 
in  this  manner  some  three  or  four  thousand  souls.  Now 
let  Your  Royal  Highnesses  consider  if  they  ought  not  to 
prevent  so  great  an  evil  and  crime,  and  certainly  God, 
Our  Lord,  will  be  well  pleased,  if,  through  the  command 
of  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  these  peoples  should  be  initi- 
ated and  instructed  in  our  Very  Holy  Catholic  Faith, 
and  the  devotion,  faith,  and  hope,  which  they  have  in 
their  idols,  be  transferred  to  the  Divine  Omnipotence  of 
God;  because  it  is  certain,  that,  if  they  served  God  with 
the  same  faith,  and  fervour,  and  diligence,  they  would 
surely  work  miracles. 

It   should   be  believed,  that  it  is  not  without  cause 
that   God,    Our   Lord,   has   permitted   that   these   parts 

>  See  Appendix  IV.  at  close  of  Letter. 


First   Letter  165 

should  be  discovered  in  the  name  of  Your  Royal  High- 
nesses, so  that  this  fruit  and  merit  before  God  should 
be  enjoyed  by  Your  Majesties,  of  having  instructed  these 
barbarian  people,  and  brought  them  through  your  com- 
mands to  the  True  Faith.  As  far  as  we  are  able  to  know 
them,  we  believe  that,  if  there  were  interpreters  and 
persons  who  could  make  them  understand  the  truth  of 
the  Faith,  and  their  error,  many,  and  perhaps  all,  would 
shortly  quit  the  errors  which  they  hold,  and  come  to  the 
true  knowledge ;  because  they  live  civilly  and  reasonably, 
better  than  any  of  the  other  peoples  found  in  these  parts. 
To  endeavour  to  give  to  Your  Majesties  all  the  par- 
ticulars about  this  country  and  its  people,  might  oc- 
casion some  errors  in  the  account,  because  much  of  it  we 
have  not  seen,  and  only  know  it  through  information 
given  us  by  the  natives ;  therefore  we  do  not  undertake  to 
give  more  than  what  may  be  accepted  by  Your  Highnesses 
as  true.  Your  Majesties  may,  if  you  deem  proper,  give 
this  account  as  true  to  Our  Very  Holy  Father,  in  order 
that  diligence  and  good  system  may  be  used  in  efifecting 
the  conversion  of  these  people,  because  it  is  hoped  that 
great  fruit  and  much  good  may  be  obtained ;  also  that  His 
Holiness  may  approve  and  allow  that  the  wicked  and 
rebellious,  being  first  admonished,  may  be  punished  and 
chastised  as  enemies  of  Our  Holy  Catholic  Faith,  which 
will  be  an  occasion  of  punishment  and  fear  to  those  who 
may  be  reluctant  in  receiving  knowledge  of  the  Truth; 
thereby,  that  the  great  evils  and  injuries  they  practise 
in  the  service  of  the  Devil,  will  be  forsaken.  Because, 
besides  what  we  have  just  related  to  Your  Majesties 
about  the  men,  and  women,  and  children,  whom  they 
kill  and  offer  in  their  sacrifices,  we  have  learned,  and 
been  positively  informed,  that  they  are  all  sodomites, 
and  given  to  that  abominable   sin.  ^     In    all    this,   we 

'  Clavigero   denounces   the  blameworthy  facility  with   which  this 
vice  was  imputed  to  the  Mexicans  in  general,  by  some  of  the  early  writers 


i66  Letters  of  Cortes 

beseech  Your  Majesties  to  order  such  measures  taken 
as  are  most  profitable  to  the  service  of  God,  and  to  that 
of  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  and  so  that  we  who  are  here 
in  your  service  may  also  be  favoured  and  recompensed. 
Amongst  other  things  which  are  contained  in  our 
-  .     instructions  to  our  procurators,  whom  we  send 

Against  to  Your  Highnesses,  one  is  to  pray  Your 
Diego  Majesties  on  our  own  behalf,  that  you  should 

Velasquez  ^^  ^^  ^^y.  giyg^  qj-  make  concession  in  these 
parts,  to  Diego  Velasquez  Lieutenant  Admiral  in  the 
Island  of  Femandina  of  the  adelantamiento,  nor  the 
perpetual  governorship,  nor  any  other,  nor  the  charge 
of  justice;  and  if  any  such  has  been  given  to  him,  to 
order  it  to  be  revoked,  because  it  is  not  profitable  to 
the  service  of  Your  Royal  Crown  that  the  said  Diego 
Velasquez,  nor  any  other  person,  should  have  authority, 
or  any  other  perpetual  concession  of  any  sort,  save  as  may 
be  the  will  of  Your  Majesties,  in  this  country  of  Your 
Royal  Highnesses,  inasmuch  as  it  is,  as  far  as  we  can 
foresee  and  hope,  very  rich.  Moreover,  far  from  profiting 
Your  Majesties'  service,  should  the  said  Diego  Velasquez 
be  provided  with  some  office,  we  foresee  that  we,  the 
vassals  of  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  who  have  begun  to 
colonise,  and  to  Hve  in  this  country,  will  be  ill-treated 
by  him,  because  we  are  convinced  that,  what  has  already 

and,  in  accord  with  other  authorities,  asserts  that  while  it  existed 
amongst  the  Panuchesi,  the  only  evidence  of  it  elsewhere  was  the  severe 
laws  enacted  for  its  punishment.  He  does  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  the 
accusation  was  made  by  some  of  the  Spaniards  to  palliate  their  own 
excesses, — a  peculiarly  heinous  tactic.  The  friars,  who  were  later 
in  the  best  position  to  know  the  morals  and  customs  of  the  Indians, 
unanimously  repudiate  the  charge.  Amongst  modem  authorities, 
Orozco  y  Berra  combats  the  imputation  as  unfounded.  Bernal  Diaz 
records  that  obscene  images  were  found  in  the  temples  at  Cozumel,  and 
the  Anonymous  Conqueror  describes  in  language  which  I  do  not  trans- 
late, the  debauchery  common  amongst  the  Indians  of  Panuco,  and  gives 
some  singular  details  of  their  different  ways  of  intoxicating  themselves, 
similar  to  nothing  I  have  ever  heard  of  amongst  any  people,  ancient 
or  modern  (Apud  Icazbalceta,  Doc.  Ined.  II  Modo  di  Sacrificare,  etc.). 


First  Letter  167 

been  done  in  Your  Majesties'  service,  in  sending  this 
gift  of  gold  and  silver,  and  valuables,  which  we  have 
obtained  here  in  this  country,  and  now  send,  would 
not  have  been  approved  by  him.  This  clearly  appears 
through  four  of  his  servants  who  have  come  here,  and 
who,  when  they  perceived  our  udsh  to  send  all  to  Your 
Royal  Highnesses,  as  we  do,  declared  that  it  would  be 
better  to  send  it  to  Diego  Velasquez,  and  othei"wise  op- 
posed their  being  sent  to  Your  Majesties.  For  this  we 
ordered  them  to  be  imprisoned,  and  they  will  remain 
prisoners  until  justice  decides,  after  which  we  shall  relate 
to  Your  Majesties  what  we  have  done  with  them.  ^  So, 
because  we  have  seen  what  the  said  Diego  Velasquez  has 
done,  and  our  experience  of  it,  we  fear  that,  if  he  should 
come  to  this  country  with  any  commission,  he  would 
treat  us  ill,  as  he  has  done  in  the  Island  of  Fernandina, 
during  the  time  that  he  had  charge  of  its  government, 
doing  justice  to  none  except  as  he  pleased,  and  punishing 
those  whom  he  chose,  from  anger  or  passion,  but  not 
from  justice  or  reason.  He  has  thus  destroyed  many 
good  subjects  by  reducing  them  to  great  poverty,  in  re- 
fusing to  give  them  any  Indians,  and  taking  them  all 

'  Bemaldino  de  Coria,  one  of  the  conspirators,  weakened  at  the  last 
moment,  and  betrayed  the  plot  to  seize  a  boat,  with  provisions,  and 
to  put  oS  to  Cuba,  for  the  purpose  of  warning  Diego  Velasquez  of  the 
sailing  of  the  envoys,  so  that  he  might  intercept  them.  Cortes  did  not 
mince  matters;  he  promptly  hanged  Diego  Cermeño,  and  Juan  Escu- 
dero. The  latter  was  the  same  alguacil  who  had  captured  hiin  before 
the  church  in  Santiago,  where  he  had  taken  sanctuary  during  his  quar- 
rel with  Velasquez,  and  had  imprisoned  him  on  the  ship  in  the  harbour. 
Gonzalo  de  Umbria  had  his  feet  cut  oil,  and  two  hundred  lashes  were 
administered  to  each  of  the  others,  except  the  priest,  Juan  Diaz,  whose 
cloth  protected  him.  Gomara  suppresses  the  amputation  of  Umbria's 
feet,  and  says  he  was  whipped  with  the  others.  Bernal  Diaz  reports 
that  Cortes  exclaimed,  when  he  signed  the  warrant  for  these 
punishments,  "who  would  not  rather  be  unable  to  write,  than  to 
have  to  sign  away  the  lives  of  men  !"  but  the  old  soldier  shrewdly 
adds,  that  he  believes  most  judges  from  the  days  of  Nero  down  have 
expressed  the  same  sentiment  (Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  viii.). 


1 68  Letters  of  Cortes 

for  himself,  and  in  taking  all  the  gold  which  they  had 
obtained  without  giving  them  any  share  of  it.  He  also 
has  interests  with  dishonest  men,  for  his  own  advantage, 
and  by  the  mere  fact  of  his  having  the  Governorship, 
and  power  of  distribution,  nobody  dares  to  oppose  him, 
knowing  and  fearing  that  he  can  ruin  them.  Your 
Majesties  have  no  information  about  this,  nor  has  there 
ever  been  any  account  made  of  it,  because  the  procurators, 
who  have  gone  heretofore  from  the  said  Island,  are 
creatures  and  servants  of  his  hands,  whom  he  holds  by 
giving  them  Indians  at  their  pleasure;  and  the  procura- 
tors, who  come  from  the  smaller  towns  to  attend  to  the 
affairs  of  the  communities,  have  to  do  as  he  wishes,  be- 
cause he  buys  them  up  with  Indians.  When  such  pro- 
curators return  to  their  towns,  and  are  asked  to  give  an 
account  of  what  they  have  done,  the  people  declare  that 
poor  men  should  not  be  sent  as  procurators,  because, 
for  one  cacique  whom  Diego  Velasquez  gives  them,  they 
wiU  do  everything  he  wants.  The  municipal  officers  and 
alcaldes  who  have  Indians  dare  not  speak  to,  or  reprove, 
the  procurators,  who  have  done  what  they  ought  not 
to  have  done  out  of  compliance  to  Diego  Velasquez,  for 
fear  that  the  said  Diego  Velasquez  might  take  away  their 
Indians.  In  this,  and  other  things,  it  is  very  good  [word 
missing  in  MS.'\  from  which  Your  Royal  Highnesses 
may  see,  that  all  the  accounts  which  the  Island  of  Fer- 
nandina  has  made  of  what  Diego  Velasquez  has  done, 
and  the  favours  which  they  asked  for  him,  are  on  account 
of  the  Indians  he  has  given  to  the  procurators,  and  not 
because  the  communities  are  satisfied  or  wish  such  things ; 
rather  would  they  desire  that  those  procurators  were 
punished.  The  above  being  notorious  to  all  the  inhabi- 
tants and  householders  of  this  town  of  Vera  Cruz,  they 
assembled  with  the  procurator  of  this  council,  and  have 
asked  and  required  us,  by  their  requirements,  signed 
with  their  names,  that,  in  the  name  of  all,  we  should  beg 


First  Letter  169 

Your  Majesties  not  to  provide  the  said  Diego  Velasquez 
with  the  said,  or  any  other,  commission,  but  rather  to 
order  him  to  give  his  residencia,  ^  and  to  deprive 
him  of  the  charge  of  the  Island  of  Fernandina.  By- 
taking  his  residencia,  the  above  statements  would  be 
shown  to  be  true,  for  which  we  beseech  Your  Majesties 
to  name  a  judge  and  inquisitor,  in  order  to  make  an  in- 
vestigation of  all  which  we  have  related  to  Your  Royal 
Highnesses,  not  only  about  the  Island  of  Cuba,  but  also 
elsewhere ;  for  our  intention  is  to  prove  things  from  which 
Your  Majesties  may  judge  if  it  be  justice  or  conscience 
that  he  should  have  royal  charges  in  these  parts,  or  in  the 
others  where  he  at  present  resides. 

In  the  same  manner,  the  procurator,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants and  householders  of  this  town,  have  asked  us  in  the 
said  petition  that  we  should  supplicate  Your  Majesty  in 
their  name  to  provide  a  warrant  and  Royal  Provision  to 
be  given  in  favour  of  Fernando  Cortes,  Captain,  and  Su- 
perior Justice  of  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  in  order  that 
he  may  govern  us  with  justice,  until  this  country  shall 
be  conquered  and  pacified,  and  for  such  time  as  may  ap- 
pear best  to  Your  Majesties,  and  be  best  for  your  service; 
for  they  recognise  in  him  such  a  person  as  is  fit  for  it. 
Which  petition  and  requirement  we  send  with  these,  our 
procurators,  to  Your  Majesties,  and  we  all  humbly  sup- 
plicate Your  Royal  Highnesses,  that  you  will  grant  not 
only  this,  but  all  the  other  favours,  which  in  the  name 
of  this  council  and  town  may  be  petitioned  by  the  said 
procurators,  and  that  you  will  regard  us  as  your  most 

» This  was  done  by  means  of  a  commission,  with  full  powers 
to  inquire  into  all  administrative  acts  of  a  governor,  and  to  receive 
and  decide  upon  all  complaints  against  him.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the 
commissioners,  the  governor  and  his  officials  resigned  their  authority 
and  badges  of  office  into  their  hands,  pending  the  outcome  of  the 
investigation.  The  residencia  was  not  of  itself  an  indignity,  nor  did  it 
necessarily  imply  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  governor,  but  it  was  the 
most  effective  check  the  home  government  had  upon  the  colonial 
officials. 


I  yo  Letters  of  Cortes 

loyal  vassals,  such  as  we  have  been  and  always  will  be. 
The  gold,  and  silver,  and  jewels,  and  valuables,  and  the 
rodelas,  and  the  wearing  apparel,  which  we  send  by  the 
procurators  to  Your  Royal  Highnesses,  and  which,  over 
and  above  the  one-fifth  which  belongs  to  Your  Majesty, 
Captain  Fernando  Cortes,  and  this  council,  pray  you  to 
accept,  go  with  this  memorial,  signed  by  them  and  by 
the  said  procurators,  as  Your  Royal  Highnesses  may  see 
from  it.^ 

>  The  first  treasure  sent  to  Spain  contained  the  following  curious 
objects: 

A  gold  necklace  composed  of  seven  pieces,  with  185  small  emeralds 
set  in  it,  and  232  gems,  like  rubies,  from  which  hung  27  small  bells  of 
gold,  and  some  pearls. 

Another  necklace  of  four  pieces  of  gold,  with  102  red  gems,  like 
rubies,  172  emeralds,  10  fine  pearls,  set  in  it,  and  26  little  golden  bells 
pendant. 

Two  wheels,  one  of  gold  representing  the  sun,  the  other  of  silver 
bearing  the  image  of  the  moon,  28  hands  in  circumference,  and  bearing 
various  figures  of  animals,  and  other  devices,  beautifully  worked  in 
relief. 

A  head-dress  of  wood,  decorated  with  gold  and  gems,  with  25  golden 
bells  pendant;  instead  of  a  plume  it  had  a  green  bird,  whose  eyes,  beak, 
and  feet,  were  of  gold. 

A  gold  bracelet;  a  small  sceptre  with  two  rings  of  gold,  set  with 
pearls  at  the  ends. 

Four  tridents,  tied  with  feathers  of  different  colours,  and  pearl 
points  tied  with  gold  thread. 

Several  deerskin  shoes,  sewn  with  gold  thread,  and  having  soles  of 
brilliant  blue  and  white  stones. 

A  shield  of  wood  and  leather,  decorated  with  hanging  bells  of  gold, 
and  having  gold  plates  in  the  centre,  carved  with  the  figure  of  the  god  of 
war,  surrounded  by  four  heads  of  a  lion,  a  tiger,  an  eagle,  and  an  owl, 
represented  with  their  hair  and  feathers. 

Several  skins,  tanned  with  the  hair  and  feathers  on  them. 

Twenty-four  curious  and  beautiful  golden  shields,  decorated  with 
feathers  and  small  pearls,  four  others  of  feathers  and  silver. 

Four  fish,  two  ducks,  and  other  birds,  made  of  gold. 

Two  sea-shells,  imitated  in  gold,  and  a  large  crocodile,  girt  with 
golden  threads. 

A  large  mirror,  and  several  small  ones,  of  gold. 

Several  head-dresses,  and  crowns  of  feathers  and  gold,  ornamented 
with  pearls  and  gems. 


First  Letter  171 

From  the  Rica  Villa  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  on  the  tenth 
July,   1 5 19. 

Several  large  plumes  of  beautiful  feathers,  of  various  colours, 
spangled  with  gold  and  small  pearls. 

Several  fans;  some  of  gold  and  feathers,  others  of  feathers  alone, 
but  all  very  rich. 

A  variety  of  cotton  robes;  some  all  white,  others  chequered  white 
and  black,  or  red,  green,  yellow,  and  blue,  the  outside  being  shaggy, 
and  the  inside  smooth,  without  colour. 

A  number  of  coats,  handkerchiefs,  bedcovers,  tapestries,  and  carpets 
of  cotton  stuffs. 

There  were  several  Mexican  books,  written  in  hieroglyphics, 
on  their  paper,  which  was  about  the  consistency  of  light  pasteboard. 
Peter  Martyr  describes  them  as  folding  tablets,  and  says  of  the  writing, 
"Sunt  char  aderes  a  nostris  valde  dissimilis,  Egypteas  fere  formas  cemu- 
lantur"  {De  Insults  nuper  inventis). 

Gomara  says  the  paper  was  made  of  cotton,  and  a  kind  of  gum,  or 
paste;  sometimes  also  of  aloe  leaves;  Peter  Martyr  describes  it  as  made 
of  fine  crushed  bark,  kneaded  together  with  a  gum. 


APPENDICES 


173 


APPENDIX  I. 

The  first  attack,  of  which  Cortes  makes  no  mention  was  made 
at  Catoche,  just  before  dawn,  March  6th.  The  Indians  fought  with 
great  fury,  in  spite  of  the  fire-arms  which  they  heard  for  the  first  time, 
and  were  repulsed  only  with  difficulty,  after  they  had  wounded  fifteen 
Spaniards.  Bernal  Diaz  relates  that  fifteen  Indians  were  killed,  and 
two  were  captured,  who  were  afterwards  baptised  Christians,  under 
the  name  of  Melchor,  and  Julian,  by  the  chaplain  Fray  Alonzo  Gon- 
zalez. The  Spaniards  looted  the  temples  and  houses  of  their  idols 
and  golden  ornaments.  The  Indians  at  Champoton  repeated  in- 
quiringly the  words  "Castelan?  Castelanf"  and,  by  gestures,  asked 
if  the  strangers  came  from  the  East.  Orozco  y  Berra  (vol.  iv.,  cap. 
i.,)  says  that  they  connected  the  arrival  of  the  unknown  guests  with 
the  prophecy  of  Kukulcan  (Quetzalcoatl) ,  foretelling  the  coming  of 
bearded  white  men  from  the  land  of  the  rising  sun,  and  also  that  they 
had  knowledge  of  Spaniards,  from  the  time  of  the  wreck  of  Valdivia's 
men,  whom  they  had  probably  helped  to  sacrifice  and  eat. 

The  Spaniards  passed  an  anxious  night,  listening  to  the  noisy 
preparations  of  the  Indians  for  battle,  and  in  consulting  vainly  to 
discover  some  escape.  At  dawn,  a  hand-to-hand  fight  was  fiercely 
waged,  the  Indians  showing  no  fear  of  fire-arms,  and  driving  the 
retreating  Spaniards  into  the  sea.  Fifty  Spaniards  were  killed, 
and  one,  Alonzo  Bote,  and  a  Portuguese,  were  captured  alive.  Bemal 
Diaz  says  that  every  soldier  but  one  had  from  one  to  four 
wounds,  for  which  the  only  dressing  was  fat  taken  from  the  dead 
Indians;  he  himself  had  three  and  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba 
had  twelve  wounds.  The  name  of  Mala  Pelea  was  given  the  place  to 
commemorate  this  disaster. 

The  Spaniards  found  here  the  crosses  which  excited  such  interest 
and  speculation  that  later  a  whole  literature  grew  up  to  explain  them. 
Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  had  also  seen  crosses  in  Cozumel 
(Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  iii.,  Oviedo,  lib.  xvii.,  cap.  viii.;  Gomara,  Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  cap.  Iii.,  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolog.,  cap.  cxxv.). 

The  crosses  found  in  various  parts  of  Mexico  were  of  several  kinds. 
Those  discovered  in  the  western  coast  provinces,  show  a  Buddhistic 
type,  while  those  in  the  eastern  parts  are  like  either  the  simple  Latin  or 
Greek  shapes.  The  cross  at  Metztitlan  had  the  Tau  form,  while  the 
famous  one  at  Palenque  presents  no  features  by  which  it  may  be 
accurately  classified,   and  has  been  thought  to  be  an  astronomical 

175 


176  Letters  of  Cortes 

sign,  or  an  emblem  of  the  four  winds.  That  the  cross  was  an  object 
of  cult  amongst  the  Indians  is  certain,  though  there  is  much  disagree- 
ment amongst  authorities  as  to  its  origin,  age,  and  significance.  Bemal 
Diaz  says  that  if  it  was  of  Christian  origin  and  meaning,  the  natives 
had  forgotten  them,  and  Oviedo,  who  even  regarded  the  existence  of 
these  crosses  as  a  fable,  maintained  that  if  they  did  exist,  and  the  Indians 
ever  had  known  why  they  venerated  them,  they  had  long  since  lost, 
their  knowledge.  (Oviedo,  lib.  xvii.,  cap.  viii.).  Gomara  described 
the  cross  seen  at  Cozumel  as  the  rain-god,  and  said  that  quails  were 
sacrificed  before  it  (Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  liv.). 

The  cross  was  an  instrument  of  punishment  among  the  Egyptians, 
Persians,  Macedonians,  Greeks,  and  Romans,  as  also  among  Buddhist 
peoples.  Hardly  an  ancient  religion  is  found  in  which  some  form  of 
cross  does  not  appear  as  a  symbol.  Among  the  Aryan  races,  two 
crossed  sticks  were  the  emblem  of  the  sacred  fire,  produced  by  friction 
called  pramatha,  from  which  comes  the  name  Prometheus,  of  Vedic  ori- 
gin. The  Tom  borne  by  Isis,  symbolised  the  rainy  season  (hence  fertility) 
in  Abyssinia,  and,  in  the  Egyptian  cult,  was  the  emblem  of  fecundation, 
(phallus  of  Osiris).  Among  the  Jews,  the  cross  had  no  sacred  char- 
acter, but  was  on  the  contrary,  the  vilest  instrument  of  capital 
punishment. 


APPENDIX  II. 

This  "making  a  requirement'.'  was  at  once  a  naive  and  arrogant 
formality  by  which  the  Spaniards  sought  to  give  legal  sanction  to  their 
high-handed  invasion  and  claims  on  the  Indians'  submission.  By  a 
bull  dated  May  4,  1493,  Alexander  VI.  gave  in  donation  to  the  Spanish 
sovereigns  all  lands  which  might  be  discovered  in  the  new  world, 
defined  by  a  line  drawn  one  hundred  leagues  west  of  the  Azores  and 
Cape  Verde  Islands.  A  convention  was  afterwards  signed  between 
Spain  and  Portugal  at  Tordesillas,  removing  the  line  seventy  leagues 
further  westward. 

Martin  V.  had  made  a  similar  grant  to  the  Portuguese  in  the  East 
Indies  in  1420,  which  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  Nicholas  V.  and 
Calixtus  III.  Orozco  y  Berra  observes  that,  whatever  may  be  thought 
to-day  of  such  a  concession,  it  is  certain  that  it  gave  an  undoubted 
right  to  the  sovereigns  thus  favoured,  which  nobody,  whether  nation, 
king,  or  philosopher,  disputed  at  that  time.  Pope  Alexander's  bull 
had  the  condition  attached,  that  the  natives  of  the  countries  discovered 
should  be  Christianised. 

Such,  therefore,  was  the  high  authority  on  which  the  "require- 
ment" was  based.  The  form  of  this  document  was  invented,  and 
drawn  up,  by  Dr.  Palacios  Rubios,  a  jurisconsul,  and  member  of  the 
Royal  Council,  for  the  use  of  Pedrarias  de  Avila,  coming  afterwards 
to  serve  in  the  other  colonies. 

The  requirement  began  thus:  "On  the  part  of  the  King  Fernando, 
and  of  the  Queen  Doña  Juana,  his  daughter.  Queen  of  Castile,  Leon, 
etc.,  rulers  of  the  barbarous  natives:  we  their  servants  notify  and 
make  it  known,  to  you,  as  best  we  can,  that  the  living  and  eternal  God, 
our  Lord,  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  a  man  and  a  woman, 
of  whom  you,  and  we,  and  all  men  in  the  world  are  descendants,  as  well 
as  all  who  shall  come  after  us.  However,  because  of  the  multitude 
of  generations  issuing  from  these,  in  the  five  thousand  years  since  the 
creation  of  the  world,  it  was  necessary  that  some  should  go  one  way, 
and  some  another,  and  that  they  should  be  divided  into  many  king- 
doms and  provinces,  as  they  could  not  maintain  themselves  in  one. 
God,  our  Lord  gave  the  charge  of  all  these  poeple  to  one  called  St. 
Peter,  that  he  should  be  lord  and  superior  over  all  men  in  the  world, 
and  that  all  should  obey  him,  and  that  he  should  be  the  head  of  all  the 
human  race,  and  should  love  all  men  of  whatsoever  land,  religion,  and 
belief ;  and  He  gave  him  the  world  for  his  kingdom  ordering  his  seat  to  be 

VOL.  I. — 12  177 


178  Letters  of  Cortes 

placed  in  Rome,  as  the  place  best  suited  for  ruling  the  world;  but  he 
was  permitted  also  to  establish  his  seat  in  any  other  part  of  the  world, 
and  to  judge  and  govern  all  peoples,  Christians,  Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles, 
and  of  whatsoever  other  sect  or  creed  they  might  be"  etc.  (Orozco  y 
Berra,  vol.  iv.,  p.  86.). 

The  provisions  of  the  bull  giving  the  dominion  over  America  to 
the  Spanish  sovereigns  then  followed. 

The  notary  or  clerk  who  accompanied  the  expedition  read  this 
unique  document,  indifferent  to  the  fact  that  the  Indians  could  not 
comprehend  a  word,  even  were  they  near  enough  to  hear,  and  some- 
times the  reading  would  take  place  with  no  Indians  at  all  present. 
All  scruples  were  satisfied  by  this  formality,  and,  if  submission  did  not 
follow,  the  commander  dealt  with  the  natives  as  with  obdurate  rebels 
against  the  royal  authority. 

The  way  for  the  conquest  was  already  prepared,  and  the  Aztec 
historians,  as  well  as  the  earUest  Spanish  authorities,  record  that,  for 
a  ntmiber  of  years,  the  belief  that  the  hour  of  the  Empire's  dissolution 
was  at  hand  had  been  steadily  gaining  ground,  promoted  by  several 
events  which  were  regarded  as  supernatural  warnings  of  the  approach- 
ing downfall.  The  lake  of  Texcoco  had  in  15 10  risen  suddenly,  and 
inundated  the  city,  without  any  visible  cause  or  accompanying  earth- 
quake or  tempest;  one  of  the  towers  of  the  great  teocalli  was  destroyed 
in  1511  by  a  mysterious  conflagration,  which  resisted  all  efforts  to 
extinguish  it ;  comets,  strange  lights  in  the  skies,  accompanied  by  shoot- 
ing stars,  and  weird  noises,  were  all  interpreted  by  the  astrologers 
as  portents  of  gloomy  presage.  The  miraculous  resurrection,  three 
days  after  her  death  of  Montezuma's  sister,  the  Princess  Papantzin 
who  brought  him  a  prophetic  warning  from  her  tomb,  is  reported  at 
length  by  Clavigero  (vol.  i.,  p.  289).  Legal  proofs  of  this  event, 
which  occurred  in  1509,  were  afterwards  forwarded  to  the  Spanish 
court.  The  princess  is  said  to  have  lived  many  years,  and  to  have 
been  the  first  person  to  receive  Christian  baptism  which  she  did  in 
Tlatelolco,  in  1524,  being  henceforth  known  as  Doña  Ana  Papantzin, 
Her  life  became  a  model  of  Christian  virtue.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  exact  nature  of  this  occurrence,  the  reported  miracle  doubt- 
less rests  upon  some  fact  which  was  interpreted  by  the  Mexicans  as 
supernatural. 


APPENDIX  III. 

The  messengers  carried  also  the  first  letter  of  Cortes,  which  has 
never  since  been  found.  It  could  not  have  differed  essentially  from 
the  letter  of  the  magistrates  of  Vera  Cruz,  as  the  one  was  intended 
to  confirm  the  other.  Bemal  Diaz  says  that  Cortes's  letter  made  no 
mention  of  the  discoveries  of  Cordoba,  and  Grijalba,  and  that  he 
wished  all  such  to  be  suppressed  in  the  collective  letter,  though  he  was 
satisfied  with  its  references  to  himself.  After  assisting  at  a  mass,  said 
by  Fray  Bartolomé  de  Olmedo,  the  two  envoys  sailed  on  July  i6, 
1 5 19,  and  they  took  with  them  the  royal  fifth  of  all  the  gold,  besides 
the  other  treasures  which  Cortes  had  induced  the  men  to  surrender, 
in  order  to  make  up  an  imposing  gift  to  the  Emperor.  By  Bemal 
Diaz,  the  sailing  date  is  once  given  as  the  i6th  of  July,  and  in  another 
place  as  the  6th ;  Gomara  gives  the  26th.  They  were  enjoined  to  sail  by 
the  channel  of  the  Bahamas,  and  to  avoid  Cuba,  but  they  disobeyed 
this  warning,  and  stopped  several  days  at  Marien,  where  Montejo 
had  a  property  near  by.  They  renewed  their  supplies  at  this  place, 
and  showed  some  of  the  treasure  to  a  servant,  besides  which,  Montejo 
also  wrote  to  a  former  overseer  of  his,  Juan  de  Reja,  who  had  mean- 
while passed  into  Diego  Velasquez's  service,  and  as  through  him  the 
governor  learned  of  what  was  happening,  he  promptly  dispatched 
a  vessel  to  overhaul  the  messengers,  and  bring  them  back ;  but  he  was 
too  late.  The  envoys  landed,  early  in  October,  15 12,  but  Benito  Mar- 
tin, a  friend  and  agent  of  Velasquez's,  was  already  advised  of  their 
coming,  and  lodged  a  complaint  with  the  Casa  de  Contractacion  in 
Seville,  in  which  he  described  Cortes  as  a  rebel  against  his  superior's 
authority,  and  asked  for  the  arrest  of  the  envoys,  and  the  sequestration 
of  the  letters,  and  the  treasure.  He  found  a  ready  ally  in  Rodriguez 
de  Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  was  omnipotent  as  President  of 
the  Royal  Council  for  the  Indies,  a  warm  friend  and  supporter  of 
Velasquez's,  with  whose  family  his  own  was  about  to  be  connected 
by  a  marriage. 

Peter  Martyr,  who  was  then  at  Court,  and  noted  every  circum- 
stance of  interest,  mentions  the  arrival  of  the  two  envoys  in  December 
as  "recent,"  which  might  mean  that  he  had  only  recently  heard  of  it. 
All  authorities  agree  that  they  got  a  rough  reception  from  the  Bishop 
of  Burgos,  and  saw  the  Emperor  only  in  March,  1520,  after  many 
difficulties.  This  audience  was  at  Tordesillas,  where  His  Majesty 
was  then  paying  a  visit  to  his  mother.  Doña  Juana,  before  proceeding 

179 


1 8o  Letters  of  Cortes 

to  Santiago  de  Compostella.  Bernal  Diaz  would  seem  to  be  the 
original  authority  for  the  erroneous  statement  that  Charles  V.  was  in 
Flanders  at  this  time,  which  has  been  repeated  by  many  later  histo- 
rians. Charles  had  arrived  in  Spain  in  Nov.  1517.  Peter  Martyr, 
however,  says  that  the  Emperor  had  then  already  seen  the  gold  and 
presents  from  Mexico,  which  confirms  another  authority,  who  states 
that  while  they  were  stopped  by  the  Bishop  in  Seville,  Martin  Cortes, 
the  father  of  Fernando,  and  an  official  of  the  Royal  Council,  who  was 
friendly,  one  Nunez  contrived  to  forward  duplicates  of  the  despatches 
to  the  Emperor,  and  a  memorial  describing  the  Bishop  of  Burgos's 
behaviour,  and  the  sequestration  of  the  treasures.  The  Emperor  was 
well  impressed  by  the  letters,  and  ordered  the  gifts  to  be  sent  on  to 
him.  He  was,  however,  so  absorbed  with  business  of  importance, 
prior  to  quitting  the  country  for  Germany  to  assume  the  imperial 
crown,  that  he  left  without  giving  a  decision.  The  envoys  followed 
him  to  La  Coruña  and  there  exists,  in  the  archives  of  Simancas,  the 
deposition  given  under  oath  before  Dr.  Carbajal,  member  of  the  Royal 
Council  for  the  Indies,  by  Francisco  Fernandez  Puertocarrero,  dated, 
Coruña,  April  30,  1520,  copied  by  Prescott,  Appendix  VII.  The 
memorial  of  Benito  Martin  is  found,  according  to  Prescott,  in  the  collec- 
tion of  MSS.,  made  by  Don  Vargas  Ponce,  sometime  president  of  the 
Academy  of  History. 


APPENDIX  IV. 

Human  sacrifices  were  very  general  among  all  the  Mexican  tribes, 
at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  description  here 
given  of  the  horrible  temple  rites  is  in  no  way  exaggerated,  but  is  in- 
deed rather  meagre.  The  practice  is  traced,  by  some  historians,  to 
the  tribe  of  the  Mexi,  which  descended  from  Tenoch,  son  of  Iztacmix- 
coatl,  the  progenitor  of  the  Nahoa  family,  but,  with  what  justice, 
does  not  clearly  appear,  as  this  people  may  have  received  it  from  some 
tribe  or  race  preceding,  or  allied,  to  them.  Prisoners  taken  in  war 
were  the  most  highly  prized  victims,  but  failing  these,  or  for  the  cele- 
bration of  minor  festivals,  slaves  were  easily  bought,  or  were  offered  by 
their  owners  for  the  purpose.  Small  infants  were  also  commonly  sold 
by  their  mothers,  and  instances  of  free-born  men  offering  them- 
selves as  victims,  for  one  motive  or  another,  were  not  unknown. 
The  victims  were  frequently  drugged,  in  such  wise  that  they  went  un- 
consciously, or  even  willingly  to  the  altar.  If  a  great  festival,  requir- 
ing many,  and  choice,  victims,  fell  in  a  time  of  peace,  war  would  be 
undertaken  upon  any  frivolous  pretext,  in  order  to  procure  the  desired 
offerings. 

The  rites  were  carefully  prescribed,  and  were  of  the  most  solemn 
description.  Different  kinds  of  sacrificial  stones  were  used  for  different 
classes  of  victims;  the  usual  one  called  iechcail  is  described  by  Veladas 
{Rhetorica  Christiana)  as  "Mensa  quadrata  magna  non  et  splendida 
habent  singula  latera  longitudinent  trium  ulnarunt  non  absimilis  lapidéis 
illis  qucB  inter  Romana  monumento  ad  hunc  servantur." 

This  table-shaped  stone  was  about  waist  high,  and  stood  as  an  in- 
verted pyramid.  Six  priests  officiated,  five  of  whom  held  the  arms, 
legs,  and  head,  of  the  victim,  who  was  stretched  upon  the  stone  in  such 
wise  as  to  throw  his  chest  well  forward.  These  five  had  their  faces 
and  bodies  painted  black,  with  a  white  line  around  the  mouth;  their 
hair  was  bound  up  with  a  leather  band,  and  ornamented  with  tufts  of 
coloured  papers;  their  vestment  was  a  white  dalmatic,  striped  with 
black. 

The  sixth  priest  was  the  celebrant  whose  vestment  varied  according 
to  the  feast,  or  the  deity,  to  be  propitiated.  His  head  was  adorned  with 
coloured  plumes,  and  in  his  ears  were  golden  ornaments,  set  with  green 
stones,  while  a  blue  stone  was  set  in  his  under  lip.  Pronouncing  the 
words  of  the  ritual,  he  plunged  a  sharp  knife,  made^of  silex,  into  the 
victim's  breast,  and,  quickly  thrusting  his  hand  into  the  opening, 

i8i 


1 82  Letters  of  Cortes 

tore  out  the  beating  heart,  which  he  first  elevated,  and  then  deposited 
at  the  feet  of  the  image  of  the  god.  Sometimes  the  heart  was  placed 
in  a  vase,  and  left  standing  on  the  altar,  or  it  might  be  buried,  or  pre- 
served with  divers  ceremonies,  as  a  relic,  or  it  might  be  eaten  by  the 
priests;  the  fresh  blood  was  smeared  on  the  lips  of  the  idols.  If  the 
victim  were  a  prisoner  taken  in  battle,  his  head  was  given  to  the  priests, 
to  be  kept  as  a  trophy,  the  entrails  were  fed  to  the  dogs,  and  the  other 
parts  of  the  body  were  cooked  with  maize,  and  offered  in  small  pieces 
to  the  guests  invited  to  partake  by  the  giver  of  the  sacrificial  feast. 

The  warrior  who  had  captured  the  victim  in  battle  could  not  eat  of 
the  latter's  flesh,  as  a  sort  of  spiritual  relationship  was  held  to  exist 
between  them,  not  dissimilar  to  that  of  a  sponsor  and  his  god-child  in 
Christian  baptism,  or  even  closer,  for  the  flesh  of  the  victim  was  con- 
sidered also  as  the  very  flesh  of  the  captor.  The  eating  of  this  human 
body  was  not  an  act  of  gluttonous  cannibalism  alone,  but  was  believed 
to  have  mystic  significance,  the  flesh  having  undergone  some  mysterious 
transmutation,  by  virtue  of  the  sacrificial  rite,  and  to  be  really  conse- 
crated; it  was  spoken  of  also,  as  the  true  body  of  the  deity,  to  whom 
it  was  offered,  and,  also,  as  the  "food  of  soul."  None  but  chiefs,  and 
distinguished  persons,  specially  designated,  were  permitted  to  partake 
of  the  sacramental  feast,  which  was  celebrated  with  much  ceremony 
and  gravity.  If  the  victim  were  a  slave,  the  rites  were  similar,  but 
simpler.  Orozco  y  Berra,  in  the  first,  and  the  third  volumes  of  his 
authoritative  work,  gives  the  fullest,  and  most  interesting  information 
on  human  sacrifices  amongst  the  Mexicans. 


SECOND  LETTER 


183 


SECOND  LETTER 

Sent  to  his  Sacred  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  Our  Realm, 
by  the  Captain-Generai  of  New  Spain,  called  Don  Fer- 
nando Cortes,  in  which  he  gives  an  account  of  the  countries 
and  innumerable  provinces  which  hechas  discovered  in 
Yucatan,  from  the  year  15 19  to  the  present  time,  and  has 
subjected  to  the  Crown  of  His  Royal  Majesty.  He  makes 
special  relation  of  a  very  great,  and  very  rich,  province 
called  Culua,  in  which  there  are  many  great  cities,  and 
marvellous  edifices,  having  much  commerce  and  wealth. 
Amongst  these  there  is  one  more  marvellous  and  richer 
than  all  the  others,  called  Temixtitan,  which  by  marvellous 
art  has  been  built  on  a  great  lake;  of  which  city  and  pro- 
vince, a  very  great  lord,  called  Montezuma,  is  king;  in  which, 
things,  frightful  to  be  heard,  were  suffered  by  the  Captain, 
and  the  Spaniards.  He  describes  at  length  the  vast  do- 
minion of  the  said  Montezuma,  and  its  customs  and  cere- 
monies, and  how  he  is  served. 


Very  Great  and  Powerful,  and  Very  Catholic  Prince, 
Most  Invincible  Emperor,  Our  Lord.  In  a  ship,  which  I 
despatched  from  this  Your  Sacred  Majesty's  New  Spain, 
on  the  sixteenth  of  July  15 19,  I  sent  to  Your  Royal  High- 
ness a  very  long  and  particular  account  of  everything 
which  had  happened  from  the  time  of  my  arrival  here 
until  that  time;  this  said  account  was  taken  by  Alonzo 
Hernandez  Puertocarrero,  and  Francisco  de  Montejo, 
procurators  of  the  Rica  Villa  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  which 
I  had  founded   in   the  name  of  Your  Royal  Highness. 

185 


1 86  Letters  of  Cortes 

Having  had  no  opportunity  since  then,  not  only  for  the 
want  of  ships,  and  being  myself  occupied  in  the  con- 
quest and  pacification  of  this  country,  but  also  because 
nothing  has  been  heard  of  the  said  ships  and  the  pro- 
curators, I  have  related  nothing  more  to  Your  Majesty 
concerning  what  has  since  been  done.  'God  knows  the 
pain  which  this  has  caused  me,  for  I  have  wished  that 
Your  Highness  should  understand  the  afiairs  of  this 
country,  which  is  so  great  and  important,  since,  as  I  have 
already  said  in  my  other  account,  it  is  no  less  worthy 
to  warrant  your  assuming  anew  the  title  of  Emperor,  than 
is  Germany,  of  which,  by  the  grace  of  God,  Your  Sacred 
Majesty  already  possesses  the  title.  / 

It  would  entail  going  on  indefinitely,  were  I  to  at- 
tempt to  tell  Your  Highness  all  the  particulars,  and  every- 
thing relating  to  these  parts  and  new  kingdoms,  and 
everything  in  them  worthy  to  be  told ;  I  beg  Your  Sacred 
Majesty  to  hold  me  pardoned,  if  I  do  not  give  so  full  an 
account  to  Your  Highness  as  I  ought,  because  neither 
my  ability,  nor  my  opportunity  at  this  time,  favour  my 
doing  so.  I  shall,  nevertheless,  endeavour  to  tell  Your 
Highness  the  truth  in  the  best  manner  possible,  and  what, 
for  the  present,  is  necessary  that  Your  Majesty  should 
know;  and  I  must  likewise  crave  Your  Highness's  pardon 
if  I  do  not  recount  all  that  is  necessary,  the  precise  when 
and  how,  and  if  I  should  not  specify  some  names,  not 
only  of  cities  and  towns,  but  also  of  provinces  which, 
giving  themselves "  for  your  subjects  and  vassals,  have 
offered  their  allegiance  to  Your  Majesty.  This  I  beg, 
because,  in  a  certain  recent  misfortune,  of  which  I  will 
hereafter  in  this  writing  give  a  full  account  to  Your 
Highness,  I  have  lost  all  my  papers,  and  the  official 
agreements,  which  I  had  made  with  the  natives  of  this 
country,  besides  many  other  things. 

In  my  other  account.  Most  Excellent  Prince,  I  told 
Your  Majesty  of  all  the  cities  and  towns  which  until  then 


Second  Letter  187 

had  offered  themselves  to  your  royal  service,  and  which 
I  held  subjugated  and  conquered  for  you.  I  also  men- 
tioned that  I  had  information  of  a  great  lord  called 
Montezuma,^  of  whom  the  natives  of  this  country  had 
told  me,  and  who  lived,  according  to  their  computation 
of  distances,  about  ninety  or  a  hundred  leagues  from 
the  coast  and  port  where  I  had  disembarked;  and  that, 

>  Muteczuma,  Motezuma,  Motecuhzoma  are  some  of  the  various 
forms  used,  but,  amongst  the  several  spellings  of  the  Aztec  sovereign's 
name,  it  seems  simpler  to  adopt  the  one  sanctioned  by  the  best  English 
and  American  usage — Montezuma. 

Montezuma  Xocoyotzin  was  one  of  the  six  sons  of  the  King  Axay- 
acatl  (a.d.  1469-81),  and  was  unanimously  chosen  by  the  electors  to 
succeed  his  uncle,  Ahuitzotl,  from  amongst  the  eligible  princes,  who, 
in  that  instance,  were  his  own  five  brothers,  and  the  seven  sons  of  the 
deceased  emperor.  Montezuma  II  assumed  the  appellation  of  "Xoco- 
yotzin" upon  his  accession,  signifying  "younger,"  to  distinguish  him 
from  the  elder  Montezuma,  Ilhuicamina.  Prescott  gives  his  age  as 
twenty-three  at  the  time  of  election,  but  I  prefer  to  follow  the  authority 
of  the  Tezozomoc  MS.,  given  in  Orozco  y  Berra,  which  states  that  he 
was  bom  in  i486  and  was  hence  thirty-four  years  old. 

His  early  career  was  that  of  a  successful  soldier,  from  which  he 
passed  into  the  priesthood,  rising  to  the  grade  of  a  pontiff.  At  that 
time  he  was  held  in  great  veneration  by  the  people,  as  one  who  received 
revelations  from  the  gods,  and  his  strict  life  was  a  model  to  his  fellows. 
It  is  related  that,  when  the  news  of  his  election  to  the  imperial  throne 
was  brought  to  him,  he  was  found  sweeping  the  steps  of  the  temple 
whose  altars  he  served.  His  temperament  was  theocratic;  he  ruled 
sternly,  and  ill-brooked  opposition,  or  even  counsel,  but  he  was  princely 
in  recompensing  faithful  service.  He  had  embellished  his  capital, 
but  the  liberality  which  built  an  aqueduct,  a  hospital,  and  new  temples 
in  the  city,  cost  the  subject  provinces  dear,  and  Montezuma  being  both 
despotic  and  a  heavy  tax-levier,  was  more  feared  than  loved  by  his 
people  and  allies.  Loving  order,  he  understood  the  science  of  govern- 
ment, but  his  finer  qualities  were  marred  by  his  inordinate  pride,  and 
most  of  all  by  the  ferocious  superstition  which  finally  lost  him  his  throne 
and  his  life.  The  policy  he  adopted  with  Cortes  was  fatal,  and  shows  us 
the  pitiful  figure  of  the  monarch  struggling,  not  against  the  power 
of  an  invading  force,  but  taken  in  the  coils  of  his  own  superstition,  and 
reduced  to  a  humble  suppliant,  offering  rich  bribes  to  the  man  he 
could  have  annihilated.  The  treasures  he  thus  incautiously  exposed, 
argued  the  existence  of  still  greater  in  reserve,  and  whetted  the  Span- 
iard's craving  for  more. 

An  account  of  Montezuma's  death  will  be  found  in  a  later  note. 


i88  Letters  of  Cortes 

confiding  in  the  greatness  of  God,  and  relying  on  the 
power  of  Your  Highness's  Royal  name,  I  had  decided 
to  go  and  see  him,  wherever  he  might  be.  I  even  re- 
member that  I  offered,  so  far  as  this  lord  was  concerned, 
to  accompHsh  the  impossible,  for  I  vowed  to  Your  Royal 
Highness,  that  I  would  have  him  prisoner,  or  dead,  or 
subject  to  the  Royal  Crown  of  Your  Majesty. 

With  this  purpose  and  determination,  I  left  the  city 
of  Cempoal,  ^  which  I  had  named  Seville,  on  the  sixteenth 
Cortes  Be-  ^^  August,  with  fifteen  horsemen,  and  three 
gins  his  hundred  foot  soldiers,  all  equipped  for  war,  as 
March  to  best  I  was  able,  and  as  time  permitted.  I  left 
exico  ^  ^j^^  town  of  Vera  Cruz,  two  horsemen,  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  engaged  in  building  a  fort, 
which  I  have  now  almost  finished,  and  I  left  all  that 
province  of  Cempoal,  and  all  the  neighbouring  mountain 
regions  near  the  said  town,  which  contained  some  fifty 
thousand  warriors,  and  fifty  towns  and  forts,  all  well 
pacified,  and  secure,  and  very  devoted  as  loyal  vassals 
of  Your  Majesty,  such  as  they  have  been,  and  are, 
until  now.  _  According  to  my  information,  they  were 
subjects  of  that  lord,  IMontezuma,  by  force,  and  since  a 
short  time  only,  and,  when  they  learned  from  me  of  Your 
Highness's  great  and  royal  power,  they  declared  they 
wished  to  become  vassals  of  Your  Royal  Majesty,  and  my 
friends,  and  they  prayed  me  to  protect  them  against  that 
great  lord,  who  held  them  subject  by  force  and  tyranny, 
and  took  away  their  sons,  to  kill  and  sacrifice  them  to  their 
idols;  and  making  many  other  complaints  against  him. 
Thus,  they  are,  and  have  continued,  very  firm  and  loyal 
in  the  service  of  Your  Highness,  and  I  believe  they  will 

1  Cempoal.  Found  with  many  variations  of  spelling  such  as 
Cenipoal,  Cempoalla,  Zempoala,  etc.  The  town  was  situated  between 
the  two  rivers  Chatcalacac  and  Actopan,  a  little  more  than  a  league 
from  the  sea.  It  was  a  well  built  town  in  the  midst  of  a  fertile  coun- 
try, four  leagues  from  Vera  Cruz;  and  still  preserves  its  Indian  name. 
A  Spanish  lad  of  twelve  was  left  at  Cempoal  to  learn  the  language. 


30 


viontezuma's  palace. 
Temple  of  Tezcatlipoca. 
Vviary. 

'alace  of  A xayacatl  (Spanish  quarters). 
Jreat  temple, 
"alace  of  .Viontezuma  I.,  Ilhiilcamina. 
alnce  of  Tlilancolqui. 
he  «rcat  square, 
vlenagerie. 

vlarkct-place  of  Mexico. 
Cezoutlalamacoyan     (tcocalli),      present      site     of 

S.  Catherine,  Martyr, 
iuitznahuac  (tcocalli). 
'leeting-place  of  Montezuma  and  Cortes. 
"ei?il>le  of  Atzacualco. 
'alace  of   Xacatulco   (Quauhtemotzin's   residence 

during  the  siege), 
iarket-place  of  Tlatclolco. 
Temple  of  Tlatelolco. 
^emple  of  Xoluco. 
Iridie  of  Ttchautzinco. 
iridi;e  of  'i'olteacalli   (site  of  the  Church   of  the 

Martyrs), 
iridgc  of  I'oltecaacaplan  (Alvarado's  leap). 
lUdience  hall  (present  church  of  hanta  Anal, 
'emple  of  Cihuatecpan  or  Xochotilla  (present  S. 

Francisco), 
'ernple  of  Coyonacazco  also  called  Amaxac. 
'etinantitech  :  final  stand  of  the  Mexicans,  where 

the  present  Church  of  the  Conception  stands, 
'emplc  of  Apahuaztlan. 
emple  of  Nomoxco. 
'emple  of  Petlacalli. 
ortress  of  Xoloc. 
lonohualco. 
uicacolco  (teocallij. 


t^ 


/ 


PLAN    OK    MK.XKO    TKNOCIITITI.AN 

From  Conquista  Je  Mexico,  vol.  iv.,  by  Oiozcd  y  Herra 


Second  Letter  189 

always  remain  so,  not  only  to  escape  from  his  tyranny, 
but  also  because  they  have  always  been  well  treated  and 
favoured  by  me.  For  the  greater  security  of  those 
who  remained  at  Vera  Cruz  I  brought  some  of  their 
principal  men,  and  some  of  their  people  with  me,  who 
have  been  not  a  little  useful  to  me  on  the  road. 

I  believe  I  have  already  written  to  Your  Majesty,  in 
my  first  account,  that  some  of  my  company,  who  had 
been  servants  and  friends  of  Diego  Velasquez,  were  vexed 
by  what  I  had  accomplished  in  the  service  of  Your  High- 
ness, and  some  of  them  even  wanted  to  rebel,  and  desert 
me  in  the  country;  especially  four  Spaniards  who  were 
called  Juan  Escudero,  Diego  Cermeño,  a  pilot,  Gonzalo 
de  Ungria,  also  a  pilot,  and  Alonzo  Péñate.  These,  as  they 
voluntarily  confessed,  had  determined  to  seize  a  brigan- 
tine,  then  in  the  port,  with  a  certain  quantity  of  bread 
and  meat,  to  kill  the  master  of  it,  and  return  to  the  island 
of  Femandina,  that  they  might  report  to  Diego  Velasquez 
that  I  was  sending  to  Your  Royal  Highness  the  ship,  which 
I  sent  with  what  it  contained,  and  the  course  it  would 
take.  This  was  to  enable  the  said  Diego  Velasquez  to 
put  ships  on  guard,  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  it,  as 
he  did  when  he  afterwards  came  to  know  it,  for,  as  I 
was  informed,  he  sent  a  caravel  after  the  said  ship,  which 
would  have  been  captured,  if  it  had  not  already  passed. 
And  they  likewise  confessed,  that  other  persons  shared 
the  same  wish  to  warn  the  said  Diego  Velasquez.  Having 
seen  the  confessions  of  these  delinquents,  I  punished  them 
according  to  justice,  and  as  it  seemed  to  me  the  needs 
of  the  times,  and  the  interests  of  Your  Royal  Highness's 
service  demanded. 

Besides  those,  who  acted  thus  because  they  were 
servants  and  friends  of  Diego  Velasquez,  there  Destruction 
were    others    who    wanted   to   leave    on    see-  of  the 

ing    how    large    and    populous    the    country  ^'^®* 

was,    while    the    Spaniards    were    so    few.       Believing 


I  go  Letters  of  Cortes 

that,  if  I  left  the  ships  there,  they  would  revolt  with 
them,  and,  all  those  of  like  mind  deserting,  I  would  be 
left  almost  alone,  by  which  the  great  service  which  I  had 
rendered  to  God  and  Your  Highness  in  this  country  would 
be  undone,  I  determined,  on  the  pretext  that  they  were 
unseaworthy,  to  have  the  said  ships  beached.  ^  Thus, 
everybody  lost  hope  of  ever  leaving  the  country,  and  I 
set  out  on  my  march,  securely,  without  fear  that,  when 
I  turned  my  back,  the  people  whom  I  had  left  in  the 
town  would  fail  me. 

Eight  or  ten  days  after  having  beached  the  ships,  and 
when  I  had  gone  to  the  city  of  Cempoal,  which  is  about 
four  leagues  distant,  'Whence  to  continue  my  march,  they 
brought  me  new^s  in  that  town,  that  four  ships  were 
running  along  the  coast,  and  that  the  captain,  whom  I 
had  left  there,  had  gone  out  to  them  in  a  boat.     I  had 

1  The  destruction  of  the  ships  is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  epi- 
sodes in  the  eventful  history  of  the  conquest,  and  Cortes,  in  reporting 
it  to  the  Emperor,  assumes  exclusively  the  credit  of  the  heroic  decision 
and  its  execution,  but  throughout  his  narrative  he  is  chary  of  ever 
mentioning  anybody  but  himself.  Gomara  naturally  gives  the  same 
account  and  Prescott  accepts  his  version,  as  do  other  reputable  his- 
torians. Bernal  Diaz,  who  figures  always  as  the  great  objector  and 
corrector,  contradicts  this  account  very  positively,  and  says  that  the 
destruction  of  the  ships  was  decided  upon  after  a  general  discussion, 
and  that  Cortes  was  unwilling  to  accept  any  responsibility  either  for 
their  demolition  or  for  their  cost  if  there  should  later  arise  a  necessity  to 
pay  for  them  to  their  rightful  owners.  He  refutes  with  emphatic  scorn 
Gomara's  assertion  that  Cortes  feared  to  tell  the  soldiers  of  his  inten- 
tion to  push  into  the  interior  in  search  of  the  great  Montezuma,  ex- 
claiming: "  What  sort  of  Spaniards  are  we,  not  to  want  to  push  ahead, 
but  to  stop  where  we  had  no  hardships  or  fighting!"  The  Relación 
of  Andres  de  Tapia  (who  was  also  an  eye-witness)  agrees  with  Bernal 
Diaz.  Puertocarrero  replied  in  La  Coruña  in  the  same  sense  as  his 
companion  Montejo  (April  29,  1520),  stating  that  the  proposal  to  de- 
stroy all  but  three  of  the  ships  came  from  the  captains  of  them,  who 
declared  them  to  be  unseaworthy,  and  even  the  three  to  be  of  doubtful 
value.  Puertocarrero  and  Montejo  sailed,  as  has  been  said,  on  July 
1 6th,  with  the  treasure  and  the  letters  which  were  dated  July  loth,  so 
that  the  discovery  of  the  conspiracy,  and  the  punishment  of  its  authors, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  ships,  all  took  place  in  those  six  days. 


Second  Letter  191 

been  told  that  they  belonged  to  Francisco  de  Garay,  ^ 
Lieutenant,  and  Governor  of  the  Island  of  Jamaica,  and 
had  come  to  make  discoveries.  My  captain  had  told 
them,  that  I  had  already  settled  the  country  in  the  name 
of  Your  Highness,  and  had  laid  out  a  town  about  a  league 
from  where  the  said  ships  were,  where  they  could  go  and 
make  their  arrival  known  to  me,  and  there  make  any 
repairs  they  might  need.  He  said  he  w^ould  conduct 
them  in  his  barque  to  the  port,  pointing  out  to  them 
where  it  was.  They  had  answered  him,  that  they  had 
already  seen  the  port,  having  passed  in  front  of  it,  and 
that  they  would  do  as  he  said,  so  he  had  returned  with 
the  barque,  but  the  ships  had  not  followed  him  nor  come 
to  the  port.  They  had  still  sailed  along  the  coast,  and,  as 
they  had  not  entered  the  port,  he  did  not  know  what  object 

Clavigero  believes  that  Cortes  induced  some  of  the  pilots  to  scuttle 
one  or  two  of  the  ships,  and  to  then  come  to  him  representing  the  others 
as  unseaworthy  from  being  three  months  in  port. 

Señor  Orozco  y  Berra  is  doubtless  right  in  believing  that  the  idea 
of  destroying  the  ships  originated  with  Cortes,  who  adroitly  suggested 
it  in  such  wise,  and  with  such  arguments,  that  it  came  back  to  him  as  a 
spontaneous  proposal  from  the  others,  prompted,  or  at  least  supported 
by  the  opinions  of  the  pilots  and  ship-captains  that  the  vessels  were 
unsound.  Such  artifice  was  not  alien  to  his  diplomacy,  for  he  usually 
contrived  that  he  should  appear  to  interpret  the  popular  will  as  well 
as  to  serve  the  royal  interests  in  all  his  undertakings. 

'  Francisco  de  Garay  sailed  with  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage. 
Las  Casas  speaks  of  his  great  wealth,  and  says  that  he  had  five  thousand 
Indians  solely  to  look  after  his  pigs.  He  went  to  Spain  as  procurator  for 
San  Domingo,  and  returned  as  Lieut-Governor  of  Jamaica.  When  the 
news  of  the  Cordoba  and  Grijalba  expeditions  became  the  excitement 
of  the  day,  Garay  sent  out  an  exploring  party  under  command  of  Diego 
de  Camargo.  This  discovered  the  Panuco  region,  and,  continuing 
thence  about  one  hundred  leagues  towards  Florida,  finally  returned 
to  Jamaica.  The  Emperor  Charles  V.  granted  him  faculties  for  further 
enterprises,  and  the  title  of  adelantado  of  the  new  countries  he  dis- 
covered. Garay  was  one  of  the  most  cruel  oppressors  of  the  Indians 
and  it  was  said  of  him  that  he  came,  not  to  populate,  but  to  depopulate, 
Jamaica.  This  expedition,  of  which  Cortes  writes,  was  composed  of 
four  ships  carrying  two  hundred  and  seventy  men,  with  horses  and 
cannon,  and  had  sailed  from  Jamaica  towards  the  close  of  1518,  under 
command  of  Alonzo  Alvarez  de  Pineda. 


192  Letters  of  Cortes 

they  had  in  view.  Within  an  hour  after  hearing  what 
the  said  captain  made  known  to  me,  I  left  for  Vera  Cruz, 
where  I  learned  that  the  ships  were  anchored  about  three 
leagues  down  the  coast,  and  that  no  one  had  landed.  I 
then  went  along  the  coast  with  some  people,  to  recon- 
noitre, and,  when  I  was  about  one  league  from  the  ships, 
I  met  three  men  from  them,  amongst  whom  there  was 
one  who  called  himself  a  notary  public,  who  told  me  he 
had  brought  the  other  two  as  witnesses  to  a  certain  noti- 
fication and  requirement  with  which  he  said  their  captain 
had  ordered  him  to  serve  me  on  his  behalf,  and  which 
he  had  brought  with  him.  They  desired  to  make  it 
known  to  me,  that  he  had  discovered  that  country,  and 
wished  to  settle  in  it,  for  which  reason  he  required  me 
to  define  the  boundaries  with  him,  as  he  wished  to  make 
his  settlement  down  the  coast  five  leagues  below  Nautical,  ^ 
which  is  a  city  now  called  Almería,  twelve  leagues  from 
Vera  Cruz.  I  answered  that  their  captain  should  come 
with  his  ships  to  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz,  where  we  could 
talk,  and  I  would  learn  his  intentions,  and,  if  his  ships 
and  people  needed  anything,  I  would  help  them  with 
what  I  could.  Inasmuch  as  he  said  that  he  had  come  in 
the  service  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  I  only  desired  that 
occasion  should  be  given  me  to  serve  Your  Highness, 
and,  in  helping  him,  I  believed  that  I  would  do  this. 
They  repHed,  that  neither  the  captain,  nor  any  of  his 
people,  woidd  on  any  account  land  an5rwhere  that  I 
might  be. 

Believing  that  they  must  have  done  some  harm  in 
the  country,  inasmuch  as  they  were  afraid  to  come  before 
me,  when  night  came  on  I  hid  myself  near  the  coast,  op- 
posite to  where  the  said  ships  were  anchored.  There 
I  remained  concealed  until  the  next  day  about  noon, 
expecting  the  captain  or  his  pilot  to  come  on  shore,  from 

>  The  present  Nautla  in  the  state  of  Vera  Cruz ;  Pineda  named  it 
Almería, 


Second  Letter  193 

whom  I  would  learn  what  they  had  been  doing,  and  where 
they  had  been,  intending,  that  if  they  had  done  any  harm 
in  the  country,  to  send  them  to  Your  Sacred  Majesty;  but 
neither  they  nor  anyone  else  ever  landed.  Seeing  that 
they  did  not  come,  I  made  some  of  my  Spaniards  put 
on  the  clothes  of  those  who  had  come  to  make  me  the 
requirements,  and  directed  them  to  go  to  the  beach,  and 
signal  to  those  on  board  the  ships.  As  soon  as  these 
were  observed  by  those  on  board,  a  barque,  carrying  some 
ten  or  twelve  men,  armed  with  arquebuses  and  muskets, 
came  towards  the  land.  The  Spaniards  who  were  calling 
from  the  shore  retired  from  the  beach  to  some  bushes 
near  by,  as  if  to  take  shelter  in  their  shade,  and  thus  four 
landed,  two  men  with  arquebuses,  and  two  with  muskets. 
These  were  surrounded,  and  taken  prisoners  by  the  people 
whom  I  had  placed  on  the  beach.  One  of  the  captives, 
the  master  of  the  ship,  tried  to  fire  his  weapon,  and  would 
have  killed  my  captain  of  Vera  Cruz,  but  that,  by  Our 
Lord's  will,  the  fuse  did  not  burn.  Those  who  had  re- 
mained in  the  boat,  put  to  sea,  but  before  they  could 
reach  their  ships,  sail  had  been  set,  without  waiting,  or 
troubling  to  hear  anything  about  them. 

I  learned  from  my  prisoners,  how  they  had  arrived  at 
a  river,  ^  which  is  some  thirty  leagues  down  the  coast,  after 
passing  Almería,  and  had  had  a  good  reception  there 
from  the  natives,  and  had  traded  for  some  provisions, 
and  seen  some  gold  which  the  Indians  wore,  although  it 
was  scarce,  that  they  had  obtained  by  trading,  as  much 
as  [three  thousand  castellanos^  worth  of  gold,  and  that 
they  had  not  landed,  but  had  seen  certain  towns  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  so  near,  that  they  could  distinguish 
them  well  from  the  ships,  and  that  there  were  no  buildings 
of  stone,  the  houses  being  of  thatch,  but  very  high  and 
well  built.     All  this  I  knew  more  fully  afterwards,  through 

'  The  Panuco. 

2 The  castellano  was  equivalent  to  $i.  167. 

VOL.  I. — 13 


194  Letters  of  Cortes 

that  great  lord  Montezuma,  and  from  certain  interpreters 

from  that  country  whom  he  had  about  him. 

I   took  these  men,    and   an    Indian   whom  they   had 

brought   in   their   ships   from   the   said  river,  and   sent 

„  ^.  ^.  them,  with  other  messengers  of  the  said  Monte- 
Negotiations  '  =" 

with  the  zuma,  to  the  lord  of  that  river,  called  Panuco, 
Cacique  of  to  win  him  to  Your  Sacred  Majesty's  service. 
Panuco  ^-^j^  them,  he  sent  me  back  a  chief  who,  it 
was  said,  was  chief  of  a  town,  who  brought  me  on  behalf 
of  his  lord  certain  stufis,  and  stones,  and  feathers, 
telling  me  that  he  and  all  his  people  would  be  very  happy 
to  become  vassals  of  Your  Majesty,  and  my  friends.  I  in 
turn  presented  them  with  some  things  from  Spain,  which 
so  satisfied  him,  that,  when  some  other  ships  of  the  said 
Francisco  de  Garay  arrived  (of  which  I  will  make  relation 
to  Your  Highness  hereafter),  the  said  Panuco  sent  me 
word  that  those  ships  were  in  another  river,  some  five 
or  six  days'  journey  from  that  place,  asking  that  I  should 
tell  him  whether  those  who  had  come  in  them  belonged  to 
me,  so  that  he  might  give  them  whatever  they  needed, 
and  that  he  already  had  sent  some  women  and  chickens 
and  other  provisions.  I  marched,  Very  Powerful  Lord, 
three  days  through  the  country  and  lordship  of  Cempoal, 
where  I  was  well  received,  and  entertained  by  the  natives, 
and,  on  the  fourth  day,  I  arrived  in  the  province  called 
Sienchimalen,  ^  where  there  is  a  very  strong  town  ably 
fortified.  It  is  situated  on  the  side  of  a  steep  mountain 
slope,  and  is  approached  by  a  single  pass  of  steps,  by 
which  it  is  impossible  to  enter  except  on  foot,  and 
even  thus  with  great  difficulty,  if  the  natives  wished  to 
defend  it. 

In  the  plains,  there  are  many  hamlets  and  villages, 
with  five,  three,  and  two  hundred  families,  which  will 
furnish  altogether  some  five  or  six  thousand  warriors;  and 
they  are  subject  to  the  rule  of  Montezuma.     Here,  they 

»  Xochimilco  was  the  correct  name ;  it  is  now  called  Xico. 


Second  Letter  195 

received  me  very  well,  and  courteously  gave  me  the 
necessary  provisions  for  my  march,  saying  that  they  knew 
very  well  I  was  going  to  see  Montezuma  their  lord,  and 
that  I  might  rest  assured  he  was  my  friend,  for  he  had 
ordered  them,  in  every  case,  to  give  me  a  good  reception, 
as  by  so  doing  they  w^ould  render  him  a  service.  I 
thanked  them  for  their  courtesy,  saying  that  Your 
Majesty  already  knew  of  Montezuma,  and  had  ordered 
me  to  visit  him. 

I  next  crossed  a  pass,  which  Is  at  the  end  of  this 
province,  and  to  which  we  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  del 
Nombre  de  Dios,  ^  on  account  of  its  being  the  first  we 
have  traversed  in  this  country.  So  steep,  and  so  high,  is 
it,  that  in  all  Spain  there  is  none  so  difficult.  I  passed 
with  entire  safety,  and  without  any  opposition,  and,  on  the 
descent  of  the  said  pass,  there  are  other  hamlets  belong- 
ing to  a  town  and  fort,  called  Ceycocnacan,^  which  also 
belongs  to  Montezuma.  Here  we  were  as  well  received 
as  we  had  been  at  Sienchimalen,  and  the  people  repeated 
what  the  others  had  told  us  of  Montezuma's  good  will, 
and  I  satisfied  them  in  the  same  manner. 

Thence  I  travelled  three  days  through  a  desert,  which, 
on  account  of  its  sterility,  and  want  of  water,  and  the 
very  great  cold  which  prevails,  is  uninhabitable;  where 
God  knows  all  the  trouble  which  the  men  suffered  from 
hunger  and  thirst,  especially  from  tempests  of  hail  and 
rain  which  overtook  us,  making  me  fear  that  many  people 
would  die  of  cold;  and  certain  Indians  from  the  Island  of 
Fernandina  did  die,  because  they  were  ill-clad.  At  the 
end  of  these  three  days,  we  traversed  another  pass,  ^ 
although  not  so  steep  as  the  first  one,  on  the  top  of  which 
was  a  small  tower  like  an  oratory,  where  were  kept  certain 

>  Now  called  Paso  del  Obispo. 

*  Another  name  which  is  spelled  according  to  the  caprice  of  each 
writer;  its  proper  name  was  Ixhuacan,  now  spelled  Ishuacan,  and 
the  tower  is  some  ten  leagues  from  Xalapa. 

3  Identified,  with  probability,  as  the  Sierra  del  Agua. 


196  Letters  of  Cortes 

idols,  and  around  the  tower  were  more  than  a  thousand 
loads  of  cut  wood,  very  well  piled  up,  so  we  named  it 
the  Paso  de  la  Leña.  On  the  descent  of  the  said  pass, 
between  some  very  rough  mountain  chains,  there  is  a 
very  populous  valley,  the  people  of  which  seem  to  be 
poor. 

After  ha.v{ng  marched  about  three  leagues  through  the 
settlement  without  seeing  anything  of  them,  I  arrived  at 
a  somewhat  more  level  place,  where  it  seemed  the  chief 
of  that  valley  lived,  and  which  had  the  largest  and  best 
built  houses  we  had  till  then  seen  in  this  country,  for 
they  were  of  hewn  stone,  quite  new,  and  had  very  large 
and  beautiful  rooms,  and  many  well-arranged  apartments. 
This  valley  and  its  people  are  called  Caltanmi.*  I  was 
very  well  received,  and  lodged  by  the  chief  and  his 
people.  After  having  spoken  to  him  on  the  part  of  Your 
Majesty,  and  told  him  the  cause  of  my  coming  to  these 
parts,  I  asked  him  if  he  also  was  a  vassal  of  Montezuma's, 
or  if  he  belonged  to  some  other  dominion.  He,  wondering 
at  what  I  asked  him,  answered  me,  "  And  who  is  not  a 
vassal  of  Montezuma's?"  as  much  as  to  say  that  he  was 
the  sovereign  of  the  world.  I  then  replied,  and  told  him 
about  the  vast  power  and  jurisdiction  of  Your  Majesty, 
and  of  all  the  many  and  greater  lords  than  Montezuma 
who  were  vassals  of  Your  Highness,  even  considering  it  as 
no  small  privilege  to  be  so,  as  would  Montezuma,  and  all 
the  natives  of  these  parts,  likewise  have  to  be;  and  thus 
I  required  him  to  be  because  he  would  then  be  much 
honoured  and  favoured,  while  on  the  contrary  if  he  were 
unwilling  to  obey  he  would  be  punished.  In  recognition 
of  his  vassalage,  I  asked  him  to  give  me  some  gold  to  be 
sent  to  Your  Majesty,  when  he  answered  that  he  had 

1  The  name  of  the  valley  was  Caltanmic,  and  that  of  the  town, 
Xocotla;  its  chief,  Olintetl,  was  so  enormous  that  he  had  to  be  sup- 
ported when  he  walked.  The  Spaniards  named  him  the  "trembler." 
There  was  a  strong  Mexican  garrison  at  Xocotla,  as  it  was  a  fortified 
place  on  the  frontiers  of  hostile  Tlascala. 


Second  Letter  197 

gold,  but  would  not  give  it  unless  Montezuma  commanded 
him  to  do  so,  but  that,  if  the  latter  did  so  order,  then  he 
would  give  the  gold,  and  his  person,  and  all  that  he 
possessed.  In  order  not  to  scandalise  him,  nor  to  hinder 
my  designs  and  progress,  I  dissembled  with  him  the 
best  I  could,  saying  that  very  soon  Montezuma  would 
order  him  to  give  the  gold  and  everything  he  had. 

The  two  other  chiefs  who  had  lands  in  this  valley  came 
to  see  me  here,  one  of  whom  lived  four  leagues  below,  and 
the  other  two  leagues  above,  and  they  gave  me  certain 
collars  of  gold  of  little  weight  or  value,  and  seven  or 
eight  female  slaves. 

After  stopping  four  or  five  days  there,  I  left  them  very 
contented,  and  went  to  the  city  of  the  other  chief,  two 
leagues,  as  I  said,  up  the  valley  which  place  is  called 
Yztacmastitan.^  This  lordship  has  an  extension  of 
three  or  four  leagues,  one  house  after  another  along  the 
valley,  and  on  the  banks  of  a  small  river  which  flows 
through  it.  The  house  of  the  chief  stands  on  a  very  high 
hill,  protected  by  a  better  fort  than  can  be  found  in  half 
Spain,  well  surrounded  with  walls,  and  barbicans,  and 
moats,  and,  on  the  top  of  this  hill,  there  is  a  town  of  about 
five  or  six  thousand  inhabitants,  with  very  large  houses, 
whose  people  are  somewhat  richer  than  those  of  the  lower 
valley.  Here  I  was  also  very  well  received,  and  its  chief 
told  me  that  he  likewise  was  a  vassal  of  Montezuma.  I 
stayed  in  his  house  three  days,  not  only  for  the  purpose 
of  resting  the  people  from  the  hardship  they  had  endured 
in  the  desert,  but  also  to  wait  for  four  messengers,  natives 
of  Cempoal,  who  had  come  with  me,  and  whom  I  had  sent 
from  Caltanmi  to  a  very  large  province  called  Tascalteca,^ 

>  Ixtacmaxtitlan,  in  the  present  state  of  Puebla.  For  convenience' 
sake  the  town  was  removed  from  the  hill-top  in  1601  and  built  on 
its  present  site  lower  down. 

2  Tlascala  was  a  republic  composed  of  four  federated  states,  each 
ruled  by  its  chief,  while  federal  affairs  and  legislation  were  undertaken 
by  the   Senate,  which  was  composed  of  the  nobles  of  all  four  states, 


iqS  Letters  of  Cortes 

which  they  told  me  was  very  near  there,  as  in  truth  it 
was.  They  had  also  told  me,  that  the  natives  of  this 
province  were  their  friends,  and  very  deadly  enemies  of 
Montezuma,  and  that  they  wished  me  to  confederate 
with  them,  as  they  were  a  large  and  powerful  people 
(whose  country  was  bounded  on  all  sides  by  that  of  the  said 
Montezuma,  with  whom  they  were  in  continual  warfare), 
and  would  be  glad  to  help  me  if  the  said  Montezuma 
should  oppose  me.  These  messengers  did  not  return 
during  all  the  time  that  I  remained  in  that  valley,  which 
was  in  all  eight  days.  I  asked  the  others,  who  had  come 
with  me  from  Cempoal,  how  it  was  that  the  messengers 
did  not  return,  and  they  answered  that  it  was  a  great 
distance,  and  that  they  could  not  get  back  so  quickly. 
Seeing  that  their  return  was  delayed,  and  that  the 
chiefs  of  Cempoal  were  so  positive  about  the  friend- 
ship and  fidelity  of  the  people  of  that  province,  I  set 
out  for  it. 

and  their  over-lords.  The  city  was  likewise  divided  into  four  districts, 
in  which  people  of  the  separate  tribes  lived,  each  under  its  own  chief. 
As  the  country  was  hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  the  Aztec  Empire,  there 
was  no  commerce,  and  the  chief  pursuit  was  agriculture.  The  Tlas- 
calans  were  a  brave,  hardy,  and  war-like  people,  well  advanced  in  mili- 
tary science,  and  having  something  very  like  a  feudal  system  of  chiv- 
alry, in  that  the  different  chiefs  or  lords  had  each  his  own  standard 
and  crest,  and  the  soldiers  were  uniformed  in  their  leaders'  colours 
and  owed  him  allegiance ;  Xicotencatl's.  device  was  a  white  heron  on  a 
rock.  There  were  also  orders  of  knighthood  conferred  for  bravery. 
Their  important  part  in  the  conquest  is  noticed  elsewhere,  and  will 
also  appear  in  the  course  of  Cortes's  own  narration.  One  of  his  first 
desires  was  to  force  Christianity  upon  them,  but  Fray  Bartolomé  de 
Oknedo  wisely  restrained  his  untimely  zeal,  and,  beyond  explaining 
the  Christian  doctrines,  no  constraint  was  attempted.  The  Tlascalans 
conceded  that  the  Christian  God  must  very  likely  be  a  good  one,  and 
they  were  ready  to  admit  him  to  a  place  in  their  own  pantheon,  some- 
thing after  the  manner  of  the  Emperor  Hadrian  and  other  Romans. 
The  four  chiefs  ruling  the  confederation  at  that  time  were  Xicotencatl, 
lord  of  Titzatlan,  Maxixcatzin,  lord  of  Ocotelolco,  Tlehuexolotzin,  lord 
of  Tepeticpac,  and  Citlalpopocatzin,  lord  of  Quiahuitztlan.  (Clavigero, 
Storia  Antica,  lib.  viii.)  {Vide,  Camarga,  Hist.  Tlascala;  and  Torque- 
mada,  lib.  3-16.) 


Second  Letter  199 

At  the  exit  of  the  said  valley,  I  found  a  great  wall 
of  dry  stones,  about  nine  feet  high,  which  crossed  the 
whole  valley  from  one  mountain  to  the  other;  The  Wall  of 
it  was  twenty  feet  thick,  and  had  a  stone  Tlascala 
parapet,  a  foot  and  a  half  broad  on  the  top  so  that 
one  cotdd  fight  from  above.  The  single  entrance  was 
about  ten  paces  broad,  and  in  this  entrance  one  wall 
doubled  over  the  other,  in  the  form  of  a  ravelin,  narrowly 
contracted  within  about  forty  paces,  in  such  wise  that 
the  entrance  was  curved  instead  of  being  straight.  ^ 
Having  inquired  the  object  of  that  wall  they  told  me 
that  it  was  built  because  they  were  on  the  frontier  of  that 
province  of  Tascalteca,  whose  people  were  Montezuma's 
enemies,  and  constantly  at  war  with  him. 

The  natives  of  this  valley  besought  me,  that,  inasmuch 
as  I  was  going  to  see  Montezuma  their  lord,  not  to  pass 
through  the  country  of  these  his  enemies,  who  per- 
chance might  be  ill-disposed  towards  me,  and  do  me 
some  mischief,  whereas  they  would  guide  me  always 
through  the  land  of  the  said  Montezuma  without  going 
out  of  it,  and  that  in  it  I  would  always  be  well  received. 
The  Cempoalans,  however,  advised  me  not  to  do  this, 
but  to  go  through  Tascalteca,  for  what  these  people  were 
telling  me,  was  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  me  off  from 
the  amity  of  that  province;  they  told  me  that  all  Monte- 
zuma's people  were  bad  and  treacherous,  and  would  en- 
snare me  in  places  whence  I  could  never  escape.  As  I 
had   more  confidence  in  the  Cempoalans    than  in    the 

'  Bernal  Diaz  contradicts  Cortes's  statement  that  this  wall  was 
built  of  dry  stones,  and  states  that  the  stones  were  so  firmly  united 
by  such  strong  bitumen  that  it  required  pick  axes  to  separate  them. 
Clavigero,  in  his  notice  on  the  remains  of  military  architecture  in 
Mexico  (lib.  vii.  Sec.  xxvi.),  gives  faith  to  Bernal  Diaz  who  professed 
to  have  carefully  studied  the  construction,  though  he  brusquely  char- 
acterises the  old  soldier  as  an  idiot  {sic)  for  not  distinguishing  between 
bitumen  and  the  mortar  used  by  the  Mexicans.  Lest  the  ingenious  con- 
struction of  the  aperture  be  not  clearly  enough  explained  by  Cortes, 
the  accompanying  drawing  will  show  its  character. 


200  Letters  of  Cortes 

others,  I  took  their  advice,  and  chose  the  road  to  Tas- 
calteca,  conducting  my  people  with  the  best  caution  I 
could. 

Accompanied  by  about  six  horsemen,  I  rode  ahead 
about  half  a  league  or  more,  little  thinking  of  what  after- 
wards happened,  but  to  reconnoitre  the  country,  so  that 
if  anything  should  befall  I  might  perceive  it  in  time  to 
take  measures,  and  prepare  my  people.  After  having 
gone  four  leagues,  and  while  ascending  the  hill,  two 
horsemen  who  went  ahead  saw  certain  Indians,  wearing 
the  feathers  they  are  accustomed  to  in  war,  armed  with 
their  swords,  and  lances,  and  rodelas,  who  took  to  flight 
when  they  perceived  the  horsemen.  At  the  same  time  I 
came  up,  and  had  them  called  to  to  return  without  fear. 
I  advanced  to  where  there  were  about  fifteen  Indians,  who, 
massing  themselves,  began  to  attack  us  with  their  swords, 
calling  to  their  other  people  who  were  in  the  valley,  and 
fighting  with  us  in  such  wise  that  they  killed  two  horses, 
and  wounded  three  others  and  two  horsemen.  In  the 
midst  of  this,  others  came  up,  numbering  about  four  to 
five  thousand.  Meantime,  eight  other  horsemen,  besides 
those  whose  horses  were  killed,  joined  me,  charging  on 
them  until  the  other  Spaniards,  to  whom  I  had  sent 
a  summons  by  a  horseman,  arrived.  We  did  them  some 
harm,  in  the  charges  we  made,  killing  fifty  or  sixty  of 
them,  without  suffering  any  hurt  ourselves,  although 
they  fought  with  great  courage  and  daring;  but,  as  we 
were  all  on  horseback,  we  could  charge  them,  and  fall 
back  in  safety.  When  they  saw  our  reinforcements 
approaching,  they  retreated,  because  they  were  so  few, 
and  left  us  the  field. 

After  they  were  gone  certain  messengers  came,  who 
said  they  were  the  lords  of  the  said  province,  and  wdth 
them  came  two  of  the  messengers  whom  I  had  sent. 
These  explained  that  the  said  chiefs  did  not  know  any- 
thing of  what  those  others  had  done,  as  they  belonged  to 


Second  Letter  201 

independent  communities,  and  had  acted  without  their 
consent,  and  they  were  very  sorry  for  it,  and  would  pay 
for  the  horses  they  had  killed,  and  they  wished  to  be  my 
friends,  and  that  I  could  go  on  freely,  for  I  would  be  well 
received  by  them  [in  hora  buena,  viz.,  in  a  good  hour]. 
I  answered  that  I  was  very  thankful  to  them,  and  that 
I  would  consider  them  as  my  friends,  and  would  advance 
as  they  advised. 

That  night,  one  league  beyond  where  this  happened, 
I  was  obliged  to  sleep  in  a  dry  river  bed  [baranca],  not 
only  because  it  was  late,  but  also  because  my  Hostilities 
people  were  tired.  I  stayed  there  as  well  i^^  Tlascala 
guarded  as  possible,  stationing  my  sentinels  and  scouts, 
both  on  horseback  and  on  foot,  and  at  daybreak  I  left, 
carrying  my  van-guard  and  rear-guard  well  organised, 
and  my  scouts  on  ahead. 

Arriving  at  a  very  small  village  just  at  sunrise,  the  two 
other  messengers  came  with  lamentations  saying  that 
they  had  been  bound,  and  would  have  been  killed,  but 
that  they  had  escaped  in  the  night.  At  not  two  stone' s- 
throws  distance  a  great  number  of  Indians  appeared  well 
armed,  and  with  much  shouting  began  to  attack  us,  dis- 
charging many  darts  and  arrows  at  us.  When  I  under- 
took to  make  my  requirements  in  due  form,  through  the 
interpreters  whom  I  had  brought  with  me,  and  before  a 
notary  public,  the  more  diligent  I  was  to  admonish  and 
require  them  to  keep  the  peace,  just  so  much  the  more 
diligent  were  they  in  committing  hostilities  upon  us,  and, 
seeing  that  neither  requirements  nor  protests  were  of  any 
avail,  we  began  to  defend  ourselves  as  best  we  could,  and 
thus  they  kept  us  fighting,  until  we  found  ourselves  in  the 
midst  of  an  hundred  thousand  warriors,  who  surrounded 
us  on  all  sides.  This  went  on  all  day  long,  until  about 
an  hour  before  sunset,  when  they  retired.  In  this  fight  I 
did  them  a  good  deal  of  harm  with  about  half  a  dozen 
cannon,  and  five  or  six  muskets,  forty  archers,  and  thirteen 


202  Letters  of  Cortes 

horsemen,  who  had  been  left  to  me,  without  our  receiving 
any  hurt  from  them,  except  the  labour  and  fatigue  of 
fighting  and  hunger.  And  it  truly  appeared  that  it  was 
God  who  battled  for  us,  because  amongst  such  a  multi- 
tude of  people,  so  courageous,  and  skilled  in  fighting,  and 
"^4th  so  many  kinds  of  offensive  arms,  ^  we  came  out 
unhurt. 

That  night  I  fortified  myself  in  a  small  tower  of  their 
idols,  which  stood  on  a  small  hill,  and  afterwards,  at 
daybreak,  I  left  two  hundred  men  and  all  the  artillery 
in  the  camp.  As  I  was  the  attacking  party  I  went  out 
tow^ards  evening  with  the  horsemen,  and  a  hundred 
foot  soldiers,  and  four  hundred  Indians  whom  I  had 
brought  from  Cempoal,  and  three  hundred  from  Yztac- 
mastitan.  Before  the  enemy  had  time  to  assemble,  I  set 
fire  to  five  or  six  small  places  of  about  a  hundred  houses 
each,  and  brought  away  about  four  hundred  prisoners, 
both  men  and  w^omen,  fighting  my  way  back  to  my  camp 
without  then*  doing  me  any  harm.  At  daybreak  the 
following  morning,  more  than  a  hundred  and  forty-nine 
thousand  men,  covering  all  the  country,  attacked  our 
camp   so   determinedly  that  some   of  them  penetrated 

'  One  of  their  most  formidable  weapons  was  the  maquahuitl, 
commonly  referred  to  by  the  Spaniards  as  a  sword.  It  was  a  stout 
stick  or  club,  about  three  and  a  half  feet  long,  set  with  a  double  row 
of  blades  made  of  the  stone  called  itztli,  as  sharp  as  razors.  The  war- 
rior carried  this  terrible  weapon  attached  to  his  wrist  by  a  thong,  and 
instances  of  a  horse  being  disembowelled,  or  even  decapitated  at  a 
single  blow,  are  given  by  many  early  writers.  The  blades  or  itztli 
were  qviickly  dulled,  but,  even  then,  such  a  weapon  wielded  by  a  strong 
man  was  a  fearsome  thing. 

Their  darts,  which  are  so  frequently  mentioned,  were  short  lances, 
whose  points  were  tipped  with  bone  or  copper,  or  simply  hardened  in 
the  fire.  Clavigero  identifies  them  with  the  Roman  Jaculunt  or 
Telum  Amentatum,  and  says  they  were  the  weapons  most  feared  by 
the  Spaniards.  As  marksmen,  the  Mexican  bowmen  were  marvel- 
lously quick  and  accvirate ;  their  arrows  were  also  pointed  with  bone,  but, 
singularly  enough,  there  is  no  mention  throughout  the  conquest  of 
poison  being  used  on  them. 


Second  Letter  203 

into  it,  rushing  about,  and  thrusting  with  their  swords 
at  the  Spaniards.  We  mustered  against  them,  and  Our 
Lord  was  pleased  so  to  aid  us,  that,  in  about  four  hours, 
we  managed  that  they  should  no  more  molest  us  in  our 
camp,  although  they  still  kept  up  some  attacks;  thus  we 
kept  fighting  until  it  grew  to  be  late,  when  they  retired. 

The  next  day  I  again  went  out  before  daybreak,  in 
another  direction,  without  having  been  observed  by  the 
enemy,  taking  with  me  the  horsemen,  a  hundred  foot- 
soldiers,  and  the  friendly  Indians.  I  burned  more  than  a 
hundred  villages,  one  of  which  had  more  than  three  thou- 
sand houses,  where  the  villagers  fought  with  me,  though 
there  were  no  other  people  there.  As  we  carried  the 
banner  of  the  Holy  Cross,  ^  and  were  fighting  for  our 
Faith,  and  in  the  service  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  to  Your 
Royal  good  fortune  God  gave  us  such  a  victory  that  we 
slew  many  people  without  our  own  sustaining  any  injury. 
A  little  after  mid-day  when  the  strong  force  of  the  people 
was  gathered  from  all  parts,  we  had  returned  victorious 
to  our  camp. 

Messengers  came  from  the  chiefs  the  next  day,  saying 
that  they  w^ished  to  become  vassals  of  Your  Highness  and 
my  friends,  beseeching  me  to  pardon  their  past  fault; 
and  they  brought  me  provisions,  and  certain  feather- 
work  which  they  use,  and  esteem  and  prize.  I  answered 
that  they  had  behaved  badly,  but  that  I  was  satisfied  to 
be  their  friend,  and  pardon  them  for  all  they  had  done. 

The  next  day  there  came  about  fifty  Indians,  who, 
it  seemed,  were  men  of  some  consequence  amongst 
them,  saying  that  they  had  brought  us  food,  pate  of  the 
and  they  went  about  inspecting  the  entrances  Tlascaian 
and    exits    of   our    camp,    and    some    huts    in  ^P'®^ 

which  we    were    living.      The    Cempoalans    came    and 

•The  banner  was  of  black  silk  bearing  the  arms  of  Charles  V., 
and  on  both  sides  a  red  cross  surrounded  by  blue  and  white  rays.  The 
legend  was  as  follows :  Amici  sequamur  Crucetn  et  si  nos  fident  habemus 
vere  in  hoc  signo  viceremus. 


2  04  Letters  of  Cortes 

told  me  to  watch  them,  because  they  were  bad  men 
who  had  come  to  spy  and  see  what  damage  they 
could  do  us,  and  that  I  might  rest  assured  they  had  come 
for  no  other  purpose.  With  some  dissimulation,  I  had 
one  of  them  taken,  without  being  observed  by  the  others, 
and  leading  him  and  the  interpreters  apart,  frightened 
him  so  that  he  should  tell  me  the  truth.  He  confessed 
to  me  that  Sintengal,  ^  the  captain-general  of  this 
province,  was  behind  one  of  the  hills  opposite  the  camp, 
with  a  great  number  of  people,  ready  to  fall  upon  us 
that  night,  for  they  said  that  they  had  tried  by  day 
against  us,  and  had  gained  no  advantage,  and  now  they 
wished  to  try  by  night,  when  their  people  would  fear 
neither  our  horses,  our  cannon,  nor  our  swords;  and  they 
had  been  sent  in  order  to  examine  our  camp,  and  those 
points  where  they  could  attack  us,  and  how  they  could 
burn  the  straw  huts.  I  at  once  had  another  of  the  said 
Indians  taken,  and  also  asked  him,  and  he  confessed  the 
same  as  the  other  in  the  same  words,  so  I  took  another 
five  or  six,  and  they  all  agreed  in  their  statements.  See- 
ing this  I  had  all  the  fifty  taken,  and  cut  off  their  hands, 
and  returned  them  to  their  chief,  ordering  them  to  say 
to  him,  that,  by  day  or  night  or  at  any  or  all  times  he 
might  come,  he  would  see  who  we  were.  I  then  had  my 
camp  fortified  as  best  I  could,  and  posted  the  people  as 
seemed  most  suitable,  and  we  rested  thus  on  our  guard 
until  sunset. 

When  it  was  growing  late,  our  opponents  began  to 
descend  into  two  valleys,  thinking  they  were  surrounding 
us  secretly,  and  to  get  nearer  to  us  for  carrying  out  their 

'  Xicotencatl,  son  of  the  lord  of  Titzatlan,  was  a  brave  and  able 
commander.  He  bore  the  same  name  as  his  father,  which  has  led 
some  writers  to  merge  the  two  into  one  person,  and  others  to  confuse 
their  deeds.  The  father  was  a  very  old  man,  though  he  was  pro- 
bably not  one  hundred  and  forty  years  old,  as  some  have  stated, 
when  he  met  Cortes  he  asked  to  be  allowed  to  feel  his  face,  for  he 
was  blind. 


Second  Letter  205 

intentions.  As  I  was  on  my  guard,  however,  I  saw  them, 
and  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  would  be  very  dangerous  to 
allow  them  to  approach  near  the  camp,  because  at  night 
they  could  not  see  the  damage  I  should  do  them  ifrom  my 
side,  and  they  would  approach  fearlessly,  and  also  because 
in  not  seeing  them  some  of  the  Spaniards  might  be  some- 
what negligent  in  fighting.  I  also  feared  that  they  might 
set  fire  to  my  camp,  which  should  it  happen  would  be 
most  disastrous,  and  none  of  us  could  escape;  hence  I 
determined  to  go  out  and  meet  them  with  all  the  horsemen 
and  cut  them  to  pieces,  thus  preventing  their  ap- 
proach. And  so  it  happened,  that  when  they  discovered 
we  were  coming  with  horses  to  attack  them,  without  stop- 
ping or  shouting,  they  fled  into  some  fields  of  maize,  with 
which  the  country  was  almost  covered,  and  lightened 
themselves  of  some  provisions  which  they  were  carrying 
with  them,  for  the  feast  they  intended  to  celebrate,  if 
this  time  they  destroyed  us  entirely.  They  left  us  in 
security  that  night.  After  this  occurrence,  I  remained 
several  days  without  leaving  camp,  except  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, to  repel  the  approach  of  some  Indians  who 
gathered  to  jeer  at  us,  and  provoke  some  skirmishes. 

When  we  had  somewhat  rested,  I  made  a  sally  one 
night,  after  having  inspected  the  first  watch  of  the  guard, 
taking  a  hundred  foot,  the  friendly  Indians,  and  the 
horsemen;  and  about  a  league  from  our  camp  five  horses 
and  mares  fell,  unable  to  go  on,  so  I  sent  them  back. 
Although  those  who  accompanied  me,  said  that  I  ought 
to  return,  as  this  was  an  evil  omen,  I  still  pushed  ahead, 
confiding  in  God's  supremacy  above  everything.  Before 
daybreak  I  fell  upon  two  towns,  in  which  I  slaughtered 
many  people,  but  I  did  not  want  to  burn  the  houses,  so  as 
to  avoid  attracting  the  attention  of  other  people  who 
were  very  near.  When  day  dawned  I  fell  upon  another 
large  town,  which  contained  according  to  a  count,  which 
I  ordered  to  be  taken,  more  than  twenty  thousand  houses, 


2o6  Letters  of  Cortes 

and,  as  I  had  surprised  them,  I  found  them  unarmed, 
and  the  women,  and  children,  running  naked  through 
the  streets;  and  we  did  them  some  harm.  Seeing  they 
could  offer  no  resistance,  a  certain  number  of  the  in- 
habitants came  to  beseech  me  not  to  do  them  further 
injury,  for  they  desired  to  become  vassals  of  Your  High- 
ness, and  my  friends,  and  they  recognised  that  they  were 
at  fault  in  not  having  trusted  me,  but  that  henceforth  I 
would  see  that  they  would  always  do  what  I  commanded 
them  in  the  name  of  Your  Royal  Highness,  as  your  very 
true  vassals.  Immediately  there  came  to  me  more  than 
four  thousand  of  them,  suing  for  peace,  and  they  took  us 
out  to  a  fountain  where  they  gave  us  good  food. 

Thus  I  left  them  pacified,  and  returned  to  our  camp, 
where  I  found  the  people  who  had  remained  there  much 
frightened,  believing  I  might  have  been  in  some  danger, 
as  they  had  seen  the  horses  and  mares  returning  the  night 
before.  When  they  heard  afterwards  of  the  victory 
which  God  had  been  pleased  to  give  us,  and  how  I  had 
left  those  towns  at  peace,  they  were  very  glad,  for  I 
certify  to  Your  Majesty,  that  there  was  no  one  amongst 
us  who  was  not  very  fearful  at  penetrating  so  far  into  this 
country,  and  amongst  so  many  people,  where  we  were  so 
entirely  without  hope  of  help  from  anywhere. 

Indeed  I  had  already  heard  with  my  own  ears,  pri- 
vately, as  well  as  publicly,  that  I  was  a  Pedro  Carbonero,  * 
who  had  got  them  into  this  difficulty  from  which  they 
could  never  get  out.  And  even  more,  I  heard  it  said  in 
one  of  the  huts  of  certain  companions  (I  being  in  a  place 
where  they  could  not  see  me),  that  if  I  had  gone  mad,  and 
was  going  whence  I  could  never  escape,  they  need  not 
do  the  same,  but  should  rather  return  to  the  sea-coast, 
and  that  if  I  wished  to  return  with  them,  very  well,  but  if 

'An  old  proverb  which  said:  "Pierre  le  Charbonnier  savait  bien 
ou  il  était,  tnais  il  ignorait  le  vnoyen  d'en  sortir" ;  pointing  at  foolish 
people  who  were  always  plunging  into  difficulties  from  which  they  never 
knew  how  to  emerge. 


Second  Letter  207 

not,  to  leave  me.  This  was  often  required  of  me,  but  I 
would  encourage  them,  telling  them  to  look  to  it  that 
they  were  the  vassals  of  Your  Highness,  and  that  Span- 
iards were  never  found  lacking  anywhere,  and  that  we 
were  in  a  position  to  win  the  greatest  kingdoms  and 
dominions  in  the  world  for  Your  Majesty.  I  told  them, 
moreover,  that  we  were  only  doing  what  we  were  obliged 
to  do  as  Christians,  by  fighting  against  the  enemies  of  our 
faith,  and  that  we  would  gain  the  glory  of  the  other  world, 
while  in  this  we  would  obtain  the  highest  praise  and 
honour,  such  as  till  our  time  no  generation  had  won;  and 
that  they  must  perceive  that  we  had  God  on  our  side,  for 
Whom  nothing  was  impossible,  as  they  might  recognise 
in  the  victories  which  we  had  obtained,  where  so  many 
of  our  enemy  had  been  slaughtered,  but  none  of  us.  I 
told  them  other  things  of  the  same  kind  which  seemed 
fitting,  and  with  these,  and  the  royal  favour  of  Your 
Highness,  they  recovered  their  spirits,  and  I  won  them 
to  my  purpose,  and  to  do  as  I  wished,  which  was  to 
complete  the  undertaking  I  had  begun. 

The  following  day,  Sicutengal,  Captain  General  of 
this  province,  came  to  see  me  at  ten  o'clock,  with 
about  fifty  of  its  chiefs,  praying  me  on  his  Peace  Con- 
part,  and  on  that  of  Magiscatzin,  ^  who  was  eluded  at 
the  principal  person  in  all  this  province,  and  Tlascaia 
on  behalf  of  many  other  lords,  that  I  would  admit 
them  to  the  royal  service  of  Your  Majesty  and  to  my 
friendship,  and  would  pardon  them  the  past  errors, 
because  they  had  not  understood  who  we  were.  He  said 
that  they  had  exerted  all  their  forces,  not  only  by  day, 
but  also  by  night,  to  escape  being  subjected  to  anyone, 
since  at  no  time  had  this  province  ever  been  so,  nor  had 
they  ever  had,  nor  did  they  have,  any  master;  on  the 
contrary,  they  had  always  lived  free  and  independent, 

>  Maxixcatzin,  lord  of  the  state  of  Ocotclolco,  in  the  republic  of 
Tlascaia,  and  commander  in  chief  of  the  united  armies. 


2o8  Letters  of  Cortes 

since  inimemorial  times,  and  had  always  defended  them- 
selves against  the  great  power  of  Montezuma,  of  his 
father,  and  grandfather,  who  held  that  country  subjected, 
but  had  never  been  able  to  hold  them  in  subjection, 
though  they  had  them  surrounded  on  all  sides,  so  that 
no  one  could  go  out  of  the  country.  He  said  also  that 
they  ate  no  salt,  ^  since  there  was  none  in  their  country, 
nor  were  they  allowed  to  go  to  buy  it  anywhere  else,  nor 
did  they  wear  any  cotton  clothing,  because  their  country, 
on  account  of  its  cold,  did  not  produce  cotton,  and  they 
were  deprived  of  many  other  things  on  account  of  being 
so  shut  off.  They  had  endured  it,  and  held  it  as  better 
thus  to  be  free,  rather  than  be  subjected  to  anyone;  and 
they  had  wanted  to  do  the  same  with  me,  for  which  rea- 
son, as  several  had  already  stated,  they  had  tested  their 
forces,  and  seeing  clearly  that  neither  these,  nor  their 
artifices,  could  avail  them  anything,  had  decided  that, 
rather  than  die,  and  have  their  houses,  and  women,  and 
children  destroyed,  they  would  become  vassals  of  Your 
Highness. 

I  satisfied  them,  saying  that  they  must  recognise  that 
they  were  to  blame  for  the  injury  they  had  sustained, 
for  I  had  come  to  their  country,  thinking  that  I  came  to 
the  country  of  my  friends,  for  the  Cempoalans  had  as- 
sured me  that  they  were,  and  wished  to  be  so ;  and  that  I 
had  sent  my  messengers  ahead  of  me  to  let  them  know 
that  I  was  coming  and  wished  their  friendship,  and  that 
without  replying  to  me  (coming  in  all  security) ,  they  had 
attacked  me  on  the  road,   killed  my  two   horses,   and 

•Called  by  the  Indians  "tequesquit."  It  is  made  from  the 
saltpetre,  which  was  largely  found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ixtapala- 
pan  and  Ixtapaluca  {Ixtabl  meaning  saltpetre),  and  formed  an  import- 
ant article  of  commerce,  which  however  did  not  reach  the  Tlascalans 
on  account  of  the  permanent  state  of  hostilities.  As  they  were  also 
cut  off  from  the  sea,  salt  had  been  for  fifty  years  an  almost  unknown 
luxury  amongst  them ;  cotton  which  was  a  product  of  the  tierra  caliente 
was  for  the  same  reason  denied  them. 


Second  Letter  209 

wounded  others.  Moreover,  after  having  fought  with 
me,  they  had  sent  their  messengers,  saying  that  what 
had  happened  had  been  without  their  Hcense  or  consent, 
and  that  certain  communities  had  set  themselves  to  do 
it  without  their  participation,  and  that  they  had  re- 
proved them  for  it,  and  desired  my  friendship.  Be- 
Heving  this  to  be  true,  I  had  told  them  that  I  was  pleased, 
and  that  they  would  surely  see  me  next  day  in  their 
homes  as  in  the  houses  of  friends;  and  that  likewise  they 
had  again  attacked  me  on  the  road,  and  fought  with  me 
all  day  untü  night  overtook  us,  notwithstanding  that 
they  had  been  required  by  me  to  keep  the  peace.  I  re- 
minded them  of  all  the  other  things  they  had  done  to 
oppose  me,  and  many  others  which  I  shall  leave  un- 
mentioned,  so  as  not  to  weary  Your  Highness.  Finally 
they  submitted  and  acknowledged  themselves  as  sub- 
jects and  vassals  of  Your  Majesty,  oííering  their  persons 
and  property  for  your  royal  service;  and  such  they  did, 
and  have  done  until  to-day,  and  will  always  do,  as  Your 
Majesty  will  hereafter  see. 

I  remained  six  or  seven  days  without  leaving  that 
place  and  camp,  because  I  did  not  dare  to  trust  them. 
They  besought  me  to  come  to  a  large  city,  Description 
where  all  the  chiefs  of  the  province  lived,  of  the  City 
and  even  the  chiefs  themselves  came  to  be-  o^^lascala 
seech  me  to  come  into  the  city,  as  I  would  be  well 
received  there,  and  better  provided  with  everything 
necessary  than  in  the  camp.  For  they  were  ashamed  that 
I  should  be  so  ill-lodged,  as  they  considered  me  their 
friend,  and  they  and  I  were  vassals  of  Your  Highness. 
In  response  to  their  prayers,  I  came  to  the  city,  which  is 
about  six  leagues  distant  from  the  dwelling  place  and 
camp  I  had  occupied,  and  is  so  large  and  admirable  that, 
although  much  of  what  I  might  say  I  shall  omit,  the  little 
which  I  shall  say  is  almost  incredible ;  for  it  is  much  larger 
than   Granada,   and   very   much   stronger,   having  very 

Vol.  X. — 14 


2IO  Letters  of  Cortes 

good  buildings,  and  it  contains  a  great  many  more  people 
than  Granada  did  when  it  was  taken,  and  is  much  better 
supplied  with  provisions,  such  as  bread,  birds,  game,  and 
river-fish,  and  other  good  eatables  and  vegetables.  There 
is  a  market  in  this  city,  in  which  every  day,  above  thirty 
thousand  souls  sell  and  buy,  without  counting  many 
other  small  markets  in  different  parts  of  the  city.  Every- 
thing is  to  be  foimd  in  this  market  in  which  they  trade, 
and  could  need,  not  only  provisions,  but  also  clothing 
and  shoes.  There  are  jewellery  shops,  for  gold,  and 
silver,  and  stones,  and  other  valuables  of  feather-work,  as 
well  arranged  as  can  be  found  in  any  of  the  squares  or 
market-places  of  the  world ;  there  is  also  as  good  earthen- 
ware and  crockery  as  the  best  in  Spain.  They  also  sell 
wood  and  coals,  and  herbs  to  eat,  and  for  medicinal 
purposes.  There  are  houses  like  barbers'  shops,  where 
they  wash  their  heads  and  shave  themselves;  there 
are  also  baths.  Finally  there  prevail  good  order  and 
politeness,  for  they  are  a  people  full  of  intelligence  and 
understanding,  and  such  that  the  best  in  Africa  does 
not  equal  them.  This  province  contains  many  extensive 
and  beautiful  valleys,  well  tilled  and  sown,  and  none 
are  uncultivated.  The  province  is  ninety  leagues  in 
circumference,  and,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  judge 
about  the  form  of  government,  it  is  almost  like  that  of 
Venice,  or  Genoa,  or  Pisa,  because  there  is  no  one  supreme 
ruler.  There  are  many  lords  all  living  in  this  city,  and 
the  people  who  are  tillers  of  the  soil  are  their  vassals, 
though  each  one  has  his  lands  to  himself,  some  more 
than  others.  In  undertaking  wars,  they  all  gather 
together,  and  thus  assembled  they  decide  and  plan  them. 
It  is  believed  that  they  must  have  some  system  of  justice 
for  punishing  the  wicked,  because  one  of  the  natives  of 
this  province  stole  some  gold  from  a  Spaniard,  and  I  told 
this  to  that  Magiscatzin,  the  greatest  lord  among  them. 
After  making  their  investigation,   they  pursued  him  to 


Second  Letter  211 

a  city  which  is  near  there,  called  Churultecal,  whence 
they  brought  him  prisoner,  and  delivered  him  to  me  with 
the  gold,  telling  me  that  I  might  chastise  him.  I  thanked 
them  for  the  diligence  they  took  in  this,  but  told  them 
that,  inasmuch  as  I  was  in  their  country,  they  might 
chastise  him  according  to  their  custom,  and  that  I  did  not 
wish  to  meddle  with  the  punishment  of  their  people 
while  I  was  in  their  country.  They  thanked  me  for  this, 
and  took  him  with  a  public  crier,  who  proclaimed  his 
offence,  leading  him  through  the  great  market  place, 
where  they  put  him  at  the  foot  of  a  sort  of  theatre,  and 
with  a  loud  voice  again  published  his  offence.  And  all 
having  seen  him,  they  beat  him  on  the  head  with  sticks 
until  they  killed  him.  We  have  seen  many  others  in  the 
prisons,  who,  it  is  said,  were  confined  there  for  thefts, 
and  other  offences  they  had  committed.  According  to  the 
visitation  which  I  ordered  to  be  made,  this  province  has 
five  hundred  thousand  householders,  besides  those  of 
another  small  province,  called  Guazincango,  which  joins 
it,  whose  people  live  as  these  do,  without  a  rightful 
sovereign,  and  are  no  less  vassals  of  Your  Highness  than 
these  Tascaltecas. 

Being,  Most  Catholic  Lord,  in  our  camp  in  the  country 
while  I  was  at  warfare  with  this  province,  there  came 
to  me  six  lords  from  amongst  the  principal  Embassy 
vassals  of  Montezuma,  accompanied  by  about  andPres- 
two  hundred  retainers,  telHng  me  that  they  ents  from 
came  on  the  part  of  Montezuma  to  say  that  o'^*®^"™^ 
he  wished  to  be  a  vassal  of  Your  Highness,  and 
my  friend.  He  sent  word  that  I  should  say  what  I 
wanted  him  to  give  to  Your  Highness  as  an  annual  trib- 
ute, of  gold,  silver,  stones,  slaves,  cotton,  and  wearing 
apparel,  and  other  possessions,  and  that  he  would  give  it 
all,  if  only  I  would  not  come  to  his  country,  because  it 
was  very  sterile,  and  destitute  of  provisions,  and  he  would 
be  sorry  if  I  or  my  people  suffered  want.     He  sent  me  by 


212  Letters  of  Cortes 

them  about  a  thousand  dollars  of  gold,  and  many  pieces 
of  cotton  clothing,  such  as  they  wear.  They  remained 
with  me  during  the  war  and  until  the  end  of  it,  and  well 
saw  what  the  Spaniards  were  able  to  do.  They  knew  of 
the  treaties  which  were  made  with  this  province,  and  the 
allegiance  given  by  the  chiefs  of  all  the  country  to  the 
service  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty.  At  which,  as  it  ap- 
peared, they  showed  themselves  not  much  pleased,  for  they 
worked  in  many  ways  to  embroil  me  with  this  people, 
saying  that  nothing  they  had  told  me  was  true,  nor  was 
the  friendship  they  had  sworn  sincere,  and  that  they 
formed  it  to  secure  me,  in  order  to  commit  treason  when 
they  could  with  safety.  The  inhabitants  of  this  province 
on  the  other  hand,  many  times  advised  nie  not  to  trust 
those  vassals  of  Montezuma,  because  they  were  traitors 
who  carried  on  all  their  affairs  with  treacheries  and 
tricks,  and  it  was  thus  they  had  subjected  all  the  country; 
and  that  they  as  my  sincere  friends  and  persons  who  had 
known  them  for  a  long  time,  warned  me  against  them.  I 
was  not  a  little  pleased  to  see  this  discord  and  want  of 
conformity  between  the  two  parties,  because  it  appeared 
to  me  to  strengthen  my  design,  and  later  I  would  find 
means  to  subjugate  them;  that  common  saying  '' De 
monte''  etc.,  might  be  repeated,  and  I  was  even  reminded 
of  a  scriptural  authority  which  says  "  Omne  regnum  in 
seipsum  divisum  desolabitur."  So  I  treated  with  the 
one,  and  the  other,  and  privately  I  thanked  both  for  the 
advice  they  gave  me,  giving  to  each  the  credit  for  more 
friendship,  than  to  the  other. 

I  had  been  in  the  city  twenty  days  or  more,  when  those 
lords,  Montezuma's  messengers,  who  had  always  re- 
mained with  me,  told  me  that  I  ought  to  go  to  a  city  about 
six  leagues  from   this  Tascaltecal,  called    Churultecal,  * 

>  Cholula,  sixty  leagues  distant  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  was 
the  sacred  city  of  Anahuac,  the  Jerusalem,  or  Mecca,  of  the  nations, 
where  stood  (and  stands)  the  greatest  pyramid  in  Mexico,  of  whose  con- 


Second  Letter  213 

as  its  natives  were  friends  of  Montezuma's,  their  sovereign. 
They  said  that  we  might  there  learn  his  pleasure,  whether 
it  was  that  I  should  go  to  his  country,  and  that  some  of 
them  would  go  to  speak  with  him,  and  tell  him  what  I 
had  told  them  and  return  with  his  answer. 

Although  they  knew  that  I  had  there  some  of  his 
messengers,  who  had  come  to  speak  with  me,  I  told  them 
that  I  would  go,  and  would  leave  on  a  certain  day  which 
I  made  known  to  them.  When  it  became  known  to  the 
Tascaltecas  what  they  and  I  had  agreed  upon,  and  how 
I  consented  to  go  with  them  to  that  city,  the  rulers  came 
to  me,  greatly  afflicted,  and  told  me  that  I  must  not  go 
on  any  account,  because  it  had  been  plotted  to  kill  me 
and  my  men  in  that  city.  For  this  purpose,  they  said, 
Montezuma  had  sent  fifty  thousand  men  from  his  country 
(some  part  of  which  joins  with  that  city),  whom  they 
kept  in  garrison,  two  leagues  from  the  city,  and  that  they 
had  blocked  up  the  customary  high  road,  and  had  pre- 
pared a  new  one  with  many  pits,  in  which  sharp  stakes 
and  wood  were  placed,  covered  over  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  horses  would  fall,  and  be  lamed;  many  streets  were 
baiTicaded,  and  quantities  of  stones  were  collected  on 
the  housetops,  so  that,  when  we  entered  the  city  they 
might  attack  us  with  safety,  and  accomplish  their  pur- 
pose.    They  told  me,  that,  if  I  wanted  to  confirm  all  they 

struction  there  is  no  authentic  record.  The  form  of  government 
there  was  theocratic,  and  the  priests  chose  a  captain-general  to  com- 
mand the  army,  while  the  civil  affairs  were  administered  by  a  council 
composed  of  six  nobles. 

The  Cholula  pyramid,  now  so  covered  with  earth,  and  overgrown 
with  shrubs  and  trees,  that  its  artificial  character  and  architectural 
lines  are  no  longer  discernible,  measures  at  the  length  of  its  base  1423 
feet,  or  twice  the  length  of  Cheops ;  the  square  of  the  base  covers  about 
forty-four  acres,  and  the  flat  area  on  the  summit  a  little  more  than  one 
acre.  The  chief  deity  worshipped  at  Cholula  was  the  mysterious 
"fair  god"  Quetzalcoatl  (see  Appendix  III.,  at  the  close  of  this 
Letter).  Bernal  Diaz  declared  that  Cholula  reminded  him  of  Valladolid 
because  of  its  many  lofty  towers. 


214  Letters  of  Cortes 

said,  I  might  judge  from  the  fact  that  the  chiefs  of  that 
city  had  never  come  to  see  me,  nor  to  speak  with  me, 
though  they  were  so  near  to  this  city,  while  those  of 
Guazincango  who  lived  farther  off  had  come,  and  if  I 
sent  for  them  I  would  see  they  would  not  come.  I 
thanked  them  for  their  advice,  and  begged  them  to 
furnish  me  persons  who  would  go  on  my  part  and  call 
the  chiefs.  They  did  so,  and  I  sent  to  invite  them  to  come 
and  see  me,  because  I  w^ished  to  tell  them  certain  things 
on  the  part  of  Your  Highness,  and  to  explain  to  them  the 
cause  of  my  coming  to  this  country. 

These  messengers  went,  and  delivered  my  message  to 
the  chiefs  of  Churultecal,  and  two  or  three  persons  of 
inferior  rank  returned  with  them,  and  told  me  that  they 
had  come  on  the  part  of  those  chiefs  who  were  ill  and 
could  not  come,  but  that  I  might  tell  them  what  I  de- 
sired. The  people  of  this  city  told  me  that  all  this  was  a 
mockery,  and  that  those  messengers  were  of  mean  con- 
dition, and  in  no  wise  should  I  leave  without  the  chiefs 
of  that  city  first  coming  hither.  I  told  those  messengers 
that  an  embassy  from  such  a  high  Prince  as  Your  Sacred 
Majesty  could  not  be  given  to  such  persons  as  they  were, 
and  that  even  their  chiefs  were  unworthy  to  hear  it. 
They  should,  nevertheless,  appear  within  three  days 
before  me  to  give  their  obedience  to  Your  Highness,  and 
to  ofier  themselves  as  your  vassals,  with  the  understanding 
that,  if  they  did  not  come  within  the  time  fixed,  I  should 
fall  upon  them,  and  destroy  them,  and  proceed  against 
them  as  against  rebels  who  refused  to  submit  to  Your 
Majesty's  authority.  I  sent  them  an  order,  signed  with 
my  name  and  that  of  a  notary  public,  with  a  full  ex- 
planation of  the  Royal  Person  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty, 
and  of  my  arrival,  telling  them  how  all  these  parts,  and 
many  other  greater  countries,  and  dominions,  belonged 
to  Your  Highness,  and  how  those  who  desired  to  be  your 
vassals  would  be  honoured  and  favoured,  and  how  on  the 


Second  Letter  215 

contrary  those  who  rebelled  would  be  punished,  according 
to  justice.  ^ 

The  next  day,  almost  all  of  the  chiefs  of  that  city 
came,  and  told  me  that,  if  they  had  not  come  before, 
it  was  because  the  people  of  this  province  Embassy 
were  their  enemies,  and  that  they  did  not  from  Cho- 
dare  to  enter  their  .country  because  they  did  ^^^  Visits 
not  consider  themselves  safe ;   and   that  they  °^  ^^ 

were  sure  that  they  had  told  me  some  things  respecting 
them,  but  I  must  not  give  any  credence  to  them,  because 
they  spoke  as  enemies,  and  not  according  to  facts.  They 
said  also  that  I  should  go  to  their  city,  where  I  would 
discover  the  falsehoods  their  enemies  had  been  telling, 
and  the  truth  of  what  they  themselves  assured  me;  and 
that  from  thenceforth  they  gave  and  acknowledged 
themselves  as  vassals  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  and  that 
they  would  always  remain  such,  serving  and  contributing 
in  everything  as  they  were  commanded  on  the  part  of 

1  Cortes's  unfaltering  conviction  was  that  he  was  an  instrument 
of  divine  justice,  and  he  acted  the  part  consistently,  determined 
that  others  should  so  regard  him.  He  started  from  the  dogmatic 
assumption  that  the  new  world  belonged  to  Spain  by  right  of  Pope 
Alexander's  bull  of  donation;  that  its  inhabitants  were  therefore  just 
as  much  the  lawful  subjects  of  the  Crown  as  were  the  natives  of  Castile, 
or  Granada,  and  that  for  them  to  refuse  obedience  was  rebellion.  The 
native  chiefs  in  resisting  his  pretentions,  and  defending  their  countries, 
became,  according  to  his  reasoning,  instigators  of  revolt  and  must  be 
dealt  with  as  such.  Most  of  all,  the  people  were  practisers  of  idolatry, 
in  peril  of  eternal  damnation,  whom  it  was  a  chief  part  of  his  mission 
to  rescue,  and  bring  into  the  knowledge  of  the  Faith.  He  held  him- 
self to  be  merciful,  in  that  he  invariably  invited  their  obedience, 
by  explaining  what  a  privilege  it  was  to  be  ruled  by  such  a  mighty 
sovereign  as  the  Emperor,  and  sought  to  effect  their  conversion  by 
expounding  the  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  religion.  Once  this  choice 
was  put  plainly  before  them,  and  they  had  refused  to  accept  the  dual 
blessings  of  vassalage  and  conversion,  they  became  in  his  eyes  con- 
tumacious rebels,  and  conscious  heretics.  He  had  the  Spanish  XVI.  cen- 
tury standards  as  to  how  all  such  were  to  be  treated.  He  followed, 
in  this  case,  the  usual  solemn  formality  of  causing  a  letter  to  be 
drawn  up  by  a  notary;  that  the  Cholulan  priests  could  not  understand 
a  word  of  it  did  not  detract  from  the  validity  of  the  proceeding. 


2i6  Letters  of  Cortes 

Your  Highness.  It  was  thus  set  down  by  a  notary 
pubhe,  through  the  interpreters  whom  I  had. 

I  still  determined  to  go  with  them,  not  only  to  avoid 
sho^^'ing  any  weakness,  but  also  because  from  there  I 
thought  to  treat  affairs  with  Montezuma,  as  they  bounded 
upon  his  country,  as  I  have  already  said,  and  there 
was  unimpeded  intercourse  between  the  two  countries. 

When  the  Tascaltecas  saw  my  determination,  they 
were  much  grieved,  and  told  me  repeated!}^  that  I  eiTcd, 
but  inasmuch  as  they  had  given  themselves  as  vassals 
to  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  and  my  friends,  they  wished 
to  go  with  me,  and  help  me  in  any  emergency.  ^  Al- 
though I  forbade  them,  and  prayed  them  not  to  go 
inasmuch  as  there  was  no  necessity  for  it,  still  as  many 
as  about  a  hundred  thousand  men,  well  furnished  for 
warfare,  accompanied  me  to  within  about  two  leagues 
from  the  city,  when  after  many  importunities,  the}'^  re- 
turned, though  some  five  or  six  thousand  of  them  still 
remained  with  me. 

1  slept  in  a  dry  river  bed  about  two  leagues  distant, 
to  disperse  the  people,  fearing  they  might  cause  some 
scandal  in  the  city,  and  also  because  it  was  already  late, 
and  I  did  not  wish  to  enter  the  city  at  a  late  hour.  The 
next  morning,  the  citizens  came  out  to  receive  me  on  the 
road,  with  many  trumpets,  2  and  dmms,  and  also  many 
priests  from  their  mosques,  clothed  in  their  vestments, 
and  chanting  in  the  fashion  they  are  accustomed  to  do 
in  the  said  mosques. ^  With  this  solemnity  they  brought 
us  into  the  city,  where  they  housed  us  in  a  very  good 
dwelling   place,   where  all   the   people   of  my  company 

»  The  real  purpose  of  the  Tlascalans  was  to  embroil  Cortes 
with  the  Cholulans,  and,  with  the  help  of  the  invincible  Spaniards, 
to  crush  their  ancient  enemy. 

2  These  trumpets  were  made  of  wood  and  canes,  and  were  well 
played,  giving  forth  very  sonorous  notes. 

'  The  Spaniards  commonly  used  the  word  "mosque"  to  desig- 
nate any  non-Christian  place  of  worship. 


Second  Letter  217 

dwelt  to  their  satisfaction;  and  they  brought  us  some 
food,  though  not  very  generously.  Along  the  road  we 
encountered  many  signs,  such  as  the  natives  of  this 
province  had  foretold  us,  for  we  found  the  high  road 
blocked  up,  and  another  opened,  and  some  pits,  although 
not  many,  and  some  of  the  city  streets  were  closed,  and 
many  stones  were  piled  on  the  house  tops.  They  thus 
obliged  us  to  be  cautious,  and  on  our  guard. 

I  found  there  certain  messengers  from  Montezuma, 
who  came  to  speak  with  those  others  who  were  with  me, 
but  to  me  they  said  nothing,  because,  in  order  to  inform 
their  master,  they  had  come  to  learn  what  those  who 
were  with  me  had  done  and  agreed  with  me.  These 
latter  messengers  departed,  therefore,  as  soon  as  they 
had  spoken  with  the  first,  and  even  the  chief  of  those  who. 
had  formerly  been  with  me  also  left. 

During  the  three  days  which  I  remained  there  I  was 
ill  provided  for,  and  every  day  was  worse,  and  the  lords 
and  chiefs  of  the  city  came  rarely  to  see  and  xhe  Mas- 
speak  to  me.  I  was  somewhat  perplexed  by  sacre  at 
this,  but  the  interpreter  whom  I  have,  an  Cholula 
Indian  woman  ^  of  this  country  w^hom  I  obtained  in 
Putunchan,  the  great  river  I  have  already  mentioned 
in  the  first  letter  to  Your  Majesty,  was  told  by  another 
woman  native  of  this  city,  that  many  of  Montezuma's 
people  had  gathered  close  by,  and  that  those  of  the 
city  had  sent  away  their  wives,  and  children,  and  all 
their  goods,  intending  to  fall  upon  us  and  kill  us  all; 
and  that,  if  she  wished  to  escape,  she  should  go  with 
her,  as  she  would  hide  her.  The  female  interpreter  told 
it  to  that  Gerónimo  de  Aguilar,  the  interpreter  whom  I 
obtained  in  Yucatan,  and  of  whom  I  have  written  to  Your 
Highness,  who  reported  it  to  me.  I  captured  one  of  the 
natives  of  the  said  city,  who  was  walking  about  there, 
and  took  him  secretly  apart  so  that  no  one  saw  it,  and 

•  See  Appendix  I.,  close  of  Letter. 


2i8  Letters  of  Cortes 

questioned  him;  and  he  confimied  all  that  the  Indian 
woman  and  the  natives  of  Tascaltecal  had  told  me.  As 
well  on  account  of  this  information  as  from  the  signs  I 
had  obsen-ed,  I  determined  to  anticipate  them,  rather 
than  be  surprised,  so  I  had  some  of  the  lords  of  the  city 
called,  saying  that  I  wished  to  speak  with  them,  and  I 
shut  them  in  a  chamber  by  themselves.  In  the  meantime 
I  had  our  people  prepared,  so  that,  at  the  firing  of  a 
musket,  they  should  fall  on  a  crowd  of  Indians  who  were 
near  to  our  quarters,  and  many  others  who  were  inside 
them.  It  was  done  in  this  wise,  that,  after  I  had  taken 
these  lords,  and  left  them  bound  in  the  chamber,  I 
mounted  a  horse,  and  ordered  the  musket  to  be  fired,  and 
we  did  such  execution  that,  in  two  hours,  more  than 
three  thousand  persons  had  perished. 

In  order  that  Your  Alajesty  may  see  how  well  prepared 
they  were,  before  I  went  out  of  our  quarters,  they  had 
occupied  all  the  streets,  and  stationed  all  their  men,  but, 
as  we  took  them  by  surprise,  they  were  easily  overcome, 
especially  as  the  chiefs  were  wanting,  for  I  had  already 
taken  them  prisoners.  I  ordered  fire  to  be  set  to  some 
towers  and  strong  houses,  where  they  defended  them- 
selves, and  assaulted  us;  and  thus  I  scoiired  the  city 
fighting  during  five  hours,  leaving  our  dwelling  place 
which  was  very  strong,  w^ell  guarded,  untü  I  had  forced 
all  the  people  out  of  the  city  at  various  points,  in  which 
those  five  thousand  natives  of  Tascaltecal  and  the  four 
hundred  of  Cempoal  gave  me  good  assistance.  ^ 

>  This  massacre  is  one  of  the  bloodiest  in  Mexican  history,  and 
concerning  it  the  greatest  controversy  has  raged.  Las  Casas  leads 
in  judging  Cortes  most  severely,  and  says  that  it  was  a  part  of 
his  policy,  as  indeed  it  was  of  the  Spaniards  everj'where,  to  strike 
terror  into  the  natives  by  a  wholesale  slaughter.  Bemal  Diaz  defends 
Cortes  and  says  his  course  was  justified  later,  when,  in  the  investigation 
made  by  the  friars  who  came  for  that  purpose  to  Cholula,  they  learned 
from  the  chiefs  and  other  Cholulans  that  there  had  really  been  a  con- 
certed plot  to  destroy  the  Spaniards  in  their  city.  A  contrary  theory 
is,  that  the  Tlascalans  invented  the  fiction  of  a  plot  expressly  to 


Second  Letter  219 

On  my  return  to  our  quarters,  I  spoke  with  those 
captive  lords,  and  asked  them  why  they  wished  to  kill 
me  treacherously.  They  answered  that  it  was  not  their 
fault,  as  those  of  Culua,  who  were  vassals  of  Montezuma, 
had  put  them  up  to  it,  and  that  Montezuma  had  stationed 
in  such  and  such  a  place,  (which  as  we  learned  afterwards 
was  a  league  and  a  half  distant) ,  a  garrison  of  fifty  thousand 
men  to  accomplish  it.  But  they  now  had  learned  how 
they  had  been  deceived,  and  if  I  would  set  one  or  two 
of  them  at  liberty,  they  would  gather  the  people  of  the 
city,  and  return  to  it  with  all  the  women,  and  children, 
and  chattels;  and  they  prayed  me  to  pardon  them  the 
error  they  had  committed,  assuring  me  that,  from  hence- 
forth, no  one  should  deceive  them,  and  that  they  would 
be  faithful  and  loyal  vassals  of  Your  Highness  and  my 
friends.  After  having  spoken  at  length  to  them  about 
their  error,  I  liberated  two  of  them,  and  the  next  day 
the  whole  city  was  filled  with  men,  women,  and  children, 
and  as  safe  as  if  nothing  of  what  had  passed  had  ever 
happened.  Immediately  afterwards  I  liberated  all  the 
other  chiefs  and  lords  whom  I  had  made  prisoners,  they 
promising  that  they  would  serve  Your  Majesty  very 
loyally. 

During  the  fifteen  or  twenty  days  I  remained  there, 
the  city  and  country  were  completely  pacified  and  re- 
provoke  a  massacre  of  their  Cholulan  enemies;  if  this  be  true,  Doña 
Marina  was  the  only  instrument  for  accomplishing  their  purpose.  She 
told  Cortes  that  a  Cholulan  woman  of  position,  whose  friendship  she 
had  cultivated,  had  warned  her  of  the  Spaniards'  doom,  and  urged  her 
to  take  shelter  in  her  own  house,  and  thus  save  herself.  Granted 
that  Cortes  was,  with  reason,  fearful  of  treachery,  his  only  safety  lay 
in  forestalling  the  plotters,  but  this  it  seems  might  have  been  done  by 
securing  the  chiefs,  and  Montezuma's  envoys,  who  were  the  suspected 
instigators,  and  even  making  an  example  of  them.  Nothing  can  ex- 
cuse the  wholesale  massacre  of  a  defenceless  population  taken  in  a 
trap;  such  excessive  measures  overstepped  by  far  the  needs  of  the 
situation.  If  the  commander's  intention  was  as  Las  Casas  describes, 
he  succeeded,  for  the  news  of  the  tragedy  quickly  spread,  and  threw 
Montezuma  into  a  panic  of  helpless  fear. 


220  Letters  of  Cortes 

peopled,  so  that  it  seemed  nobody  was  lacking;  and  their 
market  place  and  the  affairs  of  the  city  were  as  they 
ordinarily  were;  and  I  made  those  of  this  city  of  Churul- 
tccal  friends  with  those  of  Tascaltecal,  for  they  used  to 
be  so  formerly,  ^  and  it  was  but  a  short  time  since  that 
Montezuma  had  won  them  over  to  his  allegiance,  and 
made  them  enemies  of  the  others. 

This  city  of  Churultecal  is  situated  in  a  plain,  and 
has  up  to  twenty  thousand  houses  in  the  body  of 
Description  the  city,  and  as  many  more  in  the  outskirts. 
of  Cholula  It  is  an  independent  state,  and  has  its  recog- 
nised boundaries,  and  they  do  not  obey  any  chiefs, 
but  govern  themselves  like  the  Tascaltecas.  The  people 
are  better  clothed  in  some  ways  than  the  Tascaltecas, 
because  their  honoured  citizens  all  wear  albornoces  2 
above  their  other  clothing,  though  they  differ  from 
those  of  Africa  in  having  pockets,  but  in  the  making, 
and  stuff  and  borders,  they  are  very  similar.  They 
have  all  been,  and  are  since  the  recent  occurrence, 
very  faithful  vassals  to  Your  Majesty,  and  very  obedient 
in  all  that  I  required  and  commanded  of  them  in  Your 
Royal  name;  and  I  believe  that  henceforth  they  will 
remain  so.  This  city  has  very  fertile  fields,  for  they 
have  much  land,  and  the  greater  part  is  irrigated;  and 
the  city  seen  from  the  outside  is  more  beautiful  than  the 
cities  of  Spain,  because  it  is  very  level,  and  contains  many 
towers,  for  I  certify  to  Your  Highness  that  I  counted 
from  a  mosque  four  hundred  and  odd  towers  in  the  city, 

'  Tlascala  and  Cholula  had  fought  as  allies  against  the  triple 
alliance  of  Mexico,  Texcoco,  and  Tlacopan,  but  Montezuma  had  profited 
by  a  subsequent  dissension  between  them  to  aggravate  the  quarrel 
which  thus  led  to  a  war,  the  Mexicans  aiding  the  Cholulans.  This 
cost  the  latter  their  independence,  as  Montezioma  estabHshed  his  sway 
over  them.  They  were  reputed  to  be  false,  and  their  very  name 
had  come  to  be  synonymous  with  treachery.  (Orozco  y  Berra,  Tom. 
iv.,  p.  239.) 

2  The  Moorish  burnous. 


Second  Letter  221 

and  all  belonged  to  mosques.  It  is  the  best  adapted  for 
Spaniards  to  live  in  of  any  I  have  seen  since  leaving  the 
port,  as  it  has  some  uncultivated  lands  and  water  for  the 
purpose  of  raising  cattle,  such  as  have  no  others  we  have 
seen  so  far.  For,  such  is  the  multitude  of  people  who 
live  in  these  parts,  that  there  is  not  a  palm  of  land  which 
is  not  cultivated,  and  even  then  there  are  many  places  in 
which  they  suffer  for  want  of  bread,  and  there  are  many 
poor  who  beg  amongst  the  rich  in  the  streets,  and  at  the 
market  places,  just  as  the  poor  do  in  Spain,  and  other 
civilised  countries. 

I  spoke,  to  those  messengers  of  Montezuma  who  re- 
mained with  me,  about  the  treachery  which  had  been 
plotted  against  me  in  the  city,  and  how  the  concernine 
lords  of  it  affirmed  that  it  had  been  done  the  Plot  of 
by  the  counsel  of  Montezuma.  I  said  that  *^^  C^°- 
it  did  not  seem  to  me  that  it  was  a  deed  for  "  ^^^ 

such  a  great  lord  as  he  was,  who  had  sent  me  such 
honourable  persons  as  his  messengers,  saying  he  was 
my  friend,  while  on  the  other  hand  he  devised  plans  for 
injuring  me  by  means  of  strangers,  so  that  he  might  cast 
off  the  responsibility  if  things  did  not  turn  out  as  he 
thought.  But  since  it  was  thus,  and  he  did  not  keep 
his  word,  nor  did  he  speak  the  truth  to  me,  I  now  intended 
to  alter  my  plans ;  for  until  now  I  had  come  with  the  in- 
tention of  seeing  and  speaking  with  him,  and  of  having 
him  for  a  friend,  and  holding  many  conversations,  and 
in  the  hope  of  peace.  Now,  however,  I  would  go  to  his 
country  with  war,  doing  him  all  the  harm  I  could  as 
an  enemy,  though  this  I  regretted  very  much,  as  I  had 
always  wanted  him  for  a  friend  that  I  might  counsel 
with  him  respecting  what  I  was  to  do  in  this  country. 

They  answered  me,  that  as  they  had  been  with  me  many 
days,  they  knew  nothing  concerning  that  plot,  except 
what  they  had  heard  in  the  city  after  the  occurrence,  and 
they  could  not  believe  that  it  was  done  by  the  order  and 


222  Letters  of  Cortes 

counsel  of  Montezuma;  and  they  besought  me,  before  I 
deteimined  to  abandon  his  friendship  and  to  make  war 
as  I  said,  that  I  should  inform  myself  of  the  truth,  and 
permit  one  of  them,  who  would  promptly  return,  to  go 
and  speak  with  Montezuma,  as  from  this  city  to  the  place 
where  he  resides  is  twenty  leagues.  I  told  them  I  agreed 
to  this,  and  let  one  of  them  go,  who  after  six  days  re- 
turned, together  with  the  first  who  had  gone,  and  they 
brought  me  ten  plates  of  gold,  and  fifteen  hundred  pieces 
of  stuff,  and  many  provisions  of  chickens  and  panicap,  ^ 
which  is  a  beverage  they  drink;  and  they  told  me  that 
^lontezuma  was  much  grieved  over  the  disturbance  that 
had  happened,  and  which  had  been  arranged  in  Churul- 
tecal.  They  said  that  I  must  believe  that  it  had  not  been 
by  his  counsel  and  order,  for  he  assured  me  it  was  not  so, 
and  that,  though  the  people  who  were  there  in  garrison 
were  of  a  truth  his,  they  had  moved  without  his  com- 
mands, induced  by  the  natives  of  Churultecal,  who  bor- 
dered on  two  of  his  pro\'inces,  one  of  which  was  called 
Acancigo,  and  the  other  Izzucan.  2  They  said  that  there 
existed  a  certain  alliance  of  neighbourhood  between 
them,  for  helping  each  other,  and  it  was  thus  they  had 
come  there,  and  not  by  his  orders;  but  in  the  future 
I  should  learn  from  his  deeds,  that  what  he  had  told  me 
was  true,  though  he  still  besought  me  not  to  seek  to  come 
to  his  country,  because  it  was  sterile,  and  we  would 
suffer  privations,  and  that  from  wherever  I  might  be,  I 
could  send  to  ask  him  for  whatever  I  wanted,  and  he 
would  send  it  very  promptly.  I  answered  that  my  visit 
to  his  country  could  not  be  renounced,  because  I  would 
have  to  send  a  full  account  of  him  and  of  it  to  Your 
Majesty,  and  that  I  was  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  what 

'  There  is  no  such  word  or  drink,  and  this  name  may  be  here 
due  to  an  error  in  writing  or  copying;  it  has  been  taken  by  some 
commentators  to  mean  pan  y  cacao  (bread  and  cocoa).  Gayangos 
suggests  that  it  may  be  the  sugared  drink  called  Atole. 

2  Two  towns  in  the  present  state  of  Puebla. 


Second  Letter  223 

he  had  sent  to  tell  me ;  that  inasmuch  as  I  could  not  forego 
seeing  him,  I  hoped  he  would  approve  of  it,  and  not  plan 
any  opposition,  because  it  would  be  greatly  to  his  injury, 
and  would  grieve  me  very  much. 

From  the  time  he  saw  it  was  my  determination  to  visit 
him  and  his  country,  he  sent  me  word  to  say  that  I  might 
come,  and  very  welcome ;  that  he  would  await  me  in  that 
great  city  where  he  was,  and  he  sent  me  many  of  his 
people  to  accompany  me,  as  I  was  already  near  his 
country.  These  persons  sought  to  induce  me  to  go  by 
a  certain  road,  where  they  must  have  prepared  some 
attack  upon  me,  as  it  afterwards  appeared,  and  as  was  seen 
by  many  Spaniards  whom  I  afterwards  sent  to  recon- 
noitre the  country.  There  were  so  many  bridges,  and 
difficult  passes  on  that  road,  that,  if  I  had  gone  by  it,  they 
might  very  easily  have  accomplished  their  intentions,  but 
as  God  has  always  taken  care  to  guide,  even  from  your 
childhood,  the  royal  aflairs  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  and 
as  I  and  those  of  my  company  went  in  your  royal  service, 
He  showed  us  another  road,  which,  although  somewhat 
steep,  was  not  as  dangerous  as  that  by  which  they  wished 
to  take  us. 

About  eight  leagues  from  this  city  of  Churultecal, 
there  are  two  very  high  and  marvellous  mountains,  ^ 
for  at  the  end  of  August  they  were  so  covered  Ascent  of 
with  snow  that  we  could  distinguish  nothing  Popoca- 
else  on  their  tops  but  what  seemed  snow,  and  ^^P®*' 

» Popocatapetl.  Signifying  in  the  Mexican  language  "smoking 
mountain."  Humboldt  gives  its  height  as  5400  metres.  Together 
with  Ixtaccihuatl  (the  white  woman)  this  volcano  was  venerated  as 
a  god,  the  Indians  considering  them  as  man  and  wife;  their  feast 
days  were  celebrated  both  in  the  city  and  in  grottoes  in  the  mountains. 
The  crater  of  Popocatapetl  was  thought  to  be  an  abode  of  the  tormented 
spirits  of  wicked  kings.  The  greatest  eruption  of  which  there  is  any 
record  took  place  in  1353;  the  mountain  was  in  a  period  of  activity 
in  1519  which  lasted  till  1528.  Another  eruption  occurred  in  1533, 
but  the  one  which  caused  the  most  serious  apprehension  was  on  Feb. 
24,  1664,  when  a  huge  piece  of  the  crater  fell  in  and  showers  of  ashes 


224  Letters  of  Cortes 

from  the  highest  one,  a  great  volume  of  smoke,  as  thick 
as  a  house,  continually  comes  forth,  not  only  by  day, 
but  also  by  night,  rising  to  the  clouds  as  straight  as 
a  pillar,  and  it  appears  to  come  out  with  such  force, 
that  although  on  the  top  of  the  mountain  a  strong 
wind  prevails,  it  does  not  turn  it.  As  I  have  always 
wished  to  give  a  very  detailed  account  of  this  country  to 
Your  Highness,  I  wanted  to  know  about  this  mystery, 
which  seemed  somewhat  marv^ellous,  so  I  sent  ten  of  my 
companions,  who  seemed  adapted  for  such  an  enterprise, 
accompanied  by  some  natives  of  the  country  to  guide 
them,  charging  them  to  climb  the  said  mountains,  and 
learn  the  secret  of  that  smoke,  whence  and  how  it  came. 
They  went,  and  strove,  and  did  all  that  was  possible 
to  scale  it,  but  never  were  able  to  do  so  on  account  of 
the  quantity  of  snow  which  lay  on  the  mountain,  and 
the  clouds  of  ashes  which  are  blown  about  on  it,  and  also 
because  they  could  not  endure  the  great  cold  which  pre- 
vails there.  They  nearly  reached  the  top,  however,  and 
so  high  was  it,  that,  when  they  were  up  there,  the  smoke 
began  to  come  out,  and  they  say  it  came  with  such  an 
impetus  and  noise  as  if  the  entire  mountain  was  about  to 
sink;  so  they  descended,  and  brought  with  them  a  con- 
siderable quantity  of  snow  and  icicles,  which  seemed 
a  strange  thing  to  see  in  these  parts,  for  according  to 
the  opinion  of  the  pilots,  they  belong  to  the  tropics. 
They  say  especially  that  this  country  is  situated  in 
the  twentieth  degree,  which  is  parallel  to  the  island  of 
Hispaniola,  where  the  heat  is  continually  very  great. 

rained  in  the  streets  of  Puebla,  where  the  windows  were  broken,  and 
roofs  of  houses  collapsed.  I  visited  the  crater  in  1884,  when  it  resem- 
bled the  basin  of  a  dried-up  lake,  from  which  came  puffs  of  whitish 
smoke-like  steam,  rising  from  small  fissures  here  and  there,  while  over 
all  there  was  a  strong  smell  of  sulphur.  Diego  de  Ordaz,  who  led  the 
Spaniards  in  making  the  first  known  ascent  of  the  mountain,  had  con- 
ceded to  him  on  his  return  to  Spain,  the  privilege  of  quartering  a  smok- 
ing volcano  in  his  arms. 


Second  Letter  225 

While  going  to  see  this  mountain,  they  came  upon  a 
road,  and  asked  the  natives  who  went  with  them  whither 
it  lead ;  and  these  answered  to  Culua,  ^  and  that  it  was 
a  good  road,  and  that  the  other  by  which  the  Culuans 
wished  to  take  us  was  not  good.  The  Spaniards  followed 
it  until  they  reached  the  top  of  the  Sierras,  between  which 
the  road  passes,  and  from  there  they  beheld  the  plains  of 
Culua,  and  the  city  of  Temixtitan,^  and  the  lakes  which 
are  in  the  said  province,  of  which  I  will  hereafter  make 
relation  to  Your  Highness.  They  came  back  very  glad 
at  having  discovered  so  good  a  road,  and  God  knows  how 
happy  I  was  about  it. 

After  these  Spaniards,  who  had  gone  to  visit  the  moun- 
tains, returned,  and  I  had  informed  myself  accurately, 
not  only  from  them,  but  also  from  the  natives,  respecting 
the  road  which  they  had  discovered,  I  spoke  to  those 
messengers  of  Montezuma  w^ho  were  to  guide  me  to  his 
country,  and  told  them,  as  it  was  shorter  that  I  wished  to 
go  by  that  road,  instead  of  the  one  they  had  proposed. 
They  answered  that  I  said  truly  that  it  was  shorter,  and 
more  level,  and  the  reason  they  had  not  suggested  it, 
was  because  by  it  we  should  have  to  pass  one  or  two 
days'  journey  through  the  country  of  Guasucingo,  whose 
people  were  their  enemies,  and  therefore  we  would  not 
find  all  the  necessaries,  as  when  going  through  the  land 
of  Montezuma;  but,  if  I  wished  to  go  that  way,  they 
would  arrange  that  provisions  should  be  brought  up  to 
the  road  from  the  other  side. 

So  we  started,  with  some  fears  that  those  people 
might  persist  in  playing  some  trick  upon  us,  but  as 
we  had  already  announced  that  we  would  Departure 
take    that    road,    it    did    not    seem    well    to  from 

me  to  leave  it,  and  to  change,  lest  they  Choiula 
might  suspect  a  want  of  courage  had  caused  it.     The 

»  Colhua,  another  name  for  Mexico,  also  spelled  Culua. 
'  See  Appendix  II.,  close  of  Letter. 
VOL.  1—15. 


2  26  Letters  of  Cortes 

day  I  left  the  city  of  Churultecal,  I  marched  four  leagues 
to  some  hamlets  of  the  city  of  Guasucingo,  ^  where  I 
was  well  received  by  the  natives,  who  gave  me  some 
female  slaves,  and  wearing  apparel,  and  certain  small 
pieces  of  gold.  This  last  in  all  was  but  little,  because 
these  people  did  not  have  much,  as  they  belong  to  the 
league  and  alliance  of  the  Tascaltecas,  and  they  are  shut 
in  by  Montezuma,  and  surrounded  by  his  country  in  such 
a  manner  that  they  can  have  no  commerce  with  any 
other  province  except  their  own,  and  therefore,  they  live 
very  poorly. 

The  following  day  I  mounted  the  pass  between  the  two 
mountains  of  which  I  have  spoken,  and,  descending  it, 
we  beheld  one  of  the  provinces,  of  the  country  of  the 
said  Montezuma,  called  Chalco,^  where,  about  two 
leagues  before  we  reached  the  town,  I  found  a  very  good 
dwelling  place,  which  had  been  recently  built,  and  was 
so  large  that  all  my  company  and  myself  were  very 
commodiously  lodged  in  it;  this  although  I  had  with  me 
more  than  four  thousand  Indians,  of  these  provinces  of 
Tascaltecal,  Guasucingo,  Churultecal,  and  Cempoal,  for 
whom  there  were  ample  provisions  of  food.  Here  great 
fires  of  plenty  of  wood  were  burned  in  all  the  rooms,  for 
the  cold  was  very  bitter,  as  we  were  surrounded  by  two 
mountains  both  covered  with  snow. 

Certain  persons  came  to  speak  to  me  here  who  seemed 
to  be  chiefs,  amongst  whom  was  one  who,  I  was 
told,  was  brother  to  Montezuma.  He  brought  me  about 
three  thousand   dollars  of  gold,  and  told  me  in  Monte- 

•  Spelled  in  various  ways.  Guajocingo,  or  Huejocingo,  in  the  state 
of  Puebla. 

2  The  province  of  Chalco  had  been  conquered  by  the  Mexicans 
only  after  much  bloodshed,  and  was  held  in  subjection  by  force;  hence 
its  people  were  not  loyal  subjects  to  be  counted  upon  in  time  of  need. 
They  were  the  first  to  profit  by  the  Spaniards'  arrival  in  the  valley  to 
throw  off  their  allegiance.  Cortes  promised  them  relief,  and  assured 
them  that  he  had  come  to  redress  their  wrongs  and  establish  justice. 


Second  Letter  227 

zuma's  name  that  the  latter  sent  that  to  me,  and  prayed 
me  to  go  back,  and  not  insist  on  coming  to  his  city,  as 
the  country  was  scarce  of  food,  and  the  roads  leading 
there  were  bad;  and,  as  it  was  all  on  the  water,  I  could 
enter  it  only  in  canoes.  He  also  enumerated  many  other 
inconveniences  to  prevent  me  going.  They  said  I  had 
only  to  say  what  I  wanted,  for  Montezuma  their  sovereign 
would  order  it  to  be  given  to  me,  and  would  likewise 
agree  to  give  me  annually  cerium  quid,  which  would 
be  taken  to  the  coast,  or  wherever  I  wished.  I  received 
them  very  well  and  gave  them  some  Spanish  articles, 
such  as  they  esteem  very  much,  especially  to  him  who 
was  said  to  be  a  brother  of  Montezuma's.  I  replied  to 
his  embassy,  that,  if  it  was  in  my  hands  to  return,  I  would 
do  so  in  order  to  please  Montezuma,  but  that  I  had  come 
to  this  country  by  order  of  Your  Majesty,  and  that  the 
principal  thing,  of  which  you  had  ordered  me  to  give  an 
account,  was  Montezuma,  and  his  great  city,  of  whom, 
and  of  which,  Your  Majesty  had  possessed  information 
since  a  long  time.  I  said  also  that  they  should  tell  him 
from  me,  that  I  prayed  him  to  approve  my  going  to  see 
him,  because  no  injury  would  result  from  it  to  his  person 
and  country,  but  rather  that  he  should  receive  good; 
and  if  after  I  had  seen  him  he  did  not  wish  to  have  me 
in  his  company,  then  I  would  return;  and  that  we  could 
better  decide  between  ourselves,  how  he  should  serve 
Your  Highness,  than  through  third  persons,  even  were 
they  those  in  whom  we  had  full  confidence.  With  this 
answer  they  departed. 

Judging  from  appearances  which  we  observed,  and  the 
preparation  which  had  been  made  in  this  dwelling  place 
of  which  I  have  spoken,  the  Indians  expected  to  attack 
us  that  night,  and  perceiving  this,  I  took  such  precaution 
that  they,  noting  it,  changed  their  plan,  and  secretly 
sent  away  that  night  a  number  of  people  who  had  gathered 
in  the  woods,  as  was  seen  by  our  watchmen  and  scouts. 


228  Letters  of  Cortes 

At  daybreak  I  set  out  for  a  town,  called  Amaqueruca,  ^ 
which  is  two  leagues  from  here,  in  the  province  of 
Chalco,  which  in  its  principal  town,  and  the 
Descends  villages  within  two  leagues  of  it,  has  some 
into  the  Val- twenty  thousand  inhabitants.  We  were  lodged 
ley  of  in  some  very  good  houses,  belonging  to  the  chief 

of  the  said  town,  and  many  persons  who  seemed 
to  be  of  high  rank  came  to  speak  to  me,  telling  me  that 
Montezuma,  their  sovereign  lord,  had  sent  them  to  await 
me  here,  and  to  see  that  I  was  provided  with  every- 
thing necessary.  The  lord  of  this  place  gave  me  some 
forty  female  slaves,  and  three  thousand  castellanos. 
During  the  two  days  I  was  there,  they  provided  us  amply 
with  all  necessary  food. 

The  next  day,  accompanied  by  those  chiefs  who  had 
come  on  the  part  of  Montezuma  to  wait  for  me,  I  left, 
and  slept  four  leagues  farther  on,  in  a  small  town,  almost 
half  of  it  on  the  water  of  a  great  lake,  where  they  lodged 
us  very  well ;  and  on  the  land  side  there  is  a  chain  of  very 
rugged  and  stony  mountains.  Here  likewise  they  would 
have  been  very  willing  to  try  their  forces  with  us,  except, 
as  it  appeared,  they  wanted  to  do  so  with  safety,  and  by 
surprising  us  in  the  night.  But,  as  I  was  so  well  informed, 
I  anticipated  their  intention,  and  kept  such  a  guard  that 
night,  that  of  their  spies  who  came,  some  in  canoes  by 
water,  and  others  by  descending  from  the  mountains, 
to  soe  if  there  was  any  possibility  of  carrying  out  their 
wishes,  some  fifteen  or  twenty  were  taken  by  our  men, 
and  killed.  Thus,  few  returned  to  give  the  information 
they  had  come  to  secure;  and  finding  us  always  so  well 
prepared  they  decided  to  change  their  tactics,  and  treat 
us  well. 

The  next  morning,  just  as  I  was  ready  to  leave  the 
town,  there  arrived  some  ten  or  twelve  chiefs,  as  I  learned 

>  Amecamecan,  now  called  Amecameca;  it  lies  at  the  foot  of 
Popocatapetl,  some  two  leagues  from  Tlalmanalco. 


Second  Letter  229 

afterwards,  and  among  them  a  great  lord,  a  youth  of 
about  five  and  twenty  years,  to  whom  all  showed  great 
attention,  so  much  so,  that,  after  he  had  descended  from 
a  litter  in  which  he  had  come,  all  the  others  began  clearing 
the  road  of  the  stones  and  straw  before  him.  Approach- 
ing, he  told  me  he  came  on  the  part  of  Montezuma,  his 
sovereign  lord,  and  that  the  latter  besought  me  to  pardon 
him  if  he  did  not  come  in  person  to  see  me,  and  receive 
me,  as  he  was  indisposed,  but  that  his  city  was  already 
near,  and,  inasmuch  as  I  was  still  determined  to  go  to 
him,  we  would  meet  there,  when  I  should  learn  from 
him  his  disposition  towards  Your  Highness's  ser^'ice.  It 
was  added  that  he  still  besought  me,  if  it  were  pos- 
sible, not  to  go  thither,  as  I  would  have  much  trouble 
and  privation  to  endure,  and  that  he  was  much  ashamed 
not  to  be  able  to  provide  there  as  he  desired.  With 
this,  they  fell  on  their  knees,  protesting  so  much,  that 
it  only  remained  to  say  that  they  would  defend  the  road 
by  force  if  I  still  insisted  in  going  on.  I  satisfied,  and 
calmed  them  with  the  best  words  possible,  saying  that 
my  going  thither  would  do  them  no  harm,  but  bring  them 
many  advantages;  and  so,  after  giving  them  some  presents, 
they  took  their  leave. 

I  departed  immediately  after  them,  accompanied  by 
many  people  who  seemed  to  be  of  much  importance,  as 
it  afterwards  appeared,  and  I  continued  along  the  road 
by  the  shore  of  that  great  lake.  A  league  from  my  last 
stopping  place,  I  saw  in  this  lake,  two  musket-shots 
distant  from  the  shore,  a  small  city  which  might  have  had 
one  or  two  thousand  inhabitants,  and  which  was  all 
afloat  on  the  water ;  having  many  towers  as  it  seemed  but 
no  entrance.  About  a  league  from  there,  we  reached  a 
great  causeway,  as  broad  as  a  horseman's  lance,  extending 
within  the  lake  about  two-thirds  of  a  league.  This  led 
to  the  city,  ^  which  though  small,  was  the  most  beautiful 

»  The   town    of    Cuitlahuac,    now   called   Tlahua,    on    the  lake    o£ 


230  Letters  of  Cortes 

we  had  yet  seen,  not  only  on  account  of  the  well  decorated 
houses  and  towers,  but  also  because  of  the  excellent 
construction  of  its  foundations  in  the  water. 

In  this  city,  which  has  about  two  thousand  inhabitants, 
we  were  very  well  received,  and  they  gave  us  excellent 
food.  The  lord  and  chiefs  of  it  came  to  speak  with  me, 
and  prayed  me  to  remain,  and  sleep  there;  however, 
Montezuma's  messengers  who  were  with  me  told  me  not 
to  stop,  but  to  go  on  to  another  city,  called  Iztapalapan,  ^ 
about  three  leagues  distant,  belonging  to  a  brother  of 
Montezuma;  so  I  did  this.  The  exit  from  the  said  city 
where  we  dined,  whose  name  at  present  does  not  occur 
to  my  memory,  is  by  another  causeway,  a  long  league  in 
length,  which  extends  to  the  mainland. 

Having  arrived  at  this  city  of  Iztapalapan,  the  chief 
of  it  came  out  to  receive  me,  as  well  as  one  from 
Descrió-  another  great  city,  called  Calnaalcan,  2  which 
tion  of  is  near,  being  perhaps  three  leagues  distant, 
Iztapalapan  ^^^^^  these  Were  accompanied  by  many  other 
chiefs  who  were  waiting  for  me;  and  they  gave  me 
three  or  four  thousand  castellanos,  some  female  slaves, 
and  wearing  apparel,  receiving  me  very  well.  This  city  of 

Texcoco.  The  Spaniards  called  it  Venezuela  (little  Venice).  Clavigero 
insists  that,  after  leaving  Cuitlahuac  for  Iztapalapan,  the  two  discon- 
tented brothers  of  the  King  of  Texcoco,  Ixtlilochitl  and  Coanacochtzin, 
met  Cortes,  and  offered  their  alliance,  explaining  their  grievances  against 
their  brother  Cacamatzin,  the  reigning  King,  and  Montezuma  their 
uncle ;  and  that  Cortes  went  on  their  invitation  to  Texcoco.  As  neither 
Cortes  nor  Bernal  Diaz  mentions  what  would  have  been  an  important 
and  interesting  divergence  from  their  route,  and  both  account  for 
almost  every  hour  of  the  time,  by  recording  their  daily  movements, 
the  visit  to  Texcoco  seems  more  than  doubtful.  The  interview  with 
the  two  princes  might  easily  have  taken  place  on  the  road. 

'  Iztapalapan,  seven  miles  from  Mexico,  preserves  its  ancient 
name,  though  the  lake  has  long  since  receded,  leaving  it  high  and  dry. 
The  city  had  between  12,000  and  15,000  houses,  and  was  ruled  by 
Cuitlahuatzin,  a  brother  of  Montezuma.  The  chief  glory  of  Iztapalapan 
was  its  botanical  and  zoological  garden,  with  reservoirs  full  of  all  kinds 
of  fish,  such  as  no  town  in  Europe  possessed  at  that  time. 

2  Coyohuacan. 


Second  Letter  231 

Iztapalapan  has  some  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  house- 
holds, and  stands  on  the  shore  of  a  great  salt  lake,  half 
of  it  in  the  water,  and  the  other  half  on  land.  Its  chief 
has  some  new  houses,  which,  though  still  unfinished, 
are  as  good  as  the  best  in  Spain;  I  say  as  large  and  well 
constructed,  not  only  in  the  stone  work,  but  also  in  the 
wood  work,  and  all  arrangements  for  every  kind  of  house- 
hold service,  all  except  the  relief  work,  and  other  rich  de- 
tails, which  are  used  in  Spanish  houses,  but  are  not  found 
here.  There  are  both  upper  and  lower  rooms,  and  very 
refreshing  gardens,  with  many  trees  and  sweet  scented 
flowers,  bathing  places  of  fresh  water,  well  constructed, 
with  steps  leading  down  to  the  bottom.  He  has  also  a 
large  garden  round  his  house,  in  which  there  is  a  terrace 
with  many  beautiful  corridors  and  rooms,  and,  within 
the  garden,  is  a  great  pool  of  fresh  water,  very  well  built 
with  sides  of  handsome  masonry,  around  which  runs 
an  open  walk  with  well  laid  tile  pavements,  so  broad 
that  four  persons  can  walk  abreast  on  it,  and  four  hundred 
paces  square,  making,  in  all,  sixteen  hundred  paces. 
On  the  other  side  of  this  promenade,  towards  the  wall 
of  the  garden,  it  is  all  surrounded  by  a  lattice  work 
of  canes,  behind  which  are  arbours,  planted  with 
fragrant  shrubs.  The  pool  contains  many  fish,  and 
water  fowl,  such  as  ducks,  cranes,  and  other  kinds  of 
water  birds,  in  such  numbers  that  the  water  is  covered 
with  them. 

The  next  day  after  I  had  arrived  in  this  city,  I  left,  and 
having  gone  half  a  league,  I  reached  another  causeway, 
leading  out  into  the  lake  a  distance  of  two  leagues  to  the 
great  city  of  Temixtitan,  which  stands  in  the  midst  of 
the  said  lake.  This  causeway  is  two  lances  broad,  and 
so  well  built  that  eight  horsemen  can  ride  abreast;  and, 
within  these  two  leagues,  there  are  three  cities,  on  one 
and  the  other  side  of  the  said  highway,  one  called  Mesical- 
singo,  founded  for  the  greater  part  within  the  said  lake, 


2  32  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  the  other  two,  called  Niciaca,  and  Huchilohuchico,  ^ 
on  the  other  shore  of  it,  with  many  of  their  houses  on 
the  water. 

The  first  of  these  cities  may  have  three  thousand 
families,  the  second  more  than  six  thousand,  and  the 
third  four  or  five  thousand.  In  all  of  them,  there  are  very 
good  edifices,  of  houses  and  towers,  especially  the  resi- 
dences of  the  lords  and  chief  persons,  and  the  mosques 
or  oratories,  where  they  keep  their  idols.  These  cities 
have  a  great  trade  in  salt,  which  they  make  from  the 
water  of  the  lake,  and  from  the  crust  of  the  land  which  is 
bathed  by  the  lake,  and  which  they  boil  in  a  certain 
manner,  making  loaves  of  salt,  which  they  sell  to  the 
inhabitants  in  the  neighbourhood. 

I  followed  the  said  causeway  for  about  half  a  league 
before  I  came  to  the  city  proper  of  Temixtitan.  I 
Cortes  found  at  the  junction  of  another  causeway. 
Enters  the  which  joins  this  one  from  the  mainland, 
City_  of  another  strong  fortification,  with  two  towers, 
eaco  surrounded  by  walls,  twelve  feet  high  with 
castellated  tops.  This  commands  the  two  roads,  and 
has  only  two  gates,  by  one  of  which  they  enter,  and  from 
the  other  they  come  out.  About  one  thousand  of  the 
principal  citizens  came  out  to  meet  me,  and  speak  to  me, 
all  richly  dressed  alike  according  to  their  fashion;  and 
when  they  had  come,  each  one  in  approaching  me,  and 
before  speaking,  would  use  a  ceremony  which  is  very 
common  amongst  them,  putting  his  hand  on  the  ground, 
and  afterwards  kissing  it,  so  that  I  was  kept  waiting 
almost  an  hour,  until  each  had  performed  his  ceremony. 
There  is  a  wooden  bridge,  ten  paces  broad,  in  the  very 
outskirts  of  the  city,  across  an  opening  in  the  causeway, 
where  the  water  may  flow  in  and  out  as  it  rises  and  falls. 
This  bridge  is  also  for  defence,  for  they  remove  and  replace 
the  long  broad  wooden  beams,  of  which  the  bridge  is 

«  Huithilohuchico — Huitzilopocho — is  the  present  Cherubusco. 


Second  Letter  233 

made,  whenever  they  wish;  and  there  are  many  of  these 
bridges  in  the  city,  as  Your  Highness  will  see  in  the 
account  which  I  shall  make  of  its  affairs. 

Having  passed  this  bridge,  we  were  received  by  that 
lord,  Montezuma,  with  about  two  hundred  chiefs,  all 
barefooted,  and  dressed  in  a  kind  of  livery,  very  rich, 
according  to  their  custom,  and  some  more  so  than  others. 
They  approached  in  two  processions  near  the  walls  of 
the  street,  which  is  very  broad,  and  straight,  and  beautiful, 
and  very  uniform  from  one  end  to  the  other,  being  about 
two  thirds  of  a  league  long,  and  having,  on  both  sides,  very 
large  houses,  both  dwelling  places,  and  mosques.  Monte- 
zuma came  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  with  two  lords, 
one  on  the  right  side,  and  the  other  on  the  left,  one  of 
whom  was  the  same  great  lord,  who,  as  I  said,  came  in 
that  litter  to  speak  with  me,  and  the  other  was  the  brother 
of  Montezuma,  lord  of  that  city  Iztapalapan,  whence  I 
had  come  that  day.  All  were  dressed  in  the  same  manner, 
except  that  Montezuma  was  shod,  and  the  other  lords 
were  barefooted.  Each  supported  him  below  his  arms, 
and  as  we  approached  each  other,  I  descended  from  my 
horse,  and  was  about  to  embrace  him,  but  the  two  lords 
in  attendance  prevented  me,  with  their  hands,  that  I 
might  not  touch  him,  and  they,  and  he  also,  made  the 
ceremony  of  kissing  the  ground.  This  done,  he  ordered 
his  brother  who  came  with  him,  to  remain  with  me,  and 
take  me  by  the  arm,  and  the  other  attendant  walked  a 
little  ahead  of  us.  After  he  had  spoken  to  me,  all  the 
other  lords,  who  formed  the  two  processions,  also  saluted 
me,  one  after  the  other,  and  then  returned  to  the  pro- 
cession. When  I  approached  to  speak  to  Montezuma, 
I  took  off  a  collar  of  pearls  and  glass  diamonds,  that  I 
wore,  and  put  it  on  his  neck,  and,  after  we  had  gone 
through  some  of  the  streets,  one  of  his  servants  came 
with  two  collars,  wrapped  in  a  cloth,  which  were  made 
of    coloured    shells.      These    they   esteem    very    much; 


234  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  from  each  of  the  collars  hung  eight  golden  shrimps 
executed  wáth  great  perfection  and  a  span  long.  When 
he  received  them,  he  turned  towards  me,  and  put  them 
on  my  neck,  and  again  went  on  through  the  streets,  as 
I  have  already  indicated,  until  we  came  to  a  large  and 
handsome  house,  which  he  had  prepared  for  our  reception. 
There  he  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  led  me  into  a  spacious 
room,  in  front  of  the  court  where  we  had  entered,  where 
he  made  me  sit  on  a  very  rich  platform,  which  had  been 
ordered  to  be  made  for  him,  and  told  me  to  wait  there; 
and  then  he  went  away. 

After  a  little  while,  when  all  the  people  of  my  company 
were  distributed  to  their  quarters,  he  returned  with  many 
valuables  of  gold  and  silver  work,  and  five  or  six  thousand 
pieces  of  rich  cotton  stufis,  woven,  and  embroidered  in 
divers  ways.  After  he  had  given  them  to  me,  he  sat  down 
on  another  platform,  which  they  immediately  prepared 
near  the  one  where  I  was  seated,  and  being  seated  he 
spoke  in  the  following  manner: 

"  We  have  known  for  a  long  time,  from  the  chroni- 
cles of  our  forefathers,  that  neither  I,  nor  those  who 
jyj  ^.  inhabit    this    country,    are  descendants   from 

zuma's  First  the  aborigines  of  it,  ^  but  from  strangers  who 
Discourse  came  to  it  from  very  distant  parts;  and  we 
to  Cortes  ^-^sq  hold,  that  our  race  was  brought  to 
these  parts  by  a  lord,  whose  vassals  they  all  were,  and 
who  returned  to  his  native  country.  After  a  long  time 
he  came  back,  but  it  was  so  long,  that  those  who  remained 
here  were  married  with  the  native  women  of  the  country, 
and  had  many  descendants,  and  had  built  towns  where 
they  were  living;  when,  therefore,  he  wished  to  take  them 
away  with  him,  they  would  not  go,  nor  still  less  receive 
him  as  their  ruler,  so  he  departed. ^  And  we  have  al- 
ways held   that  those  who  descended   from  him  would 

>^See  Appendix  III.  at  close  of  Letter 
2  See  Appendix  IV.  at  close  of  Letter. 


Second  Letter  235 

come  to  subjugate  this  country  and  us,  as  his  vassals; 
and  according  to  the  direction  from  which  you  say  you 
come,  which  is  where  the  sun  rises,  and  from  what  you 
tell  us  of  your  great  lord,  or  king,  who  has  sent  you  here, 
we  believe,  and  hold  for  certain,  that  he  is  our  rightful 
sovereign,  especially  as  you  tell  us  that  since  many  days 
he  has  had  news  of  us.  Hence  you  may  be  sure,  that 
we  shall  obey  you,  and  hold  you  as  the  representative  of 
this  great  lord  of  whom  3^ou  speak,  and  that  in  this  there 
will  be  no  lack  or  deception ;  and  throughout  the  whole 
country  you  may  command  at  your  will  (I  speak  of  what 
I  possess  in  my  dominions),  because  you  will  be  obeyed, 
and  recognised,  and  all  we  possess  is  at  your  disposal. 

"  Since  you  are  in  your  rightful  place,  and  in  your  own 
homes,  rejoice  and  rest,  free  from  all  the  trouble  of  the 
journey,  and  wars  which  you  have  had,  for  I  am  well  aware 
of  all  that  has  happened  to  you,  between  Puntunchan 
and  here,  and  I  know  very  well,  that  the  people  of  Cem- 
poal,  and  Tascaltecal,  have  told  you  many  evil  things  re- 
specting me.  Do  not  believe  more  than  you  see  with 
your  own  eyes,  especially  from  those  who  are  my  enemies, 
and  were  my  vassals,  yet  rebelled  against  me  on  your 
coming  (as  they  say),  in  order  to  help  you.  I  know  they 
have  told  you  also  that  I  have  houses,  with  walls  of  gold, 
and  that  the  furniture  of  my  halls,  and  other  things  of  my 
service,  were  also  of  gold,  and  that  I  am,  or  make  myself, 
a  god,  and  many  other  things.  The  houses  you  have 
seen  are  of  lime  and  stone  and  earth."  And  then  he 
held  up  his  robes,  and  showing  me  his  body  he  said  to  me, 
"  Look  at  me,  and  see  that  I  am  flesh  and  bones,  the  same 
as  you,  and  everybody,  and  that  I  am  mortal,  and  tangi- 
ble."  And  touching  his  arms  and  body  with  his  hands, 
"  Look  how  they  have  lied  to  you!  It  is  true  indeed  that 
I  have  some  things  of  gold,  which  have  been  left  to  me 
by  my  forefathers.  All  that  I  possess,  you  may  have 
whenever  you  wish. 


2  3Ó  Letters  of  Cortes 

"I  shall  now  go  to  other  houses  where  I  live;  but  you 
will  be  provided  here  with  everything  necessary  for  you 
and  your  people,  and  you  shall  suffer  no  annoyance,  for 
you  are  in  your  own  house  and  country." 

I  answered  to  all  he  said,  certifying  that  which  seemed 
to  be  suitable,  especially  in  confiiTning  his  belief  that  it 
was  Your  Majesty  whom  they  were  expecting.  After 
this,  he  took  his  leave,  and,  when  he  had  gone,  we  were 
well  provided  with  chickens,  and  bread,  and  fruits,  and 
other  necessities,  especially  such  as  were  required  for  the 
sendee  of  our  quarters.  Thus  I  passed  six  days  well 
provided  with  everything  necessary,  and  visited  by 
many  of  the  lords. 

I  have  already  mentioned  at  the  beginning,  Most 
Catholic  Lord,  that  when  I  started  from  the  city  of  Vera 
Cruz,  in  search  of  this  lord,  Montezuma,  I  left  there  a 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  build  that  fort  which  I  had 
begun,  and  I  likewise  stated,  that  I  had  left  many  villages 
and  forts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  that  town,  under  the 
royal  dominion  of  Your  Highness,  and  the  natives  as 
very  loyal  vassals  of  Your  Majesty. 

While  I  was  in  the  city  of  Churultecal,  I  received 
letters  from  the  captain,  whom  I  had  left  in  my 
Treachery  place  at  Vera  Cruz,  informing  me  that  Quauh- 
ofQuauh-  popoca,  ^  lord  of  the  city  called  Almería, 
popoca  j^g^^  ggj^^  messengers  to  him,  saying,  that  if 
he  had  not  yet    offered    to  become  a  vassal  of  Your 

1  Quauhpopoca  commanded  the  garrisons  at  Nauhtla  (named 
Almeria  by  the  Spaniards)  and  Tochpan,  which  is  the  present  town  of 
Tuxpan. 

If  Quauhpopoca  acted  by  his  sovereign's  orders,  he  merely  did  his 
duty,  and  merited  no  punishment  from  Cortes,  but  if,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  acted  on  his  own  initiative,  then  Montezuma  was  free  from 
blame  and  should  not  have  been  degraded  by  the  imposition  of  chains. 
Cortes's  action  is  indefensible ;  his  intention  doubtless  was  to  convince 
the  emperor  that  there  was  no  depth  of  humiliation  to  which  he  might 
not  be  brought,  and  to  prove  to  the  people  that  to  kill  a  Spaniard  was 
the  greatest  of  crimes,  sure  to  be  followed  by  the  direst  punishment. 


Second  Letter  237 

Highness,  nor  had  appeared  to  give  his  obedience,  with 
all  his  lands,  as  he  was  obliged  to  do,  it  was  because 
he  had  to  cross  an  enemy's  country,  and  that,  fearing 
to  be  molested  by  them,  he  had  deferred  coming;  but 
to  send  him  four  Spaniards  to  accompany  him,  because, 
they,  through  whose  country  he  had  to  pass,  knowing 
for  what  purpose  he  was  coming,  would  not  then  dare 
molest  him,  and  he  would  immediately  cqme.  The  cap- 
tain, believing  that  what  the  said  Qualpopoca  had  sent 
to  say  was  true,  as  many  others  had  done  the  same,  had 
despatched  him  the  four  Spaniards,  but,  after  he  got  them 
in  his  power,  he  tried  to  kill  them,  in  such  a  way  as  would 
make  it  appear  that  he  had  not  done  jt.  After  he  had  killed 
two  of  them,  however,  the  other  two,  wounded,  escaped 
to  the  forests.  The  captain  had  then  attacked  the  city 
of  Almería,  with  fifty  Spaniards,  two  horsemen,  two 
field  pieces,  and  about  eight  thousand  fríendly  Indians. 
He  fought  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  city,  and 
slaughtered  many  of  them,  driving  out  the  rest,  and  burnt, 
and  destroyed  it,  because  the  Indians  accompanying 
him  were  their  enemies,  and  had  put  much  diligence  into 
it.  Qualpopoca,  the  lord  of  the  city,  together  with  the 
other  chiefs,  who  had  come  thither  to  assist  him,  escaped 
by  taking  flight. 

The  captain  was  informed  by  some  of  the  prisoners, 
taken  amongst  the  defenders  of  the  city,  that  Qualpopoca 
had  killed  the  said  Spaniards,  whom  we  had  sent,  because 
Montezuma  had  ordered  him,  and  his  other  vassals,  that, 
as  soon  as  I  left  the  town  of  Vera  Cruz,  they  should  attack 
those  vassals  who  had  rebelled  against  him,  and  ofiered 
themselves  to  the  service  of  Your  Highness;  and  that 
he  should  use  every  means  he  could  to  kill  the  Spaniards 
I  had  left  there,  so  that  they  could  not  aid  nor  favour 
them.  This  was  the  reason  they  had  done  what  they 
had. 

Six  days  having  passed,  Most  Invincible  Prince,  after 


23S  Letters  of  Cortes 

I  had  amved  in  the  city  of  Temixtitan,  and,  having  seen 
something  of  it,  although  Uttle  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  there  is  to  be  seen  and  noted,  it  appeared  to  me, 
even  from  what  I  had  seen  of  it  and  the  country,  that  it 
would  be  conducive  to  Your  Royal  Highness's  service, 
and  to  our  security,  that  Montezuma  should  be  in  my 
power,  and  not  at  his  entire  liberty,  so  that  he  might 
not  relax  his  intention  and  disposition  to  serv^e  Your 
Highness.  I  thought  this,  especially  because  we  Span- 
iards are  somewhat  touchy  and  importunate,  and,  if  he 
should  happen  to  become  angry,  he  could  do  us  such 
injury  with  his  great  power,  that  there  would  remain  no 
recollection  of  us;  and  also  because,  having  him  in  my 
power,  all  the  other  countries  who  were  subject  to  him, 
would  come  to  the  knowledge  and  service  of  Your 
Majesty,   as  afterwards  happened. 

I  determined  to  seize  him,  and  confine  him  in  my 
quarters,  which  are  very  strong;  and,  thinking  over 
all  the  forms  and  ways  in  which  I  could 
to  Seize  accomplish  this,  without  provoking  any  scan- 
Montezuma  dal  or  commotion  upon  his  arrest,  I  remem- 
bered what  my  captain  at  Vera  Cruz  had 
written  about  the  occurrence  in  the  city  of  Almería,  as  I 
have  related,  and  how  it  had  become  known,  that  all  that 
had  happened  there  had  taken  place  by  Montezuma's 
command.  I  stationed  sufficient  guards  in  the  cross 
streets,  and  went  to  the  palace  of  Montezuma,  as  I  had 
at  other  times  gone  to  see  him;  and,  after  conversing 
with  him  lightly  on  pleasant  subjects,  and  after  he  had 
given  me  some  valuables  in  gold,  and  one  of  his  daughters, 
and  some  daughters  of  other  lords  to  some  of  my  com- 
panions, I  told  him  that  I  had  learned  what  had  happened 
in  the  city  of  Nautecal,  or  Almería,  and  about  the  Span- 
iards whom  they  had  killed  there,  and  that  Qualpopoca 
gave  as  his  excuse,  that  all  he  had  done  had  been  by 
Montezuma's  order,  and  that,  as  his  vassal,  he  could  not 


Second  Letter  239 

have  done  otherwise.  I  said  that,  because  I  did  not 
believe  Qualpopoca's  excuse  of  his  fault,  it  seemed  to 
me  that  he  ought  to  send  for  him,  and  the  other  chiefs 
who  had  helped  him  in  the  murder  of  the  Spaniards,  so 
that  the  truth  might  be  known,  and  they  be  punished, 
and  Your  Majesty  might  clearly  perceive  his  good  dis- 
position. Otherwise  the  reports  of  those  wicked  men 
might  provoke  Your  Highness  to  anger  against  him, 
from  which,  instead  of  the  favours  Your  Highness  would 
now  grant  him,  evil  would  result;  for  I  was  convinced 
that  the  truth  was  contrary  to  what  they  declared.  He 
immediately  sent  for  certain  of  his  people,  to  whom  he 
gave  a  small  stone  figure,  like  a  seal,  which  he  wore  tied 
to  his  arm,  ordering  them  to  go  to  the  city  of  Almería, 
which  is  about  sixty  or  seventy  leagues  from  that  of 
Muxtitan  [Mexico],  and  bring  the  said  Qualpopoca ;  to 
ascertain  what  others  had  taken  part  in  the  murder  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  to  bring  them  Hkewise;  and,  if  they 
resisted,  to  bring  them  as  prisoners,  and,  if  they  should 
resist  imprisonment,  to  call  upon  certain  tribes  in  the 
neighborhood,  which  he  then  named,  to  seize  them  by 
force  of  arms ;  but  on  no  account  to  return  without  them. 
These  men  immediately  left,  and,  after  they  had  gone, 
I  told  Montezuma  that  I  was  very  grateful  to  him  for  the 
diligence  he  had  used  in  the  imprisonment  of  those  men, 
for  I  must  render  an  account  to  Your  Royal  Highness 
for  those  murdered  Spaniards.  To  enable  me  to  give 
this,  it  now  only  remained  that  he  should  stop  in  my 
quarters,  until  the  truth  was  established,  and  it  was 
known  that  he  was  blameless.  I  earnestly  prayed  him 
not  to  feel  pained  at  this,  because  he  would  not  be  kept 
a  prisoner,  but  would  have  entire  liberty;  that  I  would 
place  no  impediment  to  his  service  and  authority  in  his 
dominions,  and  that  he  might  choose  any  room  he  pleased 
in  the  palace  where  I  was,  where  he  should  remain  at  his 
pleasure,  well  assured  that  he  should  suffer  no  annoyance 


240  Letters  of  Cortes 

or  unpleasantness,  but  rather  that,  in  addition  to  his  own 
attendants,  my  companions  would  also  obey  his  com- 
mands. We  had  much  conversation  and  argument  about 
this,  which  would  be  too  lengthy  to  write,  and  even  too 
prolix  to  recount  to  Your  Highness,  as  well  as  of  little 
bearing  on  the  case,  hence  I  will  not  say  more  than  that 
finally  he  agreed  to  come  with  me,  and  immediately 
gave  orders  to  prepare  the  apartment  he  wished  to 
occupy,  which  was  well  fitted  up,  and  put  in  order.  This 
having  been  done,  many  lords  came,  and  having  taken 
off  their  vestments,  which  they  carried  under  their  arms, 
barefooted  they  brought  the  litter,  not  much  adorned, 
and,  weeping,  they  placed  him  on  it,  in  profound  silence. 
Thus  we  went  to  my  quarters  without  causing  any  com- 
motion in  the  city,  although  some  had  begun,  but,  when 
Montezuma  heard  of  it,  he  ordered  it  to  be  stopped,  and 
thus  all  was  as  completely  quiet  as  though  nothing  had 
happened;  and  this  continued  all  the  time  I  kept  Monte- 
zuma prisoner,  for  he  lived  at  his  entire  pleasure,  and  with 
all  his  service,  just  as  he  had  it  in  his  own  palace,  which 
was  great  and  marvellous,  as  I  will  hereafter  say.  And 
I,  and  those  of  my  company,  did  everything  we  could 
to  please  him. 

Some  fifteen  or  twenty  days  having  passed  since  his 
imprisonment,  those  who  had  been  sent  for  Qual- 
Monte-  popoca,  and  the  others  who  had  killed  the 
zvima  in  Spaniards,  returned,  bringing  the  said  Qual- 
Chains  popoca,  and  one  of  his  sons,  and  with  them 
fifteen  other  persons  whom  they  said  had  taken 
part  in  the  murders.  Qualpopoca  was  carried  in  a 
litter,  very  much  in  the  style  of  a  lord,  as  he  in  reality 
was.  They  were  delivered  to  me,  and  I  kept  them  under 
guard  in  prison,  and  afterwards  when  they  confessed  that 
they  had  killed  the  Spaniards,  I  had  them  interrogated 
as  to  whether  they  were  vassals  of  Montezuma.  Qual- 
popoca answered,  asking  if  there  existed  any  other  lord 


Second  Letter  241 

of  whom  he  might  be  vassal,  as  much  as  to  say  there  was 
no  other.  I  Hkewise  asked  them  if  what  had  been  done 
there  w^as  by  Montezuma's  order;  and  they  answered, 
"  No, "  although  afterw'ards,  when  the  sentence,  that  they 
should  be  burned,  was  carried  into  execution,  all  with 
one  voice  said  it  was  true  that  Montezuma  had  ordered 
them  to  do  it,  and  that  they  had  obeyed  his  command. 
So  they  were  burned  publicly,  in  one  of  the  squares, 
without  occasioning  any  commotion,  and  the  day  when 
they  were  burned,  as  soon  as  they  confessed  that  Monte- 
zuma commanded  them  to  kill  the  Spaniards,  I  ordered 
him  to  be  put  in  chains,  which  frightened  him  not  a  little. 
After  I  had  spoken  to  him,  I  removed  the  irons 
the  same  day,  and  he  remained  very  satisfied,  and  ever 
afterwards  I  endeavoured  to  please  him,  and  keep  him 
satisfied  as  far  as  possible;  especially  did  I  always  say 
publicly  to  all  the  natives  of  the  country,  nobles  as  well 
as  others,  who  came  to  see  him,  that  Your  Majesty  had 
been  pleased  that  Montezuma  should  continue  to  exercise 
authority,  recognising  the  suzerainty  of  Your  Highness, 
and  that  Your  Highness  w^ould  be  well  pleased  by  their 
obeying  him,  and  regarding  him  as  their  lord,  as  they 
had  before  I  came  to  the  country.  So  good  was  my 
treatment  of  him,  and  the  satisfaction  he  felt,  that  some- 
times, and  frequently,  I  offered  him  his  liberty,  praying 
him  to  return  to  his  palace ;  but  he  told  me  each  time  that 
he  was  contented  there,  and  that  he  did  not  wish  to  go, 
because  nothing  that  he  wished  was  wanting,  more  than 
in  his  own  palace,  whereas  it  might  happen  that,  if  he 
went  back,  the  lords  of  the  country,  his  vassals,  would 
importune  him  to  do  things,  in  spite  of  himself,  which 
would  be  contrary  to  his  own  wish,  and  to  Your  High- 
ness's  service.  He  added,  that  he  was  determined  to 
serve  Your  Majesty  in  all  that  was  possible,  and  up  till 
now  he  had  told  them  what  he  wanted  done,  and  was 
content  where  he  was,  for,  should  anyone  attempt  to 

VOL.    I. 16 


242  Letters  of  Cortes 

make  suggestions  to  him  now,  he  could  excuse  himself 
by  answering  that  he  was  not  free,  and  thus  evade  them. 
He  often  asked  permission  to  go  and  enjoy  himself,  and 
pass  the  time  in  certain  pleasure  houses,  both  out  of  the 
city  and  in  it,  and  I  never  denied  him  this.  He  often 
would,  with  five  or  six  Spaniards  go  to  enjoy  himself 
one  or  two  leagues  out  of  the  city,  returning  very  gladly 
to  the  quarters  where  I  kept  him;  and,  whenever  he  went 
out,  he  would  present  many  valuables,  and  clothing,  as 
well  to  the  Spaniards  who  went  with  him,  as  to  the  natives, 
who  always  accompanied  him  to  at  least  the  number  of 
three  thousand  men,  most  of  them  nobles  and  persons  of 
distinction;  and,  as  he  always  gave  them  many  banquets 
and  feasts,  they  who  went  with  him  were  always 
contented. 

When    I    afterwards   understood    perfectly,    that    he 
was    wholly  devoted    to   the   service   of  Your    Royal 

Highness,  I  prayed  him,  so  that  I  might  give 
Investigates^  better  account  to  Your  Majesty  of  this 
the  Gold  country,  to  show  me  the  mines  from  which 
Mines  of     ^q  obtained  gold,  and  he  answered  with  perfect 

good  will  that  he  would  gladly  do  so.  He  im- 
mediately sent  certain  of  his  servants,  distributing  them 
two  by  two  over  four  provinces,  from  which  he  said  he 
got  the  gold;  and  he  asked  me  to  send  Spaniards  with 
them,  to  see  how  it  was  taken  out.  So,  for  each  of  his 
own  people,  I  sent  two  Spaniards,  and  some  went  to  a 
province,  called  Cuzula,  eighty  leagues  from  the  great 
city  of  Temixtitan,  the  natives  of  which  are  his  vassals, 
and  there  they  were  shown  three  rivers,  from  each  of 
which  they  brought  me  specimens  of  gold  of  very  good 
quality,  although  it  was  taken  out  with  mean  tools,  as 
they  had  only  those  with  which  the  Indians  extract  it. 
On  the  road,  they  passed  through  three  provinces,  ac- 
cording to  what  the  Spaniards  said,  of  fine  land,  and  many 
hamlets   and  cities,  and  towns,  very  populous,  and  con- 


Second  Letter  243 

taining  buildings  equal  to  any  in  Spain.  They  told  me 
especially  of  a  house  and  fort,  greater,  and  stronger,  and 
better  built,  than  the  castle  of  Burgos,  and  that  the 
people  of  this  province,  called  Tamazulapa,  were  better 
dressed  than  any  others  we  have  seen,  and,  as  it  seemed 
to  them,  more  intelligent.  Others  went  to  another 
province  called  Malinaltepeque,  another  seventy  leagues 
from  the  said  great  city,  and  more  towards  the  sea-coast; 
and  they  brought  me  likewise  specimens  of  gold  from  a 
great  river  there. 

The  others  went  to  a  country,  called  Teniz,  ^  farther 
up  this  river,  belonging  to  a  people  of  a  difierent  language 
from  that  of  Culua,  and  the  ruler  of  that  country  is  called 
Coatelicamat.  His  country  lies  in  a  very  high  rugged 
mountain  chain,  and  is  not  subject  to  Montezuma;  the 
people  of  that  province  are  very  war-like,  fighting  with 
lances,  twenty  or  thirty  palms  long,  and,  because  they 
are  not  vassals  of  Montezuma,  the  messengers  who  ac- 
companied the  Spaniards  did  not  dare  to  enter  that 
country,  without  first  notifying  the  chief  and  asking 
his  permission.  They  told  him  they  had  come  with  the 
Spaniards  to  see  the  gold  mines  in  his  country,  and  be- 
sought him,  on  my  part,  and  that  of  Montezuma,  their 
lord,  to  permit  it.  Coatelicamat  answered,  that  he  was 
very  willing  the  Spaniards  should  come  into  his  country, 
and  see  the  mines,  and  whatever  else  they  wished,  but 
that  the  Culuans,  who  were  subject  to  Montezuma,  must 
not  come,  because  they  were  his  enemies.  The  Spaniards 
were  somewhat  perplexed,  as  to  whether  they  should  go 
alone,  or  not;  those  who  accompanied  them  told  them 
not  to  go,  as  they  would  be  killed,  and  that  it  was  in 
order  to  kill  them  that  Coatelicamat  would  not  permit 
the  Culuans  to  accompany  them.  At  last  they  deter- 
mined to  go  alone,  and¿the  lord  and  his  people  received 
them  very  well,  and  showed  them  seven  or  eight  mines 

»  Tenich. 


244  Letters  of  Cortes 

where  they  took  out  gold;  and  in  their  presence  the  In- 
dians took  some,  out  of  which  they  brought  me  specimens. 
Coatelicamat  sent  me  certain  messengers  with  the 
Spaniards,  offering  himself  and  his  country  for  the  servdce 
of  Your  Majesty;  and  he  sent  me  certain  valuables  of 
gold,  and  such  wearing  apparel  as  they  have. 

The  others  went  to  another  province,  called  Tuchite- 
peque,  ^  which  is  almost  in  a  direct  line  towards  the  sea, 
twelve  leagues  beyond  the  province  of  Malinaltepeque 
where,  as  I  have  already  said,  gold  had  been  found. 
Two  other  rivers  were  shown  them  there,  where  gold  is 
also  found. 

As  there  is  in  those  parts,  according  to  what  the  Span- 
iards who  went  there  informed  me,  every  facility  for 
making  plantations,  and  procuring  gold,  I  begged  Monte- 
zuma to  establish  a  plantation  for  Your  Majesty  in  that 
province  of  Malinaltepeque,  which  seems  the  best  adapted, 
and  he  put  such  diligence  into  it,  that,  within  two  months 
after  I  had  spoken  to  him,  sixty  fanegas"^  of  maize,  and 
ten  of  beans  had  been  sow^n,  and  two  thousand  plants  of 
cacap,  3  which  bears  a  fruit  somewhat  like  almonds. 
This  fruit  they  sell  ground,  and  esteem  so  highly,  that 
it  is  used  instead  of  money  all  over  the  country,  and  with 
it  everything  can  be  bought  in  the  market  places  and 
elsewhere.  He  built  four  good  houses,  in  one  of  which, 
besides  the  living  apartments,  they  made  a  water  tank, 
and  put  five  hundred  ducks  in  it;  these  are  much  es- 
teemed, because  they  pluck  their  feathers  every  year,  and 
use  them  for  making  wearing  apparel.  And  they  placed 
fifteen  hundred  chickens  in  it,  not  to  speak  of  other  farm 
stock,  which  the  Spaniards  judged  to  be  w^orth  twenty 
thousand  dollars  of  gold.  I  also  prayed  Montezuma  to 
tell  me  if  on  the  sea-coast   there  was  any  river  or  bay 

1  Xuchitepec. 

2  Hanega,  also  called  fanega,  a  dry  measure  corresponding  approxi- 
mately to  the  bushel. 

»  Cacao  from  which  chocolate  is  obtained. 


Second  Letter  245 

where  ships  could  enter  safely,  and  he  answered  me  that 
he  did  not  know,  but  that  he  would  have  the  coast  drawn 
for  me,  with  its  bays  and  rivers,  and  that  I  might  send 
the  Spaniards  to  see  them,  and  that  he  would  give  me 
people  to  guide  and  take  them;  and  thus  we  did. 

Another  day  they  brought  me  a  cloth,  on  which  the 
whole  coast  was  drawn,  showing  a  river,  larger  than  the 
others,  flowing  into  the  sea;  this  seemed  to  be  amongst 
the  mountain  chains  called  Sanmin,  ^  which  form  such  a  bay, 
that  the  pilots  heretofore  believed  it  divided  the  province 
called  Mazamalco.  Montezuma  told  me  I  might  choose 
whom  I  wished  to  send,  and  he  would  provide  means  for 
seeing  and  learning  everything.  I  immediately  named  ten 
men,  amongst  them  some  pilots  and  persons  acquainted 
with  the  sea.  Furnished  with  the  provisions  he  gave 
us,  they  left,  and  explored  the  whole  coast,  from  the 
port  of  Chalchilmeca,2  which  is  called  San  Juan,  where 
I  first  disembarked. 

They  covered  about  sixty  odd  leagues,  but  nowhere 
found  a  river  or  bay  where  ships  could  enter,  al- 
though there  are  many  very  large  ones  on  ^j^^  spaní- 
the  said  coast;  they  took  soundings  of  all  ards Search 
from  the  canoes,  and  finally  reached   the  said  fo"^  * 

province  of  Cuacalco,^  where  was  the  river  ^  °^ 
shown  on  the  chart.  The  chief  of  that  province,  called 
Tuchintecla,  received  them  very  well  and  gave  them 
canoes  to  explore  the  river.  They  found  the  shallowest 
part  at  its  mouth,  two  and  a  half  fathoms  in  depth,  and, 
twelve  leagues  up  the  river,  the  greatest  depth  they  found 
was  five  or  six  fathoms;  from  their  observations  they 
judged  it  has  about  the  same  depth  for  thirty  leagues 

'  Coatzacoalco  was  the  name  of  the  river;  the  place  described  is 
between  the  sierras  of  San  Martin  and  Sant  Anton,  hence  the  name 
Sanmin  may  be  a  careless  or  an  intentional  contraction  of  San  Martin. 

2  Chalchuihcuecan  was  the  Indian  name  for  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the 
port  of  Vera  Cruz. 

3  Coatzacoalco. 


246  Letters  of  Cortes 

up  from  its  mouth.  On  its  banks,  are  many  large  towns, 
with  an  innumerable  population,  and  all  the  province  is 
level,  and  rich  and  abundant  in  produce.  The  people 
of  this  province  are  not  vassals  or  subjects  of  Montezuma, 
but  rather  his  enemies.  The  lord  of  it  sent  word,  when 
the  Spaniards  arrived,  that  the  Culuans  must  not  enter 
his  country  because  they  were  his  enemies,  but,  when  the 
Spaniards  returned  home  with  this  account,  he  sent  certain 
messengers  with  them,  who  brought  me  valuables  of 
gold,  tiger-skins,  feather-work,  stones,  and  stuffs.  These 
told  me,  on  his  part,  that  Tuchintecla  had  known  of  us 
for  a  long  time,  because  his  friends  of  Puntunchan  (which 
is  the  river  of  Grijalba),  had  told  him  that  I  had  passed 
there,  and  had  fought  with  them  when  they  did  not 
admit  me  to  their  town,  and  how  afterwards  they  became 
friends  of  mine,  and  vassals  of  Your  Majesty.  The  mes- 
sengers said  that  Tuchintecla,  likewise,  offered  himself  to 
Your  Royal  Highness,  with  all  his  country,  and  he  prayed 
me  to  consider  him  as  my  friend,  on  conditions  that  the 
Culuans  should  not  enter  his  country,  though  I  might 
see  everything  in  it,  which  might  be  useful  to  Your 
Royal  Highness,  of  which  he  w^ould  give  whatever  I 
might  direct  every  year. 

When  I  learned,  from  the  Spaniards  who  visited  that 
province,  of  its  adaptability  for  settlement,  and  of  the 
harbour  they  had  found,  I  rejoiced  greatly ;  for,  ever  since 
I  came  to  this  country,  I  have  sought  to  find  a  harbour 
on  its  coast,  where  I  might  found  a  settlement.  I  had 
never  succeeded,  however;  nor  is  one  to  be  found  on  the 
whole  coast,  from  the  river  of  San  Antonio,  which  is  next 
the  Grijalba  to  that  of  Panuco  w^hich  is  down  the  coast, 
where  certain  Spaniards  settled  by  order  of  Francisco  de 
Garay,  as  I  shall  hereafter  recount  to  Your  Highness. 

To  assure  myself  still  more  about  that  province  and 
harbour,  and  of  the  good  will  of  the  natives,  and  of  every- 
thing else  necessary  for  a  settlement,  I  again  sent  certain 


Second  Letter  247 

of  my  experienced  people  to  ascertain  all  these  matters. 
They  went  with  the  messengers,  whom  that  chief  Tuchin- 
tecla  had  sent  to  me,  taking  some  things  for  him  which 
I  gave  them.  Upon  their  arrival,  they  were  well  re- 
ceived by  him ;  and  they  again  examined  and  sounded  the 
harbour  and  river  to  see  whether  a  town  might  be  founded. 
They  afterwards  brought  me  a  long  and  exact  description, 
saying  that  there  was  everything  necessary  for  a  settle- 
ment, and  that  the  chief  of  the  province  was  very  content, 
strongly  desiring  to  ser\'e  Your  Highness.  When  this 
account  came,  I  immediately  dispatched  a  captain,  with 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  lay  out,  and  build  a  town, 
and  construct  a  port;  for  the  chief  of  that  province  had 
offered  to  do  this  as  well  as  everything  else  that  might 
be  necessary  or  commanded  by  me;  and  he  even  built 
six  houses  on  the  site  chosen  for  the  town,  and  said  that 
he  was  very  pleased  we  should  come  there  to  settle,  and 
remain  in  his  country. 

In  the  past  chapters.  Most  Powerful  Lord,  I  have  said 
that,  at  the  time  of  my  coming  to  the  great  city  of  Temix- 
titan,  a  great  lord  had  come,  on  behalf  of  Montezuma, 
to  meet  me  on  the  road,  who,  as  I  learned  afterwards, 
was  a  near  relative  of  the  latter's,  and  had  dominions 
called  Haculuacan,!  adjoining  those  of  Montezuma.  The 
capital  of  these  is  a  very  great  city  on  this  salt  lake, 
six  leagues  by  canoe,  and  ten  by  land,  from  this  city  of 
Temixtitan.    The  city  is  called  Tezcuco,^  and  it  may  have 

J  Acolhuacan. 

2  Texcoco,  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Acolhuacan,  stood  at  the 
N.  E.  extremity  of  the  lake  of  the  same  name.  It  rivalled  Mexico 
in  size  and  importance,  was  the  centre  of  Nahua  culture,  and  has  been 
described  as  the  "  Athens"  of  the  Aztecs.  The  triple  alliance  of  Mexico, 
Texcoco,  and  Tlacopan  (Tacuba)  formed  the  core  of  the  Aztec  Empire, 
where  centred  the  civilisation  of  Anahuac.  The  Kings  of  Texcoco 
and  Tlacopan  recognised  the  King  of  Mexico  as  their  over-lord  in  war, 
and  in  the  affairs  of  the  central  administration,  but  in  all  other  respects 
these  sovereigns  were  equal,  absolute,  and  independent,  in  their  res])ec- 
tive  kingdoms.     Texcoco  was  older  than  Mexico,  and  Nezahualcoytitl, 


248  Letters  of  Cortes 

about  thirty  thousand  households.  There  are  in  it,  Sire, 
very  wonderful  houses,  and  mosques,  and  very  large,  and 
well  built,  oratories;  it  has  also  extensive  market  places. 
Besides  this  city,  he  possesses  two  others,  one,  called  Ocur- 
man,i  at  three  leagues  from  Tezcuco,  and  the  other,  called 

the  greatest  of  its  rulers,  bore  the  title  of  Aculhua  Tecutl,  which  Mexican 
historians  define  as  equivalent  to  Caesar.  This  King  once  declared  war 
upon  Mexico  over  a  trifling  question  of  etiquette,  sacked  the  capital, 
and  exacted  a  heavy  indemnity.  The  kingdom  was  divided  into 
seventy-five  principalities  or  lordships,  something  after  the  feudal 
system  in  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages.  The  last  king,  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  had  been  Nezahualpilli,  a  ruler  of  superior 
ability,  one  of  the  greatest  princes  in  Mexican  history,  who  left  one 
hundred  and  forty-five  children,  of  whom  there  were  four  sons  eligible 
for  the  succession.  The  electors,  under  pressure  of  Montezuma,  chose 
the  eldest,  with  the  result  that  the  youngest,  Ixtlitxochitl,  contested 
the  election,  and  plunged  the  country  into  civil  strife  from  which  it 
emerged  divided,  and  in  this  weakened  and  distracted  state  Cortes 
found  it  upon  his  arrival.  The  ambitious  Ixtlilxochitl,  discontented 
with  the  portion  he  had  received,  was  a  permanent  pretender  to  his 
brother's  crown,  and  he  secretly  sent  an  embassy  to  Cortes  at  Cempoal 
asking  his  help,  and  ofiering  his  own  alliance.  This  afforded  Cortes  an 
early  insight  into  the  internal  dissensions  of  the  empire,  by  which  he 
so  readily  and  ably  profited.  (Ixtlilxochitl.  Hist.  Chichineca.)  Texcoco 
rapidly  diminished  both  in  population  and  importance  after  the  con- 
quest, and  Thomas  Gage,  who  visited  it  in  1626,  found  a  village 
containing  one  hundred  Spaniards  and  three  hundred  Indians,  re- 
duced to  poverty.  Great  havoc  had  been  wrought  by  the  wanton 
destruction  of  the  magnificent  forests  of  giant  cedar  trees  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  accused  Cortes  of  using  seven 
thousand  cedar  beams  in  the  construction  of  his  palace  alone.  {Voyage 
de  Thomas  Gage,  Tom.  i.  cap.  xiii). 

Í  Near  by  Acolman  stand  the  pyramids  of  Teotihuacan  which 
Cortes  nowhere  mentions,  though  it  seems  impossible  he  should  not  have 
seen  them.  Of  the  two  large  pyramids,  the  greater  was  called  Tonatiuh 
Ytzaqual,  or  House  of  the  Sun,  and  the  lesser,  Metztli  Ytzaqual, 
House  of  the  Moon.  The  first  is  680  feet  long  at  the  base  and  180  feet 
high;  the  second  is  much  smaller  at  the  base  and  34  feet  lower.  Other 
small  pyramidal  mounds,  about  thirty  feet  high  were  arranged 
in  regular  lines  or  streets,  leading  up  to  the  large  pyramids,  and  were 
dedicated  to  the  stars.  As  this  plain  bore  the  Toltec  name  of  Micoatl, 
or  Way  of  the  Dead,  it  has  also  been  thought  that  the  whole  group 
formed  a  necropolis.  Siguenza  assigns  their  construction  to  the 
Olmechs,  though  most  authorities  believe  they  were  built  later,  by  the 


Second  Letter  249 

Otumpa,  six  leagues  distant,  each  containing  between 
three  and  four  thousand  householders.  This  province 
and  lordship  of  Haculuacan  has  many  other  villages 
and  hamlets,  and  very  good  lands  and  farms.  It  joins 
on  one  side  with  the  province  of  Tascaltecal,  of  which  I 
have  already  spoken  to  Your  Majesty. 

This  lord,  called  Cacamazin,  ^  rebelled,  after  the 
imprisonment  of  Montezuma,  as  well  against  the  service 
of  Your  Highness,  to  which  he  had  offered  him-  pj^^  ^^ 
self,  as  against  Montezuma.  Although  he  Capture 
was  required  many  times  to  obey  the  roy-  Cacamtzin 
al  mandates  of  Your  Majesty,  he  never  complied, 
for,  besides  my  sending  to  require  him,  Montezuma 
also  sent  to  summon  him,  but  he  answered  that,  if 
anything  was  wanted  of  him,  they  should  come  to  his 
country,  and  that  there  he  would  show  what  he  was 
worth,  and  the  service  he  was  obliged  to  render.  Ac- 
cording to  my  information,  he  had  gathered  a  multitude 
of  warriors  well  prepared  for  action.     As  I  was  unable  to 

Toltecs.  When  I  visited  them  in  1884  they  were  then  so  overgrown 
with  vegetation,  and  in  such  a  state  of  progressive  dilapidation,  that 
their  total  destruction  seemed  assured,  unless  prompt  measures  were 
taken  for  their  preservation.  (Humboldt,  Vues  des  CordilUres. 
Chamay,  Ancient  Cities  of  the  New  World.) 

1  While  Cacamatzin  was  kept  in  Montezuma's  capital,  his  brother 
had  been  killed  by  the  Spaniards,  and  a  tribute  levied  on  Texcoco, 
with  such  methods  that  it  differed  only  in  name  from  pillage.  When 
the  King  contrived  to  escape  from  Mexico,  he  assembled  other  princes  of 
the  neighbourhood  in  Texcoco,  among  whom  were  his  brothers  Coano- 
coch  and  Ixtlilxochitl,  to  whom  he  proposed  that  a  stand  should  be 
at  once  made  against  the  invaders.  Premature  wranglings  over  the 
division  of  the  fruits  of  their  expected  victories  broke  up  this  council, 
not  only  without  any  practical  decision  having  been  reached,  but 
with  sharpened  animosity  between  the  three  rival  brothers.  Monte- 
zuma's part  in  the  treachery,  which  Cortes  naively  describes,  was 
despicable.  Coanococh  and  Ixtlilxochitl  were  among  the  conspirators 
who  betrayed  the  King. 

Cacamatzin,  when  brought  into  Montezuma's  presence  to  hear  his 
exhortations  to  make  peace  with  the  Spaniards,  upbraided  the  Em- 
peror for  his  cowardice  and  treachery.  His  death  will  be  noticed 
in  a  later  note. 


250  Letters  of  Cortes 

win  him,  cither  by  warnings  or  requirements,  I  spoke  to 
Montezuma,  and  asked  his  advice  as  to  what  we  ought 
to  do,  for  the  rebelHon  should  not  remain  unchastised. 
He  answered,  that  to  seize  him  by  force,  would  expose 
us  to  much  danger,  as  he  was  a  great  lord,  and  had  many 
forces  and  people,  and  could  not  be  taken  without  great 
risk  of  many  people  perishing.  He  had,  however, 
many  chiefs  from  the  country  of  Cacamazin  who  lived 
with  him  and  whom  he  paid  and  he  would  speak  with 
them,  so  that  they  might  win  over  some  of  Cacamazin's 
people,  and  being  assured  that  they  would  favour  our 
party,  we  could  take  him  with  safety. 

Montezuma  came  to  ^an  understanding  with  those 
persons,  -who  induced  Cacamazin  to  meet  them  in  the 
city  of  Tezcuco,  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  on  certain 
matters  of  state,  for,  as  chiefs,  they  were  grieved  that 
he  was  doing  certain  things  that  might  ruin  him.  Thus, 
they  assembled  in  a  very  beautiful  palace  of  Cacamazin's 
on  the  borders  of  the  lake,  so  constructed  that  canoes 
can  pass  under  it,  going  in  and  out.  They  had  secretly 
prepared  certain  canoes,  with  forces  in  readiness,  in  case 
the  said  Cacamazin  should  resist  his  imprisonment,  and, 
while  in  this  consultation,  the  chiefs  seized  him,  before 
his  people  suspected  anything,  and  brought  him  across 
the  lake  to  the  great  city,  which  I  have  already  said  is 
six  leagues  from  there.  When  they  arrived,  they  placed 
him  in  a  litter,  as  was  customary,  and  required  by  his 
rank,  and  brought  him  to  me,  and  I  ordered  chains  to  be 
put  on  him,  and  held  him  in  very  safe  keeping. 

Acting  on  the  advice  of  Montezuma,  in  the  name  of 
Your  Majesty,  I  placed  his  son,  whose  name  is  Cucuz- 
cacin,  ^  in  his  lordship,  and  I  ordered  that  all  the  tribes 
and  lords  of  the  said  province  and  lordship  should  obey 
him  as   ruler,  until  Your  Highness  should  order  other- 

»  Cuicuitzcatzin :  a  younger  brother  who  was  baptised  and  became 
known  as  Don  Carlos. 


Second  Letter  251 

wise.  Thus  it  was  done  thenceforward,  and  all  obeyed 
and  served  him  as  lord,  the  same  as  the  said  Cacamazin; 
and  he  was  obedient  in  everything  I  commanded  in  Your 
Majesty's  name. 

A  few  days  after  the  imprisonment  of  Cacamazin, 
Montezuma  held  a  meeting  of  all  the  lords  of  the  city 
and  the  neighbouring  countries;  and,  when  speech  of 
all  were  assembled,  he  sent  to  ask  me  to  Montezuma 
join   them,    and,    when   I    arrived,    he    spoke  ^o  His 

in  this  manner:  "My brothers  and  friends,  you 
know  that,  for  a  long  time  you,  and  your  fathers, 
and  grandfathers,  have  been,  and  are,  subjects  and 
vassals  of  my  forefathers  and  myself,  and  that  you 
have  always  been  well  treated  by  them,  and  by  me,  and 
that  you  have  likewise  done  what  good  subjects  are 
obliged  to  do  towards  their  rightful  sovereign.  I  also 
believe  that  you  have  kept  in  mind,  from  your  fore- 
fathers, that  we  are  not  natives  of  this  country,  and  that 
they  came  to  it  from  another,  very  far  off,  that  they  were 
brought  here  by  a  sovereign,  whose  vassals  they  all  were, 
who  left  them  in  it,  but  who  returned  after  a  long  time; 
that  he  found  our  forefathers  already  settled  and  es- 
tablished in  this  country,  and  married  to  the  women,  and 
having  a  great  increase  of  sons,  so  that  they  did  not 
choose  to  return  with  him,  nor  much  less  to  receive  him  as 
their  sovereign;  and  that  he  departed,  saying  that  he 
would  return,  or  send  such  a  force  that  they  would  be 
compelled  to  submit.  You  also  know,  that  we  have 
always  expected  him,  and,  according  to  what  the  Captain 
has  told  us  of  that  King  and  Lord  who  has  sent  him 
here,  and  according  to  the  direction  whence  he  says  he 
comes,  I  hold  it  to  be  certain,  and  you  must  also  hold  it 
thus,  that  his  sovereign  is  the  one  we  have  been  expect- 
ing especially  as  the  Captain  says  that  they  have  had 
information  there  respecting  us. 

"Since  our  predecessors  did   not  act  justly   towards 


2  52  Letters  of  Cortes 

their  sovereign  lord,  let  us  do  so,  and  let  us  give  thanks 
to  our  gods,  because  that  which  they  looked  for  has  come 
to  pass  in  our  times.  I  heartily  pray  you,  inasmuch  as 
all  this  is  well  known  to  you,  that,  as  you  have  obeyed 
me  as  your  sovereign,  henceforward  you  will  regard  and 
obey  this  great  king,  because  he  is  your  rightful  sovereign, 
and,  in  his  place,  you  must  hold  this,  his  Captain;  also 
that  all  the  tributes  and  services,  which  until  now  you 
have  paid  to  me,  you  do  give  to  him,  because  I  also 
shall  pay  tribute,  and  serve  in  all  that  he  may  command 
me.  In  so  doing,  you  will  do  your  duty  as  you  are  obliged 
to  do,  and  you  will,  moreover,  in  doing  this,  give  me  much 
pleasure." 

All  this  he  told  them,  weeping  the  greatest  tears,  and 
the  greatest  sighs,  a  man  can  give  vent  to;  and  all  those 
lords  who  had  heard  him  were  likewise  weeping  so  much, 
that,  during  a  considerable  time,  they  were  unable  to 
answer.  And  I  assure  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  that  there 
was  not  one  among  the  Spaniards  who  heard  this 
discourse  who  did  not  feel  great  compassion. 

After  they  had  somewhat  restrained  their  tears,  they 
answered,  that  they  regarded  him  as  their  sovereign,  and 
they  promised  to  do  all  that  he  ordered  them  to  do,  and 
that  for  this,  and  for  the  reason  he  had  given  them, 
they  would  do  it  gladly;  that  henceforth,  for  all  time, 
they  gave  themselves  as  vassals  of  Your  Highness  and 
henceforth  they,  all  together,  and  each  one  singly,  would 
promise,  and  did  promise,  to  comply  with  all  that  should 
be  commanded  them  in  the  royal  name  of  Your  Majesty, 
as  good  and  loyal  vassals  ought  to  do ;  and  that  they  would 
concur  with  their  tributes  and  services,  which  heretofore 
they  had  given  to  the  said  Montezuma,  and  with  every- 
thing else  which  might  be  commanded  in  the  name  of 
Your  Highness.  All  this  passed  before  a  notary  public, 
who  at  my  request  recorded  it  in  due  form,  in  the  presence 
of  many  Spaniards  for  witnesses. 


Second  Letter  253 

This  decision  and  offer  of  the  said  lords,  for  the  royal 
service  of  Your  Majesty  having  been  completed,  I  spoke 
to  Montezuma  one  day,  and  told  him  that  Your  Treasure 
Highness  was  in  need  of  gold,  on  account  of  cer-  Collected 
tain  works  ordered  to  be  made,  and  I  besought  ^Y  the 
him  to  send  some  of  his  people,  and  I  would  pamards 
also  send  some  Spaniards,  to  the  provinces  and  houses 
of  those  lords  who  had  there  submitted  themselves, 
to  pray  them  to  assist  Your  Majesty  with  some 
part  of  what  they  had.  Besides  Your  Highness's  need, 
this  would  testify  that  they  began  to  render  ser- 
vice, and  Your  Highness  would  the  more  esteem  their 
good  will  towards  your  service;  and  I  told  him  that  he 
also  should  give  me  from  his  treasures,  as  I  wished  to 
send  them  to  Your  Majesty,  as  I  had  done  uith  the  other 
things.  He  asked  me  afterwards  to  choose  the  Spaniards 
whom  I  wished  to  send,  and  two  by  two,  and  five  by 
five,  he  distributed  them  through  many  provinces  and 
cities,  whose  names  I  do  not  remember,  as  the  papers 
have  been  lost,  and  also  because  they  were  many  and 
divers;  and  moreover  some  of  them  were  at  eighty  and 
one  hundred  leagues  from  the  said  great  city  of  Temix- 
titan.  He  sent  some  of  his  people  with  them  ordering 
them  to  go  to  the  lords  of  those  provinces  and  cities, 
and  tell  them  that  I  had  commanded  each  one  of  them 
to  contribute  a  certain  measure  of  gold  which  he  gave 
them.  Thus  it  was  done,  and  all  those  lords  to  whom 
he  sent  gave  very  compliantly,  as  had  been  asked,  not 
only  in  valuables,  but  also  in  bars  and  sheets  of  gold, 
besides  all  the  jewels  of  gold,  and  silver,  and  the  feather- 
work,  and  the  stones,  and  the  many  other  things  of  value 
which  I  assigned  and  allotted  to  Your  Sacred  Majesty, 
amounting  to  the  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  ducats 
and  more.  These,  besides  their  value,  are  such,  and  so 
marvellous,  that  for  the  sake  of  their  novelty  and  strange- 
ness they  have  no  price,  nor  is  it  probable  that  all  the 


2  54  Letters  of  Cortes 

princes  ever  heard  of  in  the  world,  possess  such  treasures. 
Let  not  what  I  say  appear  fabulous  to  Your  Majesty, 
because,  in  truth,  all  the  things  created  on  land,  as  well 
as  in  the  sea,  of  which  Montezuma  had  ever  heard,  were 
imitated  in  gold,  most  naturally,  as  well  as  in  silver,  and 
in  precious  stones,  and  feather  work,  with  such  perfection 
that  they  seemed  almost  real.  He  gave  me  a  large  num- 
ber of  these  for  Your  Highness,  besides  others,  he  ordered 
to  be  made  in  gold,  for  which  I  furnished  him  the 
designs,  such  as  images,  crucifixes,  medals,  jewelry  of 
small  value,  and  many  other  of  our  things  which  I  made 
them  copy.  In  the  same  manner,  Your  Highness  ob- 
tained, as  the  one-fifth  of  the  silver  which  was  received, 
one  hundred  and  xDdd  marks,  which  I  made  the  natives 
cast  in  large  and  small  plates,  porringers,  cups,  and 
spoons,  which  they  executed  as  perfectly  as  we  could 
make  them  comprehend. 

Besides  these,  Montezuma  gave  me  a  large  quantity  of 
stuffs,  which  considering  it  was  cotton,  and  not  silk, 
was  such  that  there  could  not  be  woven  anything  similar 
in  the  whole  world,  for  texture,  colours,  and  handiwork. 
Amongst  these,  were  many  marvellous  dresses  for  men 
and  women,  bed  clothing,  with  which  that  made  of  silk 
could  not  be  compared,  and  other  stufis  such  as  tapestry, 
suitable  for  drawing-rooms  and  churches.  There  were 
also  blankets  and  rugs,  for  beds  both  of  feather-work, 
and  of  cotton  in  divers  colours,  also  very  marvellous, 
and  many  other  things  so  curious  and  numerous  I  do 
not  know  how  to  specify  them  to  Your  Majesty.  He 
also  gave  me  a  dozen  cerbatanas,^  with  which  he  shoots, 
and  of  their  perfection  I  likewise  know  not  what  to  say 
to  Your  Highness ;  for  they  were  decorated  with  very 
excellent  paintings  of  perfect  hues,  in  which  there  were 
figures  of  many  different  kinds  of  birds,  animals,  flowers, 
and    divers    other    objects,    and    the   mouthpieces    and 

I  Long  tubes  or  pipes. 


Second  Letter  255 

extremities  were  bordered  with  gold,  a  span  deep,  as  was 
also  the  middle,  all  beautifully  worked.  He  gave  me  a 
pouch  of  gold  net-work  for  the  balls,  which  he  told  me  he 
w^ould  give  me  also  of  gold.  He  gave  me  also  some  tur- 
quoises [sic]  of  gold,  and  many  other  things,  whose 
number  is  almost  infinite.  ^ 

To  give  an  account,  Very  Powerful  Lord,  of  the  great- 
ness, and  the  strange  and  marvellous  things  of  this  great 
city  of  Temixtitan  to  Your  Royal  Excellency,  and  of  all 
the  dominions  and  splendour  of  Montezuma  its  sovereign ; 
of  all  the  rites  and  customs  which  these  people  practise, 
and  of  the  order  prevailing  in  the  government,  not  only 
of  this  city,  but  also  of  others  belonging  to  this  lord, 
much  time  and  many  very  expert  narrators  would  be 
required.  I  shall  never  be  able  to  say  one-hundredth 
part  of  what  might  be  told  respecting  them,  but,  neverthe- 
less, as  far  as  I  am  able,  I  shall  speak  of  some  of  the  things 
I  have  seen,  which  although  badly  described,  I  know  very 
well  will  cause  so  much  wonder,  that  they  will  hardly 
be  believed,  because  even  we,  who  see  them  here  with 
our  own  eyes,  are  unable  to  comprehend  their  reality. 
Your  Majesty  may  be  assured,  that,  if  there  be  anything 
wanting  in  my  relation,  it  will  be  rather  in  falling  short, 
than  by  overdrawing,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  all  other 
matters  of  which  I  shall  give  an  account  to  Your  High- 
ness; but  it  seems  to  me  only  just  towards  my  Prince 
and  Sovereign  to  tell  him  very  clearly  the  truth,  without 
interpolating  matters  which  diminish  or  exaggerate  it. 

Before  beginning  to  describe  this  great  city,  and  the 
others    which   I    mentioned     in     the    other  chapter,  it 

I  It  had  been  decided  at  the  outset,  by  common  accord,  that, 
after  deducting  the  royal  fifth  of  all  spoils  and  profits  of  whatso- 
ever nature,  which  went  to  the  crown,  one  fifth  of  the  remainder  should 
be  the  portion  of  Cortes.  All  the  rest  was  to  be  divided  among  the 
members  of  the  expedition,  those  who  remained  in  garrison  at  Vera 
Cruz  sharing  equally  with  those  who  started  on  the  march  to  Mexico. 
(Doc.  I ned.,  torn.  XXVI.,  p.  5-16,  tom.  XXVII.,  p.  37.  Bcntal  Diaz 
cap.  cv.) 


256  Letters  of  Cortes 

appears  to  me  that  to  understand  them  better  I 
should  describe  IMcxico,  which  is  where  this  great  city, 
Cortes  some  others  of  which  I  have  spoken,  and  the 
Describes  principal  seat  of  Montezuma's  dominion  are. 
Mexico  to    This    province    is    ciroular,     and    completely 

^  ^^  *  sun^ounded  by  high  and  rugged  mountains. 
Its  plain  is  perhaps  seventy  leagues  in  circumfer- 
ence, in  which  there  are  two  lakes,  ^  occupying  al- 
most all  of  it,  for  a  canoe  travels  fifty  leagues  within 
their  borders,  and  one  of  these  lakes  is  of  fresh  water, 
and  the  other  larger  one  is  salt.  The  lakes  are  divided 
from  one  another  on  one  side  by  a  small  chain  of  very 
high  hills,  in  the  middle  of  one  end  of  this  plain,  except 
for  a  strait  between  these  hills  and  the  high  moun- 
tains ;  the  strait  is  about  a  bow  shot  across.  Communi- 
cation between  one  lake  and  the  other,  and  between 
the  cities,  and  the  other  towns  round  about,  is  by 
means  of  canoes,  with  no  need  of  going  by  land. 
The  large  salt  lake  rises  and  falls  in  its  tides  like  the 
sea;  its  waters,  whenever  it  rises,  falling  into  the 
fresh-water  lake  as  rapidly  as  though  it  were  a  great 
river;  and  when  it  ebbs,  the  fresh  water  then  runs  into 
the  salt  lake. 

This  great  city  of  Temixtitan  is  built  on  the  salt  lake, 
and  from  the  mainland  to  the  city  is  a  distance  of  two 
leagues,  from  any  side  from  which  you  enter.  It  has 
four  approaches  by  means  of  artificial  causeways,  two 
cavalry  lances  in  width.  The  city  is  as  large  as  Seville 
or  Cordoba.  Its  streets  (I  speak  of  the  principal  ones) 
are  very  broad  and  straight,  some  of  these,  and  all  the 
others,  are  one  half  land,  and  the  other  half  water  on 
which  they  go  about  in  canoes.  All  the  streets  have 
openings  at  regular  intervals,  to  let  the  water  flow  from 
one  to  the  other,  and  at  all  of  these  openings,  some  of 

>  The  lakes  of  Chalco  and  Texcoco,  the  first  being  of  fresh,  and  the 
second,  of  salt  water. 


Second  Letter  257 

which  are  very  broad,  there  are  bridges,  very  large,  strong, 
and  well  constructed,  so  that,  over  many,  ten  horsemen 
can  ride  abreast.  Perceiving  that,  if  the  inhabitants 
wished  to  practise  any  treachery  against  us,  they  had 
plenty  of  opportunity,  because  the  said  city  being  built 
as  I  have  described,  they  might,  by  raising  the  bridges 
at  the  exits  and  entrances,  starve  us  without  our  being 
able  to  reach  land,  as  soon  as  I  entered  the  city, 
I  made  great  haste  to  build  four  brigantines,  which 
I  had  completed  in  a  short  time,  capable  whenever  we 
might  wish,  of  taking  three  hundred  men  and  the  horses 
to  land. 

The  city  has  many  squares  where  markets  are  held 
and  trading  is  carried  on.  There  is  one  square,  twice 
as  large  as  that  of  Salamanca,  all  sur-  xhe  Great 
rounded  by  arcades,  where  there  are  daily  Market- 
more  than  sixty  thousand  souls,  buying  and  P^^*^^ 
selling,  and  where  are  found  all  the  kinds  of  merchan- 
dise produced  in  these  countries,  including  food  pro- 
ducts, jewels  of  gold  and  silver,  lead,  brass,  copper, 
zinc,  stone,  bones,  shells,  and  feathers.  Stones  are  sold, 
hewn  and  unhewn,  adobe  bricks,  wood,  both  in  the 
rough  and  manufactured  in  various  ways.  There  is  a 
street  for  game,  where  they  sell  every  sort  of  bird,  such 
as  chickens,  partridges,  quails,  wild  ducks,  fly-catchers, 
widgeons,  turtle-doves,  pigeons,  reed-birds,  parrots,  owls, 
eaglets,  owlets,  falcons,  sparrow-hawks  and  kestrels, 
and  they  sell  the  skins  of  some  of  these  birds  of  prey 
with  their  feathers,  heads,  beaks,  and  claws.  They 
sell  rabbits,  hares,  and  small  dogs  which  they  castrate, 
and  raise  for  the  purpose  of  eating. 

There  is  a  street  set  apart  for  the  sale  of  herbs,  where 
can  be  found  every  sort  of  root  and  medical  herb  which 
grows  in  the  country.  There  are  houses  like  apothecary 
shops,  where  prepared  medicines  are  sold,  as  well  as 
liquids,  ointments,  and  plasters.     There  are  places  like 

VOL.    I.  — 17 


258  Letters  of  Cortes 

our  barber's  shops,  where  they  wash  and  shave  their 
heads.  There  are  houses  where  they  supply  food  and 
drink  for  payment.  There  are  men,  such  as  in  Castile 
are  called  porters,  who  carry  burdens.  There  is  much 
wood,  charcoal,  braziers  made  of  earthenware,  and  mats 
of  divers  kinds  for  beds,  and  others,  very  thin,  used  as 
cushions,  and  for  carpeting  halls,  and  bed-rooms.  There 
are  all  sorts  of  vegetables,  and  especially  onions,  leeks, 
garlic,  borage,  nasturtium,  water-cresses,  sorrel,  thistles, 
and  artichokes.  There  are  many  kinds  of  fruits,  amongst 
others  cherries,  and  prunes,  like  the  Spanish  ones.  They 
sell  bees-honey  and  wax,  and  honey  made  of  com  stalks, 
which  is  as  sweet  and  syrup-like  as  that  of  sugar,  also 
honey  of  a  plant  called  maguey,^  which  is  better  than 
most;  from  these  same  plants  they  make  sugar  and 
wine,  which  they  also  sell. 

They  also  sell  skeins  of  different  kinds  of  spun  cotton, 
in  all  colours,  so  that  it  seems  quite  like  one  of  the  sük 
markets  of  Granada,  although  it  is  on  a  greater  scale; 
also  as  many  different  colours  for  painters  as  can  be  found 
in  Spain  and  of  as  excellent  hues.  They  sell  deer  skins 
with  all  the  hair  tanned  on  them,  and  of  different  colours ; 
much  earthenware,  exceedingly  good,  many  sorts  of 
pots,  large  and  small,  pitchers,  large  tiles,  an  infinite 
variety  of  vases,  all  of  very  singular  clay,  and  most  of 
them  glazed  and  painted.  They  sell  maize,  both  in  the 
grain  and  made  into  bread,  which  is  very  superior  in  its 
quality  to  that  of  the  other  islands  and  mainland;  pies 
of  birds,  and  fish,  also  much  fish,  fresh,  salted,  cooked, 

'  The  whitish,  slippery,  fermented  liquor  called  pulque  is  ex- 
tracted from  the  maguey  and  is  still  the  popular  drink  in  Mexico; 
as  it  must  be  drunk  fresh,  special  pulque  trains  daily  carry  supplies 
to  towns  along  the  railway  lines.  Flavoured  with  pineapple,  straw- 
berry, and  other  fresh  fruit  juices,  and  well  iced,  it  is  a  very  good  drink, 
wholesome,  and  only  intoxicating  if  drunk  immoderately.  The  manu- 
facture and  sale  of  the  fiery  spirit,  mescal,  also  drawn  from  the  maguey, 
are  under  careful  restrictions  and  it  is  as  destructive  as  absinthe. 


\ 


Second  Letter  259 

and  raw ;  eggs  of  hens,  and  geese,  and  other  bh^ds  in  great 
quantity,   and  cakes  made  of  eggs. 

Finally,  besides  those  things  I  havc  mentioned,  they 
sell  in  the  city  markets  everything  else  which  is  found 
in  the  whole  country  and  which,  on  account  of  the  pro- 
fusion and  number,  do  not  occur  to  my  memory-, 
and  which  also  I  do  not  tell  of,  because  I  do  not  know 
their  names. 

Each  kind  of  merchandise  is  sold  in  its  respective 
street,  and  they  do  not  mix  their  kinds  of  merchandise 
of  any  species ;  thus  they  preserve  perfect  order.  Every- 
thing is  sold  by  a  kind  of  measure,  and,  until  now,  we 
have  not  seen  anything  sold  by  weight. 

There  is  in  this  square  a  very  large  building,  like  a 
Court  of  Justice,  where  there  are  always  ten  or  twelve 
persons,  sitting  as  judges,  and  delivering  their  decisions 
upon  all  cases  which  arise  in  the  markets.  There  are 
other  persons  in  the  same  square  who  go  about  continually 
among  the  people,  observing  what  is  sold,  and  the  meas- 
ures used  in  selling,  and  they  have  been  seen  to  break 
some  which  were  false. 

This  great  city  contains  many  mosques,  or  houses 
for  idols,  very  beautiful  edifices  situated  in  the  different 
precincts  of  it;  in  the  principal  ones  of  The  Aztec 
which  are  the  religious  orders  of  their  sect,  Priests 
for  whom,  besides  the  houses  in  which  they  keep 
their  idols,  there  are  very  good  habitations  pro- 
vided. All  these  priests  dress  in  black,  and  never 
cut  or  comb  their  hair  from  the  time  they  enter 
the  religious  order  until  they  leave  it;  and  the  sons 
of  all  the  principal  families,  both  of  chiefs  as  well  as 
noble  citizens,  are  in  these  religious  orders  and  habits 
from  the  age  of  seven  or  eight  years  till  they  are  taken 
away  for  the  purpose  of  marriage.  This  happens  more 
frequently  with  the  first-bom,  who  inherit  the  property, 
than  with  the  others.     They  have  no  access  to  women. 


26o  Letters  of  Cortes 

nor  are  any  allowed  to  enter  the  religious  houses;  they 
abstain  from  eating  certain  dishes,  and  more  so  at  certain 
times  of  the  year  than  at  others. 

Amongst  these  mosques,  there  is  one  principal  one,  and 
no  human  tongue  is  able  to  describe  its  greatness  and 
details,  because  it  is  so  large  that  within  its  circuit,  which 
is  surrounded  by  a  high  wall,  a  village  of  five  hundred 
houses  could  easily  be  built.  Within,  and  all  around  it, 
are  very  handsome  buildings,  in  which  there  are  large 
rooms  and  galleries,  where  the  religious  who  live  there 
are  lodged.  There  are  as  many  as  forty  very  high  and 
well-built  towers,  the  largest  having  fifty  steps  to  reach 
the  top ;  the  principal  one  is  higher  than  the  tower  of  the 
chief  church  in  Seville.  ^  They  are  so  well  built,  both 
in  their  masonry,  and  their  wood  work,  that  they  could  not 
be  better  made  nor  constructed  anyw^here;  for  all  the 
masonry  inside  the  chapels,  where  they  keep  their  idols, 
is  carved  with  figures,  and  the  wood  w^ork  is  all  wrought 
with  designs  of  monsters,  and  other  shapes.  All  these 
towers  are  places  of  burial  for  the  chiefs,  and  each  one 
of  their  chapels  is  dedicated  to  the  idol  to  which  they 
have  a  particular  devotion.  Within  this  great  mosque, 
there  are  three  halls  wherein  stand  the  principal  idols 
of  marvellous  grandeur  in  size,  and  much  decorated  w4th 
carved  figures,  both  of  stone  and  wood;  and  within  these 
halls  there  are  other  chapels,  entered  by  very  small  doors, 
and  which  have  no  hght,  and  nobody  but  the  religious 
are  admitted  to  them.  Within  these  are  the  images  and 
figures  of  the  idols,  although,  as  I  have  said,  there  are 
many  outside. 

The  principal  idols  in  which  they  have  the  most 
faith  and  belief  I  overturned  from  their  seats,  and  rolled 
Cortes  down  the  stairs,  and  I  had  those  chapels, 
Overthrows  where  they  kept  them,  cleansed,  for  they  were 
the  Idols      full     of     blood     from      the     sacrifices ;    and 

»  See  Appendix  V.,  close  of  Letter. 


Second  Letter  261 

I  set  up  images  of  Our  Lady,  and  other  Saints  in 
them,  which  grieved  Montezuma,  and  the  natives 
not  a  little.  At  first  they  told  me  not  to  do  it,  for,  if  it 
became  known  throughout  the  town,  the  people  would 
rise  against  me,  as  they  believed  that  these  idols  gave 
them  all  their  temporal  goods,  and,  in  allowing  them  to 
be  ill-treated,  they  would  be  angered,  and  give  nothing, 
and  would  take  away  all  the  fruits  of  the  soil,  and  cause 
the  people  to  die  of  want.  I  made  them  understand  by 
the  interpreters  how  deceived  they  were  in  putting  their 
hope  in  idols,  made  of  unclean  things  by  their  own  hands, 
and  I  told  them  that  they  should  know  there  was  but  one 
God,  the  Universal  Lord  of  all,  who  had  created  the 
heavens,  and  earth,  and  all  things  else,  and  them,  and  us, 
who  was  without  beginning,  and  immortal ;  that  they  should 
adore,  and  believe  in  Him,  and  not  in  any  creature,  or 
thing.  I  told  them  all  I  knew  of  these  matters,  so  as 
to  win  them  from  their  idolatries,  and  bring  them  to  a 
knowledge  of  God,  Our  Lord;  and  all  of  them,  especially 
Montezuma,  answered  that  they  had  already  told  me  they 
were  not  natives  of  this  country,  and  that  it  was  a  long 
time  since  their  forefathers  had  come  to  it,  therefore 
they  might  err  in  some  points  of  their  belief,  as  it  was  so 
long  since  they  left  their  native  land,  whilst  I,  who  had 
recently  arrived,  should  know  better  than  they  what 
they  should  believe,  and  hold;  and  if  I  would  tell  them, 
and  explain  to  them,  they  would  do  what  I  told  them, 
as  being  for  the  best.  Montezuma  and  many  chiefs  of 
the  city  remained  with  me  until  the  idols  were  taken 
away  and  the  chapels  cleansed,  and  the  images  put  up, 
and  they  all  wore  happy  faces.  I  forbade  them  to  sacri- 
fice human  beings  to  the  idols,  as  they  were  accustomed 
to  do,  for  besides  its  being  very  hateful  to  God,  Your 
Majesty  had  also  prohibited  it  by  your  laws,  and  com- 
manded that  those  who  killed  should  be  put  to  death. 
Henceforth   they   abolished   it,    and,    in   all   the   time   I 


202  Letters  of  Cortes 

remained  in  the  city,  never  again  were  they  seen  to 
sacrifice  any  human  creature. 

The  figures  of  the  idols,  in  which  those  people  believe, 
exceed  in  size  the  body  of  a  large  man.  They  are  made 
of  a  mass  of  all  the  seeds  and  vegetables  which  they  eat, 
ground  up  and  mixed  with  one  another,  and  kneaded 
with  the  hearts'  blood  of  human  beings,  whose  breasts 
are  opened  when  aHve,  the  hearts  being  removed,  and, 
■uith  the  blood  which  comes  out,  is  kneaded  the  ñour, 
making  the  quantity  necessary  to  construct  a  great 
statue.  When  these  are  finished  the  priests  offer  them 
more  hearts,  which  have  likewise  been  sacrificed,  and 
besmear  the  faces  with  the  blood.  The  idols  are  dedicated 
to  different  things,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  heathen  who 
anciently  honoured  their  gods.  Thus,  to  obtain  favours 
in  war  these  people  have  one  idol,  for  harv^ests  another, 
and  for  everything  in  which  they  desire  any  good,  they 
have  idols  whom  they  honour  and  serve. 

There  are  many  large  and  handsome  houses  in  this 
city,  and  the  reason  for  this  is  that  all  the  lords  of  the 
country,  vassals  of  Montezuma,  inhabit  their  houses  in 
the  city  a  certain  part  of  the  year;  moreover  there  are 
many  rich  citizens,  who  Hkewise  have  very  good  houses. 
Besides  having  very  good  and  large  dwelling  places,  all 
these  people  have  very  beautiful  flower  gardens  of  divers 
kinds,  as  well  in  the  upper,  as  in  the  lower  dwellings. 

Along  one  of  the  causeways  which  lead  to  the 
city,  there  are  two  conduits  of  masonry  each  two 
The  paces  broad,  and  five  feet  deep,  ^  through  one 

Aqueducts  of  which  a  volume  of  very  good  fresh  water, 
the  bulk  of  a  man's  body,  flows  into  the  heart  of 
the  city,  from  which  all  supply  themselves,  and  drink. 
The  other  which  is  empty  brings  the  water,  when 
they  wish  to  clean  the  first  conduit,  for,  whüe  one 
is  being  cleaned,   the    water   flows  through   the   other. 

»  An  estado  was  a  man's  height,  or  about  five  and  one-half  feet. 


Second  Letter  263 

Conduits  as  large  round  as  an  ox's  body  bring  the  fresh 
water  across  the  bridges,  thus  avoiding  the  channels  by 
which  the  salt-water  flows,  and  in  this  manner  the  whole 
city  is  suppUed,  and  everybody  has  water  to  drink. 
Canoes  peddle  the  water  through  all  the  streets,  and  the 
way  they  take  it  from  the  conduits  is  this :  the  canoes  stop 
under  the  bridges  w^here  the  conduits  cross,  where  men 
are  stationed  on  the  top  who  are  paid  to  nil  them.  At 
the  different  entrances  to  the  city,  and  wherever  the 
canoes  are  unloaded,  which  is  where  the  greatest  quan- 
tity of  provisions  enter  the  city,  there  are  guards,  in  huts 
to  collect  a  certum  quid  of  ever^^thing  that  comes  in.  I 
do  not  know  whether  this  goes  to  the  sovereign,  or  to 
the  city,  because  up  till  now  I  have  not  been  able  to 
ascertain,  but  I  believe  it  is  for  the  sovereign,  for,  in 
other  market  places  of  other  provinces,  that  contribution 
has  been  seen  to  be  paid  to  the  ruler.  There  are  to  be 
found  daily  in  the  markets  and  public  places  of  the  city 
many  workmen,  and  masters  of  all  trades,  waiting  to  be 
hired. 

The  people  of  this  city  had  better  manners,  and  more 
luxury  in  their  dressing  and  ser\áce,  than  those  of  other 
provinces  and  cities,  for  the  reason  that  the  sovereign, 
Montezuma,  always  resided  there,  and  all  the  nobles,  his 
vassals,  frequented  the  city,  so  better  manners,  and 
more  ceremony  prevailed.  But  to  avoid  being  prolix 
in  describing  the  things  of  the  city  (though  I  would  fain 
continue),  I  will  not  say  more  than  that,  in  the  service 
and  manners  of  its  people,  their  fashion  of  living  was  al- 
most the  same  as  in  Spain,  with  just  as  much  harmony  and 
order;  and  considering  that  these  people  were  barbarous, 
so  cut  off  from  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  other  civilised 
peoples,  it  is  admirable  to  see  to  what  they  attained 
in  every  respect.  As  far  as  the  service  surrounding 
Montezuma  is  concerned,  and  the  admirable  attributes 
of  his  greatness  and  state,  there  is  so  much  to  write  that 


204  Letters  of  Cortes 

I  assure  Your  Highness  I  do  not  know  where  to  begin, 
so  as  to  finish  what  I  would  say  of  any  part  respecting  it. 
For,  as  I  have  already  said,  what  greater  grandeur  can 
there  be,  than  that  a  barbarian  monarch,  like  him,  should 
have  imitations  in  gold,  silver,  stones,  and  feather-work, 
of  all  the  things  existing  under  heaven  in  his  dominion  ? — 
gold,  and  silver,  things,  so  hke  to  nature,  that  there  is 
not  a  silversmith  in  the  world  who  could  do  it  better; 
and,  respecting  the  stones,  there  is  no  imagination  which 
can  divine  the  instruments  with  which  they  were  so 
perfectly  executed;  and  respecting  the  feather-work, 
neither  in  wax,  nor  in  embroidery,  could  nature  be  so 
marvellously  imitated. 

So  far,  the  extent  of  Montezuma's  kingdom  is  not 
known,  but  everyw^here  within  two  hundred  leagues 
Extent  of  °^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  other  side  of  this  capital, 
the  Aztec  wherever  he  sent,  his  messengers  were  not 
Sovereignty  disregarded,  ^  although  there  were  some  pro- 
vinces in  the  midst  of  these  countries  with  which  he 
was  at  war.  From  what  has  been  learned,  and  from 
what  I  understand  from  him,  I  judge  that  his  territories 
were  as  large  as  Spain;  for  he  sent  messengers  from 
here  to  Puntunchan,  at  sixty  leagues  distance,  beyond 
the  river  of  Grijalba,  ordering  the  natives  of  a  city,  called 
Cumatan,2  to  give  themselves  as  vassals  to  Your  Ma- 
jesty; and  that  is  a  distance  of  two  hundred  and  thirty 
leagues  from  the  great  city.  This  I  know  for  I  have  made 
the  Spaniards  go  a  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred 
and  fifty  in  that  direction. 

All  the  other  lords  of  this  country  and  province,  es- 
pecially those  of  the  "^neighbourhood,  resided  as  I  have 
already  said,  a  greater  part  of  the  year  in  the  capital, 

>  Humboldt  estimates  its  extension  at  20,000  square  leagues, 
and  as  comprising  in  his  time,  the  intendencies  of  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico, 
Oaxaca,  and  Valladolid. 

2  Given  in  Archbishop  Lorenzana's  edition  as  Jumathlan,  a  town 
between  the  provinces  of  Oaxaca  and  Chiapa. 


Second  Letter  265 

and  all,  or  at  least  most  of  them,  had  their  first-born  sons 
in  the  service  of  Montezuma.  There  were  fortified  places 
in  the  dominions  of  these  lords,  and  Montezuma  sent 
his  own  people  amongst  them  as  governors,  and  collectors 
of  the  taxes  and  rents  which  he  received  from  each  pro- 
vince. These  men  kept  an  account  of  what  each  province 
was  obliged  to  give,  by  means  of  characters  and  figures, 
written  on  the  paper  they  make,  showing  what  each 
province  was  obliged  to  pay  according  to  the  quality  of 
its  land.  In  this  manner,  produce  from  all  the  said 
provinces  came  into  his  possession. 

He  was  so  feared  by  the  present,  as  well  as  the  absent, 
that  there  was  never  prince  in  the  world  more  so.  He 
had  many  pleasure  houses,  within  and  without  the  city, 
each  as  well  constructed,  to  serve  for  its  particular  kind 
of  pastime,  as  could  be  described  or  desired  for  so  great 
a  lord.  Within  the  city,  he  had  residences  such  and  so 
marvellous  that  it  seems  to  me  almost  impossible  to 
speak  of  their  excellence  and  grandeur.  So  I  limit  myself 
to  saying  that  there  is  nothing  comparable  with  them  in 
Spain. 

He  had  a  house,  a  little  inferior  to  this  one,  where 
there  was  a  beautiful  garden,  with  arbors  overhanging 
it,  of  which  the  marbles  and  tiles  were  of  Montezu- 
jasper,  beautifully  worked.     In  this  house  there  ma's 

were  apartments  for  two  great  princes,  and  all  Palaces 
their  servants.  It  had  ten  pools  of  water,  in  which 
were  kept  all  the  many  and  divers  breeds  of  water- 
fowl found  in  these  parts,  all  domesticated;  for  the 
sea-birds,  too,  there  were  pools  of  salt  water,  and, 
for  those  of  the  rivers  and  lakes,  there  was  fresh  water, 
which  for  the  sake  of  cleanliness,  they  renewed  at  certain 
times  by  means  of  pipes.  To  each  kind  of  bird  they 
gave  the  food  which  suited  its  habits  in  its  free  state,  so 
that  to  those  which  ate  fish  they  gave  it ;  and,  likewise, 
worms,  maize,  and  smaller  seeds  were  supplied  as  required 


2ÓÓ  Letters  of  Cortes 

by  the  different  birds.  I  assure  Your  Highness  that  all 
those  birds  which  ate  onl}^  fish  received  each  day  two 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  caught  in  the  salt  lakes.  Three 
hundred  men  had  the  charge  of  these  birds,  for  their  sole 
employment.  There  were  others  who  were  occupied  only 
in  curing  the  birds  which  were  ailing.  Over  each  pool 
for  these  birds,  there  were  beautifully  decorated  galleries, 
and  corridors,  where  Montezuma  came  to  amuse  himself 
by  watching  them.  There  was  an  apartment  in  this  house 
in  which  were  men,  w^omen,  and  children,  white  of  face, 
body,  hair,  and  eyelashes  from  the  day  of  their  birth. 
There  was  another  very  beautiful  house,  with  a  large 
court,  paved  with  flags,  in  the  pattern  of  a  chess  board. 

There  were  also  houses  about  nine  feet  in  height,  and 
about  six  paces  square ;  one  half  of  each  was  covered  with  a 
roofing  of  square  tiles,  and  the  other  half,  which  was  open, 
had  a  stout  lattice  of  wood.  Each  of  these  houses  con- 
tained a  bird  of  prey,  representing  all  the  sorts  known  in 
Spain,  from  the  kestrel  to  the  eagle,  besides  many  other 
kinds,  which  had  never  been  seen  there;  and  there  were 
great  numbers  of  each  of  these  kinds.  Across  the  tops 
of  these  houses  there  was  a  perch,  and  another  one  out 
beyond  the  lattice,  so  that  the  birds  might  use  the  one  at 
night  and  when  it  was  raining,  and  the  other  to  sun  them- 
selves, and  take  the  air.  All  these  birds  were  fed  daily  on 
chickens,  with  no  other  food.  There  w^ere  certain  large 
rooms  in  this  palace,  fitted  with  great  cages,  very  well 
constructed,  and  joined  with  heavy  timbers,  in  all  or 
most  of  which  were  kept  lions,  tigers,  foxes,  and  every 
kind  of  cat  in  considerable  numbers.  These  were  also 
fed  on  chickens.  Three  hundred  other  men  had  charge 
of  these  animals  and  birds. 

There  was  another  house  where  many  monstrous  men 
and  women  lived,  amongst  whom  there  were  dwarfs, 
himchbacks,  and  deformed;  and  each  manner  of  monster 
had  a  room  apart,  and  they  also  had  persons  to  take 


Second  Letter  267 

charge  of  them.  I  do  not  mention  the  other  diverting 
things  Montezuma  had  in  this  city,  because  they  were  so 
many,  and  so  various. 

His  service  was  organised  as  follows:  at  dawn  every 
day,  six  hundred  lords,  and  men  of  rank,  came  to 
his  palace.  Some  of  these  sat  down,  and  Etiquette 
others  walked  about  in  the  halls  and  corridors  of  Monte- 
of  the  palace,  talking  and  passing  the  time,  zuma's 
but  without  entering  the  room  where  he  was;  °^ 

the  servants  and  retainers  who  accompanied  them  filled 
two  or  three  great  courts,  and  the  street,  which  was  very 
large.  They  remained  in  attendance  until  night.  When 
they  served  food  to  Montezuma,  they  likewise  served  all 
those  lords  with  Hke  profusion,  and  their  servants  and  fol- 
lowers also  received  their  rations.  The  larder  and  the  wine 
cellar  were  open  daily  to  all  who  wished  to  eat  or  drink. 

The  way  they  served  the  meals  is  this:  three  or  four 
hundred  youths  carried  in  countless  dishes,  for,  every 
time  he  wished  to  dine  or  sup,  they  brought  him  all  the 
different  dishes,  not  only  meats,  but  also  fish,  and  fruits, 
and  herbs,  to  be  found  in  the  land;  and  as  the  climate 
is  cold  they  brought,  under  each  plate  and  dish,  a  brazier 
of  coals,  so  that  the  food  should  not  get  cold.  They  placed 
all  the  dishes  together  in  a  great  room  where  he  dined, 
which  was  almost  filled ;  its  floors  were  all  very  well  covered 
and  very  clean,  and  he  sat  on  a  small  cushion  of  leather, 
beautifully  made.  Whilst  he  was  eating,  there  were  five  or 
six  elder  lords  standing  a  short  distance  from  him,  to  whom 
he  offered  from  the  dishes  he  was  eating.  One  of  the  sei-v- 
ants  waited  to  bring  and  remove  the  dishes  for  him,  which 
were  passed  by  others,  who  stood  further  off  as  the  service 
required.  At  the  beginning  and  end  of  each  meal,  they 
always  brought  him  water  for  his  hands,  and  the  towel, 
once  used,  he  never  used  again;  nor  were  the  plates  and 
service  in  which  a  dish  was  served  ever  brought  again; 
and  it  was  the  same  with  the  braziers. 


268  Letters  of  Cortes 

He  dressed  himself  four  times  every  day,  in  four  different 
kinds  of  clothing,  all  new,  and  never  would  he  be  dressed 
with  the  same  again.  All  the  lords  who  entered  his  palace 
came  barefooted,  and,  when  those  whom  he  had  sum- 
moned appeared  before  him,  it  was  with  their  heads  bent, 
and  their  eyes  on  the  ground,  in  humble  posture;  and, 
when  they  spoke  to  him,  they  did  not  look  him  in  the 
face,  because  of  respect  and  reverence.  I  know  they 
did  this  out  of  respect,  for  certain  lords  reproved  the 
Spaniards,  saying,  that  when  these  latter  spoke  to  me, 
they  would  behave  with  a  lofty  demeanour,  looking 
me  in  the  face,  which  seemed  to  them  disrespectful  and 
shameless.  When  Montezuma  went  out,  which  happened 
rarely,  all  those  who  accompanied  him  and  those  whom  he 
met  in  the  street,  turned  their  faces  aside,  and  in  no  wise 
looked  at  him,  and  all  the  rest  prostrated  themselves  until 
he  had  passed.  One  of  the  lords,  who  carried  three  long 
thin  rods,  always  went  before  him,  and  I  believe  this  was 
done  to  give  notice  of  his  approach.  When  he  descended 
from  his  Htter,  he  took  one  of  those  rods  in  his  hand, 
and  carried  it  as  far  as  he  went.  The  ceremonies  which 
this  sovereign  used  in  his  service  were  so  many,  and  of  such 
different  kinds,  that  more  space  than  I  have  at  present 
would  be  required  to  relate  them,  and  even  a  better 
memory  to  retain  them;  for  I  believe  none  of  the  Sultans, 
or  any  infidel  sovereign  of  whom  we  have  had  information 
until  now,  has  ever  had  such  ceremonial  in  his  court. 

I  have  been  occupied  in  this  capital  in  what  seemed 
to  conduce  to  the  service  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  and  in 
pacifying  and  winning  over  to  it  many  provinces,  thickly 
peopled  countries,  very  great  cities,  towns,  and  forts; 
and  in  discovering  mines,  and  learning  and  inquiring 
into  many  of  the  secrets  of  Montezuma's  dominions,  as 
well  as  of  others  which  border  on  them,  of  which  he 
had  information.  These  are  so  many  and  so  marvellous, 
that  they  are  almost  incredible.     In  this,  I  have  been 


Second  Letter  269 

assisted,  with  as  much  good  will  and  satisfaction  on  the 
part  of  Montezuma  and  the  natives,  as  if  they,  ab  initio, 
had  recognised  Your  Sacred  Majesty  as  their  king  and 
rightful  sovereign;  and  with  no  less  good  will  have  they 
done  all  I  commanded  them  in  your  royal  name.  In  all 
these  things  mentioned,  and  in  others  no  less  useful  to 
the  service  of  Your  Highness,  I  spent  from  the  eighth 
of  November,  15 19,  to  the  beginning  of  May  this  present 
year. 

While  all  was  quiet  and  tranquil  in  this  city,  and 
many  Spaniards  were  distributed  through  divers  parts, 
pacifying  the  people  in  the  country,  I  greatly  jjg^g  ^f  ^^^ 
desired  that  ships  might  arrive,  with  the  Arrival  of 
answer  to  the  accoimt  I  had  sent  to  Your  Narvaez 
Majesty,  so  that  I  might  forward  what  I  now  send, 
together  with  all  the  gold  and  jewels  I  had  collected 
for  Your  Highness.  At  that  time  there  came  certain 
natives,  vassals  of  Montezuma,  who  live  on  the  coast, 
telling  me  that,  near  the  mountain  chain  of  San  Martin, 
which  is  on  the  said  coast,  before  reaching  the  port 
and  bay  of  San  Juan,  eighteen  ships  had  arrived ;  and  that 
they  did  not  know  whose  they  were,  because,  as  soon 
as  they  espied  them  on  the  sea,  they  came  to  let  me  know. 
Following  the  said  Indians,  there  came  also  a  native  of 
the  island  of  Fernandina,  who  brought  me  a  letter  from 
a  Spaniard,  whom  I  had  stationed  on  the  coast.  This  I 
had  done  that  he  might  give  information  about  me,  and 
about  that  town  near  the  port,  to  any  ships  that  might 
arrive,  so  that  they  might  not  be  lost.  In  this  letter  he 
said  that,  "on  such  a  day,  a  single  ship  had  arrived  ofi 
the  harbour  of  San  Juan,"  and  that  he  had  examined 
all  the  coast  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  but  had  dis- 
covered no  other,  and  therefore  believed  it  to  be  the 
ship  I  had  sent  to  Your  Majesty,  since  it  was  time  for 
this  to  return.  In  order  to  satisfy  himself  more  fully, 
he  said  that  he  would  stay,  waiting  for  the  arrival  of 


270  Letters  of  Cortes 

the  said  ship  in  port,  so  as  to  get  information  which  he 
would  immediately  bring  me. 

Ha\4ng  read  this  letter,  I  despatched  two  Spaniards  one 
by  one  road,  and  the  other  by  another,  so  that  they  might 
miss  no  messenger  coming  from  the  ship.  I  directed  them 
to  go  to  the  said  port,  and  ascertain  how  many  ships 
had  arrived,  from  whence  they  came,  and  what  they 
brought,  and  to  return  as  quickly  as  possible  to  tell  me. 
I  Hkewise  sent  another  to  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  to  an- 
nounce what  I  had  learned  about  those  ships,  so  that  they 
might  get  information  there,  and  let  me  know;  and  another 
went  to  the  Captain  (whom  I  had  sent  w^ith  a  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  to  form  a  settlement  at  the  port  of  Quacu- 
calco),  to  whom  I  wrote,  that,  as  I  had  learned  that 
certain  ships  had  arrived  at  the  port,  he  should  stop 
w^ierever  that  messenger  might  meet  him,  and  not  pro- 
ceed any  further,  until  I  should  write  to  him  again. 
It  afterguards  appeared,  however,  that  he  already 
knew  of  the  arrival  of  the  ships  when  he  received  my 
letter. 

Fifteen  days  elapsed  after  the  departure  of  the  messen- 
gers, and  as  I  had  no  news  or  answers  from  them,  I  was 
not  a  little  alarmed.  When  these  fifteen  days  had  passed, 
other  Indians,  also  vassals  of  Montezuma,  arrived,  from 
whom  I  learned  that  the  said  ships  had  already  anchored 
in  the  port  of  San  Juan,  and  the  people  had  disembarked ; 
that  they  had  brought  about  eighty  horses,  eight  hundred 
men,  and  ten  or  twelve  pieces  of  artillery.  All  of  this 
report  was  pictured  on  paper  of  the  country,  to  be  shown 
to  Montezuma.  The  messengers  also  told  me,  that  the 
Spaniard  I  had  stationed  on  the  coast,  and  the  other 
messengers  I  had  sent,  were  with  the  said  people,  and 
had  told  these  Indians  that  the  captain  of  those  people 
would  not  allow  them  to  return,  and  for  them  to  tell  me 
this.  Having  heard  this,  I  determined  to  send  a  religious, 
whom  I  had  brought  in  my  company,  bearing  a  letter  of 


Second  Letter  271 

mine,  and  another  from  the  alcalde  and  the  municipal 
officers  of  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  who  were  with  me,  ad- 
dressed to  the  captain  and  people  who  had  arrived  at  that 
port.  In  these  letters  we  informed  him  very  fully  of  all 
that  had  happened  to  me  in  this  country;  that  I  held 
many  cities  and  ports  conquered  and  pacified,  subject 
to  the  royal  service  of  Your  Majesty;  that  I  had  taken  the 
principal  lord  of  all  these  regions  prisoner,  and  that  I  was 
in  the  capital.  We  wrote  all  about  its  character,  and  the 
gold  and  jewels  I  had  obtained  for  Your  Highness,  and 
how  I  had  given  an  account  to  Your  Majesty  of  the 
country.  I  asked  them  to  let  me  know  who  they  were, 
and  if  they  were  rightful  subjects  of  the  kingdom  and 
lordships  of  Your  Highness,  to  write  to  me  whether  they 
had  come  to  this  country  by  a  royal  mandate  to  settle 
permanently,  or  intended  to  advance  or  return;  adding 
that,  if  they  needed  anything,  I  would  have  them  pro- 
vided with  everything  possible.  I  said  also  that,  if  they 
came  from  any  place  outside  the  dominions  and  kingdoms 
of  Your  Highness,  to  likewise  let  me  know,  for  if  they 
needed  anything  I  would  also  supply  it,  if  I  could.  If 
they  refused  to  inform  me,  I  required  them  on  the  part 
of  Your  Majesty  to  leave  your  countries,  and  not  to  land 
in  them,  with  the  threat  that,  if  they  persisted,  I  would 
march  against  them  with  all  the  force  I  had,  both  Span- 
iards and  natives,  and  would  take  them,  and  kill  them  as 
foreign  invaders  of  the  kingdoms  and  dominions  of  my 
king. and  sovereign. 

Within  five  or  six  days  after  the  religious  had  gone 
with  the  despatch,  twenty  Spaniards,  whom  I  had 
left  in  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  arrived  in  the  Designs  of 
city  of  Temixtitan,  and  brought  me  a  cleric  Panfilo  de 
and  two  other  laymen  whom  they  had  taken  Narvaez 
in  the  said  city.  From  them  I  learned,  that  the 
armada  and  people  in  the  port  belonged  to  Diego 
Velasquez,  and  had  come  by  his  orders,  under  a  certain 


2-] 2  Letters  of  Cortes 

Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  ^  a  householder  of  the  island  of 
Fernandina,  as  their  captain;  that  they  brought  eighty 
horses,  many  pieces  of  artillery,  and  eight  hundred  soldiers, 
among  which  latter  were  eighty  musketeers,  and  a  hundred 
and  twenty  bowmen;  that  Narvaez  came  with  a  com- 
mission as  Captain-General,  and  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  all  these  parts,  by  appointment  of  Diego  Velasquez, 
with  faculties  from  Your  Majesty  for  all  this;  that  the 
messengers  I  had  sent,  and  the  man  I  had  stationed  on 
the  coast  were  with  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  who  would  not 
allow  them  to  return,  and  that  he  had  information  himself 
from  them  about  my  founding  that  town  twelve  leagues 
from  the  said  port,  and  of  the  people  who  were  in  it,  as 
well  as  about  the  people  I  had  sent  to  Quacucalco,  thirty 
leagues  from  the  port,  in  a  province  called  Tuchitepeque, 
I  learned  also  that  Narvaez  knew  of  everything  I  had 
done  in  the  country  in  the  service  of  Your  Highness; 
about  the  cities  and  towns  I  had  pacified  and  about  the 
great  city  of  Temixtitan;  about  the  gold  and  jewels  we 
had  obtained  in  the  country,  and  all  else  that  had  hap- 
pened to  me.  Narvaez  had  sent  these  men  to  Vera  Cruz, 
to  try  to  win  over  the  inhabitants  to  his  design  that  they 
should  rebel  against  me.  They  brought  me  more  than  a 
hundred  letters  which  Narvaez  and  his  companions  sent 
to  people  in  Vera  Cruz,  telling  them  to  credit  what  the 
cleric  and  the  others  with  him  would  say  in  his  name, 
promising  them  in  the  name  of  Diego  Velasquez,  that, 
if  they  would  do  so,  they  should  be  rewarded,  but  that 

'  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  a  native  of  Valladolid,  first  settled  in 
Jamaica,  afterwards  taking  part  in  the  conquest  of  Cuba,  as  captain 
of  thirty  bowmen,  when  he  won  the  friendship  of  Diego  Velasquez, 
who  made  him  one  of  his  chief  captains.  Las  Casas  describes  him  as 
well  behaved,  and  brave  but  imprudent,  but  Bernal  Diaz's  opinion 
of  him  was  less  pleasing  as  he  calls  him  vain,  presumptuous,  foolish, 
and  proud,  but  admits  his  bravery.  He  was  forty  years  old  when  he 
came  to  Mexico  to  arrest  Cortes  and  send  him  back  to  Cuba.  He 
brought  with  him  the  curse  of  small-pox,  which  was  thus  introduced 
into  Mexico  by  a  negro  of  his  crew. 


Second  Letter  273 

those  who  acted  to  the  contrary  would  be  very  severely 
treated.  Many  other  things  contained  in  the  said  letters 
were  reported  by  the  cleric  and  those  who  came  with 
him. 

Almost  simultaneously,  there  arrived  one  of  the  Span- 
iards who  had  gone  to  Quacucalco,  bringing  letters  from 
his  captain,  one  Velasquez  de  Leon,  who  informed  me  that 
the  expedition  in  the  port  was  under  Panfilo  de  Narvaez, 
who  came  in  the  name  of  Diego  Velasquez.  This 
Leon  forwarded  me  a  letter  which  Narvaez  had  sent  him 
by  an  Indian  for  he  was  a  relative  of  Diego  Velasquez, 
and  brother-in-law  of  Narvaez),  telling  him  how  he  had 
learned  from  my  messengers  that  Leon  was  there  with 
those  people,  and  bidding  him  come  back  immediately  with 
them,  because,  by  so  acting,  he  would  fulfil  his  obHga- 
tions  towards  his  relative;  that  he  believed  I  held  him 
by  force,  and  other  similar  things  which  Narvaez  wrote 
to  him.  The  captain  being  more  devoted  to  Your  Ma- 
jesty's service,  not  only  declined  to  accept  what  Narvaez 
told  him  in  his  letter,  but,  after  having  sent  the  letter 
to  me,  immediately  left  to  join  me  with  all  his  forces. 
Afterwards  I  informed  myself  from  that  cleric,  and  the 
two  who  accompanied  him,  respecting  many  things  con- 
cerning the  intentions  of  Diego  Velasquez  and  Narvaez; 
how  they  had  despatched  that  armada  and  force  against 
me,  because,  instead  of  to  Diego  Velasquez,  I  had  sent  to 
Your  Majesty  the  description  of  this  country,  and  the  pre- 
sents ;  and  how  they  came  with  evil  designs  to  kill  me,  and 
many  of  my  company  whom  they  had  already  designated. 
I  ascertained  likewise  that  the  licentiate  Figueroa,  the 
judge  residing  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  Your 
Highness's  judges  and  officials  there,  when  they  learned 
that  Diego  Velasquez  was  preparing  this  armada,  and  his 
intention  in  so  doing,  had  perceived  the  harm  and  injury 
which  would  result  to  Your  Majesty  by  their  coming, 
and  had  sent  one  of  the  said  judges,  the  licentiate,  Lucas 


2  74  Letters  of  Cortes 

Vasquez  de  Ay  lion,  ^  with  powers  to  require  and  order 
Diego  Velasquez  not  to  despatch  the  armada.  Upon  his 
arrival,  he  found  Diego  Velasquez  and  all  those  armed 
people  at  the  point  of  the  island  of  Femandina,  ready  to 
sail,  and  he  required  them,  and  those  composing  the 
amiada,  not  to  depart,  because  Your  Highness  would  be 
badly  served,  and  he  threatened  them  with  many  penalties, 
notwithstanding  which,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  licentiate 
required  and  ordered,  Velasquez  still  sent  the  armada. 
The  licentiate,  Ayllon,  had  come  with  them  thinking 
to  prevent  the  harm  which  would  follow  from  the  arrival 
of  it,  for  it  was  notorious  to  him,  and  to  everybody,  that 
the  armada  came  with  evil  intentions. 

I  sent  this  cleric  to  Nar\-aez  with  a  letter  of  mine,  in 
which  I  told  him  I  had  learned  from  the  cleric,  and  those 
who  came  with  him,  that  he  was  captain  of  the  armada, 

>  The  audiencia  of  San  Domingo,  foreseeing  the  scandal  which 
was  inevitable  from  such  an  expedition  against  Cortes,  sent  Lucas 
Vasquez  de  Ayllon  to  Cuba  with  full  powers  to  stop  the  preparations, 
and  prohibit  the  sailing.  Ayllon  followed  Diego  Velasquez  to  the  port 
of  Trinidad  where  he  had  gone,  and  there  learned  that  Narvaez  was 
at  Xagua,  some  fourteen  leagues  distant,  ready  to  join  the  others  of 
the  fleet  who  were  at  Guaniguanico.  He  also  discovered  that  most 
of  the  able-bodied  men  in  the  colony  had  enlisted,  and  that  the  island 
would  be  left  with  few  defenders  in  case  of  trouble  with  the  natives; 
he  went  therefore  to  Xagua,  and  notified  Narvaez  not  to  sail,  but  to 
go  to  Guaniguanico,  where  he  intended  to  dissuade  the  governor  from 
the  undertaking.  Though  Velasquez  appeared  at  first  to  yield,  he 
ended  by  repudiating  the  authority  of  the  aiAdiencia,  though  he  con- 
sented to  give  pacific  instructions  to  Narvaez  as  to  his  manner  of  dealing 
with  Cortes.  Ayllon  decided,  at  the  last  moment,  to  go  himself  with 
the  armada,  and  prevent  trouble  between  the  rival  commanders  if 
possible.  Narvaez  however  was  heedless  of  the  notary's  protests  at 
San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and  finally  rid  himself  of  his  importunities  by  send- 
ing him  back  to  Cuba  on  one  ship,  and  his  secretary  and  the  alguacil 
on  another.  Thus,  three  months  after  his  departure  on  his  mission, 
Ayllon  landed  at  San  Nicolas  in  San  Domingo,  making  his  way  as  best  he 
could  on  foot  across  the  island  to  report  his  ill  success  to  the  audiencia. 
This  flouting  of  the  audiencia  cost  Diego  Velasquez  any  triumph  he 
might  otherwise  have  hoped  to  gain  over  Cortes,  and  Narvaez's  sum- 
mary violence  towards  a  representative  of  the  government  bears  out 
Bemal  Diaz's  estimate  of  his  character. 


Second  Letter  275 

and  that  I  was  glad  it  was  he,  as  I  had  thought 
otherwise  seeing  that  my  messengers  had  not  returned. 
I  said,  however,  that,  as  he  knew  I  was  in  this  Cortes 
country  in  Your  Highness's  service,  I  mar-  Writes  to 
veiled  that  he  did  not  write  to  me,  or  send  Narvaez 
me  some  messenger  announcing  his  arrival,  for  he  knew 
that  I  would  be  rejoiced  at  it,  not  only  because 
of  our  old  friendship,  but  also  because  he  had  come 
to  serve  Your  Highness,  which  was  what  I  most  desired. 
Instead  of  which,  I  said,  he  had  sent  corruptors  and 
letters  of  seduction  to  those  under  me  in  Your  Majesty's 
service,  inciting  them  to  rebel  against  me,  and  join  him, 
as  if  we  were  infidels  the  one,  and  Christians  the  other, 
vassals  of  Your  Highness  the  one,  and  traitors  the  other. 
I  asked  him  as  a  favour  that  from  hence  forward  he 
would  not  use  these  means  with  me,  but  first  let  me  know 
the  cause  of  his  coming.  I  said  I  had  been  told  that  he 
called  himself  Captain-General,  and  Lieutenant-Governor 
for  Diego  Velasquez,  and  that  he  had  so  proclaimed  him- 
self by  the  public  crier,  publishing  it  in  the  country, 
and  had  named  alcaldes  and  municipal  officers,  and  had 
executed  justice,  all  of  which  was  against  the  good  ser- 
vice of  Your  Highness,  and  against  all  your  laws;  that 
this  was  so  because  this  country  belonging  to  Your 
Majesty,  and  being  peopled  by  your  vassals,  and  having 
tribunals  and  municipal  bodies  in  it,  he  should  not  ap- 
propriate to  himself  the  said  offices  without  first  having 
received  them,  inasmuch  as  to  exercise  them  he  should 
bring  provisions  from  Your  Majesty;  that,  if  he  had 
brought  any  such,  I  asked  as  a  favour,  and  required  him 
to  present  them  to  me,  and  to  the  municipal  authorities 
of  Vera  Cruz,  as  they  would  be  obeyed  by  those  author- 
ities, and  by  me,  as  letters  and  provisions  of  our  King 
and  rightful  Sovereign,  and  complied  with  as  far  as  it 
would  profit  to  the  service  of  Your  Majesty;  and  that  I 
was  in  that  city,  where  I  held  the  monarch  prisoner,  and 


276  Letters  of  Cortes 

had  a  great  sum  of  gold  and  valuables,  belonging  not 
only  to  Your  Highness,  but  also  to  my  company  and 
myself,  which  I  did  not  dare  to  leave,  since  I  feared  that, 
if  I  left  the  city,  the  people  might  rebel,  and  such  a  quan- 
tity of  gold  and  jewels,  and  such  a  city,  would  be  lost 
which  meant  the  loss  of  the  whole  country.  I  likewise 
gave  a  letter  to  the  said  cleric  for  the  licentiate  Ayllon, 
who,  as  I  afterwards  learned,  had  been  sent  away,  with 
two  ships  as  a  prisoner,  by  Narvaez  before  the  cleric 
arrived. 

On  the  day  the  cleric  left,  I  received  a  messenger  from 
the  citizens  of  Vera  Cruz,  who  informed  me,  that  all  the 
natives  had  risen  in  favour  of  Narvaez,  especially  those 
of  the  city  of  Cempoal  and  their  party,  and  that  none 
would  come  to  work  in  the  said  town  and  port,  nor  do 
anything  else,  because  they  said  that  Narvaez  had  told 
them  that  I  was  a  traitor,  and  that  he  had  come  to  take 
me  and  all  my  company  prisoners,  and  to  make  us  leave 
the  country.  As  Narvaez's  people  were  many,  and  mine 
few,  and  he  had  brought  many  horses,  and  much  artillery, 
and  I  had  little,  they  wished  to  be  on  the  winning  side. 
The  messengers  informed  me  also  that  they  had  learned 
from  the  Indians,  that  Narvaez  would  occupy  the  city 
of  Cempoal,  knowing  how  near  it  was  to  their  city,  and 
they  believed  from  what  they  were  informed  of  the  said 
Narvaez's  bad  intentions  towards  all,  that  he  would 
from  that  place  attack  them,  aided  by  the  Cempoalans. 
They  let  me  know  that  they  were  leaving  the  town,  rather 
than  fight  with  them,  and  to  avoid  scandal  they  would 
go  up  the  mountain  to  the  house  of  a  chief,  vassal  of 
Your  Highness,  and  our  friend,  where  they  would  remain 
until  I  sent  them  directions  what  to  do. 

As  I  saw  the  great  mischief  which  was  spreading,  and 
that  the  country  was  rebelling  on  account  of  Narvaez, 
it  appeared  to  me  that,  by  going  to  him  myself,  all  might 
be  appeased,   because   the   Indians  would   not   dare   to 


Second  Letter  277 

rebel  on  seeing  me,  and  also  because  I  thought  to  make 

some  sort  of  arrangement  with  Narvaez  for  stopping  the 

great  evil  at  the  outset.     I  thereupon  started  the  same 

day,  leaving  the  fort  well  provided  with  maize  and  water, 

and  a  garrison  of  five  hundred  men,  with  some  cannon. 

Taking  the  others   (some  seventy  men),  I  pursued  my 

road,   accompanied  by  some  of  Montezuma's  principal 

people. 

Before  I  left,  I  made  some  explanation  telling  him  "  to 

look  to  the  fact  that  he  was  a  vassal  of  Your  Highness,  and 

that  now  he  would  receive   the  favours   from  ^    , 

Cortes 
Your  Majesty   for  the  services  which  he  had         Leaves 

rendered  to  you;  that  I  entrusted  to  him  Mexico 
those  Spaniards,  who  would  take  care  of  all  the  *°  ^®®* 
gold  and  valuables  which  he  had  given  me,  or 
ordered  me  to  give  Your  Highness;  that  I  was  longing 
to  see  the  people  who  had  arrived,  and  to  learn  who  they 
were,  as  I  did  not  yet  know,  but  that  I  believed  they  were 
bad  people  and  not  vassals  of  Your  Highness.  He  prom- 
ised to  provide  those  left  behind  with  ever3rthing  necessary 
and  to  take  great  care  of  all  I  left  there,  belonging  to  Your 
]\iajesty,  and  that  his  people  who  went  with  me  would 
guide  me  by  a  road  without  quitting  his  country,  and 
\\'ould  provide  me  with  everything  I  needed.  He  prayed 
me  also,  that,  if  these  were  bad  people,  to  let  him  know, 
and  he  would  immediately  raise  many  waniors  to  attack 
them,  and  drive  them  out  of  the  country.  I  thanked 
him  for  all  this,  and  assured  him  that  Your  Majesty 
would  order  many  favours  to  be  shown  him,  and  I  gave 
many  jewels  and  stuffs  to  him,  to  his  son,  and  to  many 
other  lords  who  were  with  him  at  the  time. 

In  the  city,  called  Churultecal,  I  met,  returning  with 
all  his  people,  Juan  Velasquez,  the  captain,  whom,  as  I 
have  said,  I  had  sent  to  Quacucalco.  Separating  those 
who  were  indisposed,  whom  I  sent  to  the  city,  I  pursued 
my   road   with   him   and   the   others.     Fifteen   leagues 


27S  Letters  of  Cortes 

beyond  the  city  of  Churultecal,  I  encountered  that  re- 
ligious father  [Fray  Olmedo]  of  my  company,  whom  I 
had  sent  to  the  port  to  learn  what  sort  of  people  had  come 
in  the  amiada.  He  brought  me  a  letter  from  Narvaez, 
in  which  the  latter  wrote  me  that  he  brought  certain 
powers  to  hold  this  country  for  Diego  Velasquez,  and  that 
I  should  immediately  come  to  him  to  obey  and  submit 
to  them,  and  that  he  had  established  a  town  with  al- 
caldes and  municipal  officers.  From  the  same  religious, 
I  learned  that  the  licentiate  Ayllon,  as  well  as  his  notary 
and  alguacil,  had  been  taken,  and  sent  away  in  two 
ships;  that  he  himself  had  been  approached  there  by 
parties,  to  win  over  some  of  my  company  to  Narvaez ;  and 
how  they  had  boasted  before  him,  and  certain  Indians 
who  accompanied  him,  of  their  forces,  both  of  foot 
and  cavalry,  and  had  fired  the  artillery  from  the  ships  and 
on  land  in  order  to  frighten  them,  saying  to  the  re- 
ligious, "See!  how  can  you  defend  yourselves  against 
us  if  you  don't  do  as  we  wish  you  to  do?"  He  told  me 
also  that  he  had  seen  with  Narvaez  one  of  the  native 
lords  of  this  country,  vassal  of  the  said  Montezuma,  and 
governor  of  all  his  country  along  the  coast ;  and  he  learned 
that  he  had  spoken  to  Narvaez  on  the  part  of  Montezuma, 
giving  him  jewels  of  gold,  and  that  Narvaez  had  also 
given  him  certain  trifles;  and  that  Narvaez  had  sent 
from  there  certain  messengers  to  Montezuma,  saying, 
that  he  would  deliver  him,  for  he  had  come  to  take  me 
and  all  my  company,  and  then  leave  the  country,  and 
that  he  wished  no  gold,  but  that,  myself,  and  those  who 
were  with  me,  once  prisoners,  he  intended  to  depart, 
and  leave  the  country  and  the  natives  in  their  full  liberty. 
Finally  I  learned  that  his  intention  was  to  possess  himself 
of  the  country  by  his  own  authority,  without  asking 
recognition  from  anyone;  and  that  if  I  and  those  of  my 
company  refused  to  accept  him  as  captain,  or  justice 
in  the  name  of  Diego  Velasquez,  he  would  come  against 


Second  Letter  279 

us,  and  capture  us  by  force,  and  that  for  this  purpose 
he  had  confederated  with  the  natives,  especially  with 
Montezuma,  by  means  of  his  messengers. 

When  I  saw  how  manifest  was  the  harm  which  would 
result  from  the  aforesaid  proceedings  against  Your  Ma- 
jesty, especially  as  I  was  told  of  the  great  force  he  had 
brought,  and  Diego  Velasquez's  mandate  that,  as  soon 
as  he  seized  us,  he  should  hang  me,  and  others  who  were 
designated,  I  did  not  hesitate  to  approach  nearer  to  him, 
believing  that  I  "might  make  him  understand  the  great 
disser\dce  which  w^ould  result  to  Your  Highness,  and 
dissuade  him  from  his  evil  intention  and  malicious  dis- 
position   towards    us, 

I  continued  my  way,  and  fifteen  leagues  before  arriving 
at  the  city  of  Cempoal,  where  Narv^aez  was  camped,  there 
approached  me  the  chaplain  sent  to  me  by  the  citizens 
of  Vera  Cruz,  by  whom  I  had  written  to  Narvaez,  and 
the  licentiate  Ayllon;  he  was  accompanied  by  another 
cleric,  and  a  certain  Andres  de  Duero,  ^  householder  of 
the  Island  of  Fernandina,  who  had  also  come  with  Nar- 
vaez, They  told  me,  on  the  part  of  Narvaez,  in  answer 
to  my  letter,  that  I  might  still  obey  and  recognise  him  as 
my  captain,  and  that  I  must  yield  the  country  to  him, 
otherwise  I  should  be  punished,  as  Narvaez  brought  great 
forces  with  him,  and  I  had  very  few,  for  besides  the  many 
Spaniards  he  had  brought,  most  of  the  natives  were  in 
his  favour;  and  that,  if  I  would  deliver  the  country  to  him, 
he  would  give  me  all  the  ships  and  provisions  I  desired, 
and  would  allow  me  to  go  away  with  them,  and  all  those 
who  wished  to  leave  with  me,  taking  everything  I  desired 
without  any  hindrance  from  him.  One  of  the  clerics 
told  me  that  Diego  Velasquez  had  authorised  this  offer, 
and  had  given  his  instructions  to  Narvaez  and  the  two 
clerics  jointly,  so  that,  in  this  matter,  they  could  make 
all  the  concessions  I  wished,     I  answered,  that  I  did  not 

'  A  secretary  of  Diego  Velasquez. 


2  8o  Letters  of  Cortes 

perceive  any  warrants  of  Your  Highness,  directing  me 
to  deliver  the  country  to  them,  and  that  if  Narvaez 
brought  any  he  should  present  them  before  me  and  the 
Municipal  Council  of  Vera  Cruz,  according  to  Spanish 
law  and  custom,  when  I  would  be  ready  to  obey  and 
comply  with  them;  but  that,  until  then,  I  would  not  do 
as  he  said  for  any  interest  or  concession,  for  I,  and  those 
who  were  with  me,  would  rather  die  in  defence  of  the 
country,  which  we  had  won  and  held  pacified  and  sure 
for  Your  Majesty,  than  turn  traitors,  or  forfeit  our  loyalty 
to  our  king.  They  advanced  many  other  propositions 
to  win  me  over  to  their  project,  but  none  would  I  accept 
without  having  seen  the  warrants  of  Your  Highness 
authorising  me  so  to  do ;  and  these  they  could  not  produce 

In  conclusion,  these  clerics,  Andres  de  Duero,  and  my- 
self, agreed  that  Narvaez  and  myself,  with  as  many  others, 
Negotia-  should  meet  with  perfect  surety  on  both  sides, 
tions  with  when  he  would  satisfy  me  of  the  warrants  if  he 
Narvaez  j^g^^  brought  any,  and  I  would  give  my  answer. 
I,  on  my  part,  sent  him  a  safe  conduct,  signed,  and  he  also 
sent  me  another,  signed  wdth  his  name,  which  as  it  seemed 
to  me  he  had  no  thought  of  observing ;  for  he  had  planned 
that,  during  the  visit,  some  way  or  other  should  be  found 
to  kill  me  suddenly,  and  two  of  the  ten  who  were  to  come 
with  him  had  been  designated  to  do  this,  while  the  rest 
were  to  fight  with  my  attendants.  They  said,  as  a 
reason  for  this,  that,  once  I  was  dead,  their  business  could 
be  finished;  and  in  truth  it  would  have  been,  if  God,  who 
in  such  cases  intervenes,  had  not  succoured  me  by  a  certain 
warning,  which  one  of  those  concerned  in  the  treachery 
had  sent  me  together  with  their  safe  conduct. 

Knowing  all  this,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Narvaez,  and 
another  to  the  three  commissioners,  telling  them  that  I 
had  discovered  their  treacherous  intention,  and  would 
not  go  as  had  been  agreed.  I  immediately  sent  them 
certain  requisitions  and  mandates,  by  which  I  required 


Second  Letter  281 

Narvaez  to  make  known  to  me  any  warrants  he  brought 
from  Your  Highness,  and  that,  until  he  had  done  so,  he 
should  not,  under  certain  penalties  I  imposed,  call  himself 
captain  or  justice,  or  meddle  with  any  duties  pertaining 
to  the  said  offices.  In  like  manner,  by  the  same  man- 
date I  commanded  all  the  persons  who  were  with  him 
not  to  regard  nor  obey  him  as  captain  or  justice,  and 
summoned  them,  within  a  certain  time  designated,  to 
appear  before  me,  that  I  might  instruct  them  what  was 
proper  to  do  in  Your  Highness 's  service.  I  gave  notice 
that,  if  they  did  otherwise,  I  should  proceed  against  them 
as  perfidious  traitors  and  wicked  vassals  who  had  rebelled 
against  their  king,  and  sought  to  usurp  his  country  and 
dominions,  to  deliver  them  to  persons  to  whom  they  did 
not  belong,  and  who  had  no  claim  nor  right  to  them; 
and  also  in  the  execution  of  this  order,  that  if  they  did 
not  appear  before  me,  or  obey  my  mandate,  I  would 
proceed  against  them,  and  imprison  them  according  to 
the  law.  Narvaez's  answer  was  to  imprison  the  notary 
who  delivered  the  mandate,  and  the  persons  accompanying 
him,  and  to  take  from  them  certain  Indians  who  accom- 
panied them,  who  were  all  detained  till  another  messenger 
arrived  whom  I  sent  to  inquire  after  them.  Before  them 
he  made  a  display  of  force,  and  threatened  them,  and 
also  myself,  if  I  did  not  deliver  the  country  to  him. 

Seeing  that  I  could  by  no  means  prevent  this  great 
calamity  and  evil,  and  that  the  natives  of  the  country 
were  revolting,  and  rising  day  by  day,  recommending 
myself  to  God,  and  disregarding  all  injury  that  might 
follow,  considering  that  if  I  died  in  the  service  of  my 
king,  and  in  the  defence  and  upholding  of  his  countries 
against  usurpation,  more  than  sufficient  glory  would 
cover  me  and  my  company,  I  gave  my  mandate  to  Gon- 
zalo de  Sandoval,  alguacil  mayor,  to  seize  the  persons  of 
Narvaez,  and  those  who  called  themselves  alcaldes  and 
municipal  officers.     I  placed  eighty  men  under  his  orders, 


2  82  Letters  of  Cortes 

to  make  the  arrest,  while  I,  with  the  remaining  hundred 
and  seventy  (as  in  all  we  were  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men),  followed  on  foot,  without  artillery  or  horses,  so  as 
to  aid  hmi  if  Narvaez  and  his  companions  should  resist. 
On  the  same  day,  the  alguacil  mayor  and  I,  with  the  rest 
of  the  people,  arrived  near  the  city  of  Cempoal,  where 
Narvaez  and  his  people  were  quartered.  He  learned  of 
our  coming,  and  came  out,  with  eighty  horsemen,  and  five 
hundred  foot-soldiers,  leaving  the  rest  of  his  force  in  his 
quarters,  which  were  in  the  great  mosque  of  that  strongly 
fortified  city.  Having  marched  to  within  almost  a  league 
of  where  we  were,  and  not  finding  us,  he  believed  he  had 
been  deceived,  so  he  returned  to  his  quarters,  holding 
all  his  people  in  readiness,  and  placing  two  sentinels 
almost  a  league  outside  the  town. 

As  I  wished  to  avoid  all  scandal,  it  seemed  to  me  that 
there  w^ould  be  less  if  I  went  by  night,  unperceived  if 
Cortes  possible,  directly  to  the  quarters  of  Narvaez, 
Defeats  which  I  and  my  men  knew  very  well,  and 
Narvaez  there  seized  him.  For,  once  he  was  a  pris- 
oner, no  trouble  w^ould  arise,  for  the  others  wished 
to  submit  to  justice,  especially  as  most  of  them 
had  been  forced  to  come  by  Diego  Velasquez,  fear- 
ing that,  unless  they  did,  he  might  take  away  their 
slaves  in  the  island  of  Fernandina.  Thus  it  happened, 
on  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  a  little  after  midnight,  I  at- 
tacked the  quarters.  I  had  encountered  the  sentinels 
Nar\"aez  had  placed,  and  my  vanguard  captured  one  of 
them,  from  whom  I  informed  myself  of  their  position, 
but  the  other  escaped;  and  in  order  that  he  should  not 
arrive  before  me  and  give  notice  of  my  coming,  I  hastened 
as  much  as  possible.  The  sentinel  arrived,  however, 
almost  half  an  hour  before  me,  and,  when  I  approached, 
Narvaez  and  all  his  men  were  already  armed,  and  had 
saddled  their  horses,  and  were  well  prepared,  with  two 
hundred   men   guarding   each   quarter.     We  moved   so 


Second  Letter  283 

quietly,  that,  when  they  heard  us,  and  seized  arms,  I  was 
akeady  inside  the  courtyard  of  his  quarters,  where  all 
the  people  were  gathered.  They  had  taken  possession  of 
three  or  four  strong  towers  which  were  in  it,  and  all  the 
other  strong  positions;  and  in  one  of  the  towers,  where 
Narvaez  was  lodged,  he  had  placed  nineteen  guns  on  the 
stairs.  We  reached  the  top  of  the  tower  so  quickly, 
that  they  had  not  time  to  put  fire  to  more  than  one  of 
the  pieces,  which  by  God's  will  did  not  go  off,  or  do  us 
any  harm.  Thus  we  mounted  the  tower  to  the  place 
where  Narvaez  slept,  where  about  fifty  men  who  were 
with  him  fought  with  the  alguacil  mayor  and  his  force; 
and  although  required  many  times  to  yield  themselves 
to  Your  Highness,  sun-endered  only  when  fire  was  set  to 
the  tower.  While  the  alguacil  mayor  was  capturing 
Narvaez,  I,  with  those  who  had  stayed  with  me,  defended 
the  entrance  of  the  tower  against  the  rest  who  sought 
to  come  to  his  aid;  and  I  ordered  the  artillery  to  be  taken, 
and  fortified  myself  with  it.  Thus,  with  no  more  loss 
than  two  men,  who  were  killed  by  the  discharge  of  a  gun, 
all  those  we  wished  to  take  were  made  prisoners  within 
an  hour.  After  the  rest  had  been  disarmed,  they  prom- 
ised to  be  obedient  to  the  laws  of  Your  Majesty,  declaring 
that  till  then  they  had  been  deceived,  as  they  had  been 
told  that  Narvaez  brought  warrants  from  Your  Highness, 
and  that  I  had  risen  in  rebellion  in  this  country,  and  was 
a  traitor  to  Your  Majesty,  together  mth  many  other 
similar  things. 

As  all  now  understood  the  truth,  and  the  bad  inten- 
tions and  wicked  disposition  of  Diego  Velasquez  and  of 
Narvaez  came  .to  light,  they  rejoiced  very  greatly  that 
God  should  have  ordained  and  provided  such  an  ending. 
For  I  assure  Your  Majesty,  that,  if  God  had  not  mys- 
teriously intervened,  and  had  Narvaez  been  victorious 
it  would  have  been  the  greatest  injury  which  for  a  long 
time  past  Spaniards  had  done  to  one  another. 


284  Letters  of  Cortes 

Narvaez  would  have  fulfilled  his  intention,  as  Diego 
Velasquez  commanded  him,  which  was  to  hang  me,  and 
many  others  of  my  company,  so  that  no  one  should  re- 
count what  had  happened.  And,  according  to  what  I 
learn  from  the  Indians,  they  had  perceived,  that,  if  Nar- 
vaez were  to  capture  me,  as  he  had  told  them,  it  could  not 
be  without  loss  to  himself  and  his  people,  nor  without 
many  of  us  perishing;  so  that  they  meanwhile  could  kill 
those  whom  I  had  left  in  Temixtitan,  which,  indeed,  they 
attempted  to  do.  Afterwards  they  intended  to  join 
forces,  and  attack  those  who  remained  here,  and  free 
their  country,  so  that  not  even  a  memory  of  the  Spaniards 
should  surviv^e.  Your  Highness  may  be  assured  that  if 
they  had  achieved  all  this,  and  succeeded  in  their  designs, 
this  country,  which  has  now  been  conquered  and  pacified, 
would  not  have  been  recovered  within  twenty  years. 

As  so  many  people  could  not  be  maintained  together 
in  this  city,  both  because  of  its  being  nearly  destroyed, 
and  because  it  had  been  plundered  by  Nar\'aez,  and 
abandoned  by  its  inhabitants,  two  days  after  Narvaez 
had  been  taken  prisoner,  I  sent  two  captains,  with 
two  hundred  men  each,  one  to  go  to  the  town  and 
port  of  Cucicacalco,  which  as  I  have  told  Your  High- 
ness, I  had  founded,  and  the  other  to  that  river  which 
the  people  from  Francisco  de  Garay's  ships  said  they  had 
seen,  for  I  now  hold  them  securely.  I  likewise  sent  two 
hundred  other  men  to  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  where  I 
ordered  Narvaez 's  ships  to  go.  I  remained  with  the  rest 
of  the  people  in  Cempoal,  to  provide  whatever  Your 
^Majesty's  service  required.  I  also  sent  a  messenger  to 
the  city  of  Temixtitan,  by  whom  I  made  known  to  the 
Spaniards  I  left  there  what  had  happened  to  me. 

These  messengers  returned  within  twelve  days,  bring- 
ing me  letters  from  the  alcalde  ^  there,  telling  me  that  the 

>  See  Appendix  VI.,  close  of  letter. 


Second  Letter  285 

Indians  had  assaulted  the  fort  on  all  sides,  and  set 
fire  to  it  in  many  parts;  that  they  had  sunk  mines, 
and  that  our  people  had  been  in  much  trouble  ^^^^  ^^^ 
and  danger;   and  that,   if  Montezuma  did  not  the 

order  the  war  to  cease,  they  would  yet  perish.  Garrison 
for  they  were  closely  surrounded,  though  there  '"  ^^^^° 
was  no  fighting,  and  no  one  could  go  two  paces  outside 
the  fort.  In  the  fight,  the  Indians  had  captured  a  great 
part  of  the  provisions  I  had  left  them,  and  had  burned  my 
four  brigantines.  My  men  were  in  extreme  need,  and 
begged  me  for  the  love  of  God  to  come  to  their  succour  in 
all  possible  haste.  Seeing  the  extremity  in  which  these 
Spaniards  were,  and  that  if  I  did  not  rescue  them,  besides 
the  Indians  killing  them,  and  taking  all  the  gold,  and 
silver,  and  valuables,  which  I  had  obtained  in  the  country, 
belonging  to  Your  Majesty  and  also  to  me  and  the 
Spaniards,  the  noblest  and  greatest  city  recently  dis- 
covered in  the  world  would  be  lost,  and  with  it  all  else 
that  had  been  gained,  for  it  was  the  capital  to  which  all 
gave  obedience.  I  immediately  sent  messengers  to  the 
captains  whom  I  had  sent  off  with  expeditions,  telling 
them  what  had  been  written  me  from  the  capital,  and 
directing  them  to  return  immediately  from  wherever  they 
were  found,  and  to  come  by  the  shortest  route  to  the 
province  of  Tlascaltecal,  where  I,  with  the  people,  and  all 
the  artillery  in  my  power,  and  the  seventy  horsemen, 
would  unite  with  them.  When  we  joined  forces,  and 
made  a  review,  there  were  found  to  be  seventy  horsemen, 
and  five  hundred  foot  soldiers. 

I  started  in  all  haste  with  these  troops  for  the  capital, 
and  the  whole  length  of  the  road  there  never  appeared 
anybody  from  Montezuma  to  receive  me,  as  was  cus- 
tomary, and  all  the  country  had  risen,  and  was  almost 
deserted,  which  aroused  evil  suspicions  lest  the  Spaniards 
whom  I  had  left  in  the  city  were  dead,  and  the  natives 
had  gathered  to  await  me  at  some  pass,  where  they  would 


286  Letters  of  Cortes 

take  me  at  a  disadvantage.  Thus,  fearful,  I  advanced 
vrith  the  utmost  precaution  until  I  reached  the  city  of 
Tesnacan,  ^  which,  as  I  have  already  recounted  to  Your 
Majesty,  is  on  the  shore  of  that  great  lake.  I  inquired 
of  some  of  the  natives  there  about  the  Spaniards  who 
had  remained  in  the  great  city,  and  was  told  that  they 
were  alive,  I  asked  them  to  bring  me  a  canoe,  as  I 
wished  to  send  a  Spaniard  to  obtain  information,  and 
said  that  while  he  was  gone,  one  of  the  natives  of  the 
said  city,  who  seemed  to  be  a  chief,  must  remain  with 
me,  because  none  of  the  lords  and  chiefs  whom  I  knew 
appeared.  The  chief  sent  for  the  canoe,  and  dispatched  cer- 
tain Indians  with  the  Spaniards  whom  I  was  sending,  while 
he  remained  with  me;  but  while  this  Spaniard  was  em- 
barking to  go  to  the  city  of  Temixtitan,  he  saw  another 
canoe  coming  across  the  lake,  and  waited  in  port  until 
it  arrived.  In  it  came  one  of  the  Spaniards  who  had 
remained  in  the  city,  from  whom  I  learned  that  they 
were  all  alive,  except  five  or  six  whom  the  Indians  had 
killed,  and  that  the  others  were  stül  besieged,  and  were 
not  allowed  to  come  out  of  the  fort,  nor  did  the  Indians 
provide  them  with  anything  needful  except  on  payment, 
and  at  a  heavy  price.  Afterwards,  how^ever,  when  they 
heard  of  my  coming,  they  had  behaved  somewhat  better 
towards  them,  Montezuma  saying  that  he  waited  only 
for  my  arrival,  in  order  that  they  might  again  be  free  of 
the  city  as  they  used  to  be.  ]\Iontezuma  also  dispatched 
a  messenger  to  me  with  the  said  Spaniard,  by  whom  he 
sent  me  word  that  he  believed  I  already  knew  what 
had  happened  in  that  city,  and  that  as  he  thought  I 
might  be  angry  on  account  of  it,  and  inclined  to  ven- 
geance, he  besought  me  to  put  aside  my  anger  because  he 
was  as  much  grieved  as  I,  and  that  nothing  had  been  done 
by  his  wish  or  consent.     He  sent  me  news  of  many  other 

'  Texcoco. 


Second  Letter  287 

things,  to  appease  the  anger  he  supposed  I  felt  for  what 
had  happened,  desiring  me  to  come  to  the  city  and 
saying  that  whatever  I  ordered  wotdd  be  comphed  with 
no  less  than  before.  I  sent  him  word  to  say  that  I  was 
not  angry  with  him  in  any  way,  as  his  good  will  was  well 
known  to  me,  and  that  I  would  do  as  he  desired. 

The  next  day,  which  w^as  the  eve  of  St.  John  Baptist,  ^ 
I  left,  and  slept  on  the  road,  three  leagues  from  the 
capital,  and  on  St.  John's  Day,  after  having  Cortes 
heard  Mass,  I  entered  about  noon,  and  saw  Re-enters 
few  people  about  the  city.  Some  of  the  gates  Mexico 
at  the  cross  streets  and  entrances  to  the  streets 
had  been  removed,  which  I  did  not  like,  although 
I  thought  that  it  had  been  done  from  fear,  and  that 
my  arrival  would  reassure  them.  I  marched  directly 
to  the  fort,  in  which,  and  in  the  principal  mosque  ad- 
joining, all  my  people  were  quartered;  and  those  within 
the  fort  received  us  with  as  much  joy  as  if  we  had  given 
them  anew  their  lives,  which  they  had  already  looked 
upon  as  lost,  and  we  rejoiced  all  that  day  and  night, 
believing  that  peace  had  been  restored. 

The  next  day  after  Mass  I  sent  a  messenger  to  Vera 
Cruz,  to  give  them  the  good  news  that  the  Christians 
were  alive,  and  that  I  was  safe  in  the  city.  The  messen- 
ger returned  within  half  an  hour,  with  his  head  all  bruised 
and  broken,  calling  out  that  the  Indians  in  the  city  were 
in  array  of  battle,  and  had  raised  all  the  bridges;  and, 
immediately  after  him,  such  a  great  multitude  fell  upon 
us  from  all  sides,  that  neither  the  roofs  nor  the  houses 
could  be  seen  for  the  crowd,  which  came  on  with  the 
greatest  shoutings,  and  most  frightful  yells  which  could 
be  conceived  in  the  world.  With  their  slings,  they  threw 
so  many  stones  into  the  fortress,  that  it  seemed  as  if  they 
rained  from  the  heavens,  while  arrows  and  missiles  were 
so  thick,  that  all  the  buildings  and  courts  were  so  full 

'  Day  before  St.  John's  Day,  which  fell  on  Sunday,  June  23. 


288  Letters  of  Cortes 

of  them  we  could  hardly  move  about.  I  sallied  forth 
against  them  on  two  or  three  sides,  where  they  fought  us 
very  valiantly,  and  in  one  place,  where  a  captain  had  gone 
out  with  two  hundred  men,  they  killed  four,  and  wounded 
him  and  many  others,  before  he  could  retreat.  On  the 
other  side,  where  I  was  engaged,  they  wounded  me,  and 
many  other  Spaniards.  We  killed  few  of  them,  for  they 
retreated  to  the  other  side  of  the  bridges,  and  from 
the  roofs  and  terraces  did  us  much  injury  with  stones. 
Some  terraces  we  captured  and  set  on  fire;  but  they  were 
so  man}^  and  so  strong,  and  so  filled  wdth  people,  well 
supplied  with  stones  and  other  kinds  of  weapons,  that  we 
were  not  strong  enough  to  take  them  all,  nor  to  defend 
ourselves  against  their  attack  at  their  pleasure.  They 
attacked  the  fort  so  violently,  and  set  fire  to  it  in  so 
many  places,  that  on  one  side  a  great  part  was  destroyed 
without  our  being  able  to  prevent  it,  until  we  stopped  it 
by  breaking  the  walls,  and  pulling  down  a  part  which 
put  out  the  fire.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  strong  guard 
of  musketeers  and  archers  with  some  field  pieces  I  placed 
there,  they  would  have  scaled  that  part  without  our  being 
able  to  resist  them.  Thus  we  fought  all  that  day  until 
night  was  well  advanced,  and  even  throughout  the  night 
they  kept  up  their  cries  and  yells.  During  the  night,  I  had 
those  breaches  caused  by  the  fire  repaired,  and  all  the 
rest  of  the  fort  which  seemed  weak  to  me;  and  I  dis- 
tributed the  watch  and  the  guards,  for  on  the  next  day 
we  would  have  to  fight  stoutly ;  and  I  cared  for  more  than 
eighty  wounded. 

At  dawn  the  following  day,  the  enemy  opened  the 
battle  more  stoutly  than  the  day  before,  there  being 
Death  of  such  a  number  of  them  that  the  artillery 
Montezuma^  had  no  need  to  aim  but  just  to  shoot  into  the 
mases  of  Indians.  Although  the  artillery  did  much 
damage,  for  thirteen  arquebuses  were  playing,  besides 
muskets    and    archery    which  were    also    doing    service 


Second  Letter  289 

it  seemed  as  if  they  did  not  feel  it,  for  when  one 
discharge  would  sweep  away  ten  or  twelve  men,  more 
tvould  immediately  fill  their  places,  as  if  it  had  done 
QO  harm  at  all.  Leaving  the  necessary  guard,  such 
as  could  be  spared,  in  the  fort,  I  again  made  a  sortie,  and 
:aptured  some  bridges,  and  burnt  some  houses,  killing 
many  of  the  defenders;  but  they  were  so  numerous  that, 
although  we  did  them  a  good  deal  of  damage,  we  made 
vrery  little  impression  on  them.  We  had  to  fight  all  day 
long,  while  they  fought  by  hours,  because  they  relieved 
jne  another,  and  even  thus  they  had  more  than  enough 
men.  That  day,  they  also  wounded  some  fifty  or  sixty 
Spaniards,  although  none  of  them  died;  and  I  fought 
until  nightfall,  retiring  only  from  sheer  fatigue  into  the 
fort.  Seeing  the  great  damage  the  enemy  did  us,  and 
tiow  they  wounded  and  killed  us  at  will,  and  that,  al- 
though we  did  much  injury  amongst  them,  it  was  hardly 
perceptible  on  account  of  their  number,  we  spent  that 
whole  night  and  the  next  day  in  making  three  engines 
Df  wood,  each  accommodating  twenty  men,  so  that  they 
:ould  not  hurt  us  throwing  stones  from  the  roofs, 
For  the  engines  were  covered  with  planks.  Inside  there 
cvere  archers  and  musketeers,  and  others  armed  with 
pikes,  pickaxes  and  bars  of  iron  for  making  breaches  in 
the  houses,  and  knocking  down  the  barricades  which  the 
[ndians  had  made  in  the  streets.  While  these  machines 
¡vere  being  made,  the  combat  with  our  adversaries  did 
lot  cease,  for  whenever  we  went  out  of  the  fort,  they 
would  strive  to  enter,  being  repulsed  only  with  great 
iifficulty,  Montezuma,  who  with  one  of  his  sons  and 
many  other  chiefs  who  had  been  captured  at  the  beginning, 
was  still  a  prisoner,  asked  to  be  carried  to  the  roof  of  the 
:ort  where  he  could  speak  to  the  captains  and  the  people, 
md  cause  the  war  to  cease.  I  had  him  taken  thither,  and 
when  he  reached  the  parapet  on  the  top  of  the  fort,  in- 
tending to  speak  to  the  people  who  were  fighting  there, 

VOL.    I. — ig 


290  Letters  of  Cortes 

one  of  his  own  subjects  struck  him  on  the  head  with  a 
stone,  \\'ith  such  force  that  within  three  days  he  died.  I  then 
had  him  taken  out,  dead  as  he  was,  by  two  of  the  Indian 
prisoners,  who  bore  him  away  to  his  people ;  but  I  do  not 
know  what  they  did  with  him,  except  that  the  war  did 
not  cease,  but  went  on  more  stoutly  and  more  fiercely 
every  day.  ^ 

That  same  day,  they  called  me  to  the  place  where 
they  had  wounded  Montezuma,  saying  that  certain 
captains  wished  to  speak  to  me.  I  went,  and  there 
passed  many  arguments  between  us,  I  beseeching  them 
not  to  fight  with  me  because  there  was  no  reason  for 
it,  as  they  must  perceive  the  benefits  they  had  receiv^ed 
from  me,  and  how  they  had  been  well  treated  by  me. 
Their  answer  was  that  I  must  depart  and  leave  them 
their  country,  and  then  the  war  would  cease,  and  that 
otherwise  I  might  be  sure  that  they  would  either  die,  or 
finish  us.  It  appears  they  did  this  to  draw  me  out  of  the 
fort,'^so  that  they  might,  at  their  pleasure,  trap  me  between 
the  bridges,  while  in  the  act  of  leaving  the  city.  I  an- 
swered that  they  must  not  think  I  begged  for  peace  from 
fear  of  them,  but  because  I  was  grieved  at  the  damage  I 
had  done  them  and  would  still  have  to  do  them ;  and  also 
for  the  destruction  of  such  a  beautiful  city.  Still  they 
answered  that  they  would  not  cease  to  make  war  upon 
me  until  I  left  the  city. 

After  having  completed  the  engines,  I  sallied  out 
the  next  day  to  capture  certain  roofs  and  bridges,  carrying 
the  engines  before  us,  foUow^ed  by  four  pieces  of  artillery, 
many  archers  and  shield  bearers,  and  more  than  three 
thousand  natives  of  Tascaltecal  who  had  come  with  me 
and  helped  the  Spaniards.  When  we  reached  one  of  the 
bridges,  we  placed  the  engines  and  scaling  ladders  against 
the  walls  of  the  terraces,  in  order  to  scale  them;  but  the 
defenders  of  the  said  bridges  and  terraces  were  so  nu- 

>  Appendix  VIL,  death  of  Montezuma. 


Second  Letter  291 

merous,  and  threw  so  many  and  such  large  stones  at  us 
from  above,  that  they  injured  the  engines  and  killed  some 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  wounded  many  without  our  being 
able  to  advance  one  pace,  although  we  struggled  for  it, 
fighting  from  morning  till  noon,  when  we  returned  to 
the  fort  with  infinite  sorrow.  Their  courage  was  in- 
creased so  much  by  this,  that  they  attacked  us  almost 
at  the  very  doors,  and  occupied  the  great  temple;  about 
five  hundred  who  appeared  to  me  to  be  notable  persons, 
ascended  the  highest  and  principal  tower,  carrying  up  a 
large  supply  of  bread  and  water  and  other  stores.  Most 
of  them  had  very  long  lances  with  very  broad  points,  all 
longer  and  broader  than  ours,  and  not  less  sharpened^ 
and  from  there  they  did  great  injury  to  the  people  in  the 
fort,  for  they  were  very  near  it.  Two  or  three  times 
the  Spaniards  attacked  the  tower  and  attempted  to 
mount  it,  but,  as  it  was  \ery  high,  and  the  ascent  very 
steep,  being  a  hundred  and  odd  steps,  and  those  above 
were  well  supplied  with  stones  and  other  arms,  and 
favoured  by  the  fact  that  we  could  not  capture  the 
neighbouring  terraces,  every  time  the  Spaniards  at- 
tempted to  ascend  they  were  rolled  back  beaten,  and 
many  were  wounded.  Others  of  the  enemy  who  saw  this 
from  other  parts  took  fresh  courage,  so  that  they  attacked 
the  fort  fiercely. 

Observing  that  if  they  succeeded  in  holding  that 
tower,  besides  doing  us  much  injury  from  it,  they  also 
gained   fresh   courage  to   attack  us,   I   sallied  ^ 

out  from  the  fort,  although  my  left  hand  was  Captures 
maimed  by  a  wound  which  I  had  received  the  Great 
on  the  first  day.  I  advanced  to  the  tower  Teocalli 
with  some  Spaniards  who  followed  me,  and  easily 
succeeded  in  surrounding  the  base,  although  those  who 
surrounded  it  were  not  idle,  as  they  had  to  fight  the 

'  Obsidian,  a  hard  black  stone  capable  of  taking  an  edge  as  keen  as 
a  razor. 


292  Letters  of  Cortes 

adversaries  on  all  sides,  who,  for  the  purpose  of  helping 
their  own  men,  came  in  increased  numbers.  And  I 
began  to  ascend  the  tower,  followed  by  some  Spaniards, 
but  they  defended  the  ascent  very  stubbornly,  throwing 
down  three  or  four  of  my  followers.  With  the  help  of 
God,  and  His  Glorious  Mother  (for  whose  house  that 
tower  had  been  set  aside,  her  image  being  placed  in  it) , 
we  reached  the  top,  where  we  fought  them  so  stoutly 
that  they  were  forced  to  jump  down  on  some  terraces 
about  a  pace  broad  which  extended  round  it.  This  tower 
had  three  or  four  of  these  terraces  about  sixteen  feet  one 
above  the  other.  Some  of  the  enemy  fell  all  the  way 
down,  and,  in  addition  to  the  injuries  they  received  in 
the  fall,  were  immediately  killed  by  the  Spaniards  who 
surrounded  the  base  of  the  tower.  Those  who  remained 
on  the  terrace  fought  so  valiantly,  that  we  were  more  than 
three  hours  in  completely  dispatching  them ;  and  not  one 
escaped.  Your  Sacred  Majesty  may  believe  that  we 
captured  this  tower  only  because  God  had  clipped  their 
wings;  because  twenty  of  them  were  siiííicient  to  resist 
the  ascent  of  a  thousand  men  even  though  they  fought 
very  valiantly  till  death.  I  had  the  tower  set  on  fire,  as 
well  as  others  in  the  mosque,  from  which  they  had  already 
taken  away  and  carried  off  the  images  we  had  placed  in 
them.  ^ 

Some  of  their  pride  was  taken  out  of  them  by  our 
obtaining  this  advantage,  so  that  they  fell  back  a  little 
on  all  sides,  and  I  afterwards  returned  to  the  roof,  and 
spoke  to  the  captains  who  had  talked  with  me  before,  and 
who  were  somewhat  dismayed  by  what  they  had  seen. 
They  immediately  appeared,  and  I  told  them  to  look 
about  and  see  that  they  could  not  hold  out  anywhere, 
and  that  every  day  we  did  them  great  harm  and  killed 

>  The  cathedral  of  Mexico  stands  on  this  site,  and  .the  statue  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  which  Cortes  first  placed  in  the  Aztec  temple*  is  said 
to  be  the  one  now  venerated  in  the  Church  of  los  Remedios  near  Tacuba. 


Second  Letter  293 

many,  and  that  we  were  forced  to  burn  and  destroy  their 
city,  for  I  would  not  stop  till  there  was  nothing  left  of  it 
or  them.  They  answered,  that  they  saw  very  well  that 
they  had  sustained  much  damage  from  us,  and  that  many 
of  them  had  perished,  but  that  they  were  already  all 
fully  determined  to  die,  or  be  rid  of  us,  and  that  I  might 
behold  how  all  these  streets  and  squares  and  terraces  were 
filled  with  people,  who  were  so  numerous  that  they  had 
made  their  calculations  that,  if  twenty-five  thousand 
of  them  perished  for  every  one  of  ours,  they  would  finish 
with  us  first,  for  we  were  few  and  they  were  many.  They 
told  me  all  the  high  roads  leading  to  the  entrances  to  the 
city  had  been  destroyed  (as,  in  fact,  they  had  destroyed 
all  save  one) ,  and  that  we  had  no  way  of  escape  save  by 
water;  and  that  they  knew  very  well  that,  as  we  had  few 
provisions  and  little  fresh  water,  we  could  not  hold  out 
much  longer,  for  we  would  die  by  hunger,  even  if  they 
did  not  kill  us.  In  truth  they  were  right,  for,  though 
we  had  no  other  enemy  save  starvation  and  the  want  of 
provisions,  these  would  suffice  to  kill  us  in  a  short  time. 
We  exchanged  many  other  arguments,  each  sustaining 
his  0\vn  side. 

When  night  set  in,  I  sallied  forth  with  certain  Spaniards, 
and,  as  we  took  them  by  surprise,  we  captured  a  street 
from  them,  burning  more  than  three  hundred  houses.  I 
quickly  returned  by  another  street,  while  the  people  had 
assembled  in  that  one,  in  which  I  also  burned  many 
houses;  especially  some  terraces  which  overlooked  the 
fort,  from  which  they  did  us  much  damage.  They  were 
greatly  frightened  by  what  we  had  done  that  night;  and 
during  the  same  night  I  ordered  the  engines,  which  had 
been  damaged  the  day  before,  to  be  repaired. 

In  order  to  follow  up  the  victory  God  had  given  us, 
I  sallied  forth  at  daybreak  into  the  same  street  where  we 
had  been  routed  the  day  before,  where  I  found  not  less 
resistance  than  on  the  former  occasion.     As  our  lives 


2  94  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  honour  were  at  stake,  and  that  street  led  to  the  only 
sound  causeway  extending  to  the  mainland  (though, 
before  reaching  it,  we  had  to  pass  by  eight  very  large  and 
deep  bridges,  and  in  all  the  street  there  were  many  quite 
high  terraces  and  towers)  we  set  our  determination  and 
spirit  in  it,  so  that,  God  helping  us,  we  gained  four  of  them 
that  day,  and  burned  all  the  terraces,  and  houses,  and 
towers,  to  the  last  of  the  bridges.  They  had,  however, 
during  the  night  before,  made  a  number  of  very  strong 
barricades  of  adobes  and  clay  at  all  the  bridges,  so  that 
the  discharges  of  arrows  from  the  crossbows  could  do 
them  no  harm.  We  filled  in  the  bridges  with  the  adobes 
and  earth  from  the  enclosures,  and  with  a  quantity  of 
stones  and  wood  from  the  houses  we  had  burned,  al- 
though this  work  was  not  done  without  danger,  and  many 
Spaniards  were  wounded.  That  night  I  took  many 
precautions  to  guard  those  bridges  so  that  they  might 
not  return  and  retake  them. 

The  next  morning  I  again  sallied  forth,  and  God  gave 
us  likewise  such  good  fortune  and  victory,  although 
innumerable  people  defended  the  bridges,  and  many 
strong  barricades  which  they  had  made  during  the  night 
before,  yet  we  captured  them  all,  and  filled  them  up. 
At  the  same  time  certain  horsemen  followed  victoriously 
in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives  as  far  as  the  mainland.  While 
I  was  engaged  in  repairing  the  bridges,  and  in  ha\-ing 
them  filled  up,  I  was  called  in  great  haste,  being  told 
that  the  Indians  who  attacked  the  fort  were  suing  for 
peace,  and  that  certain  chiefs  and  captains  of  them  were 
awaiting  me.  Leaving  my  people  and  certain  field- 
pieces  there,  I,  with  two  or  three  horsemen,  went  to  see 
what  the  chiefs  wanted.  They  said,  that,  if  I  would 
assure  them  that  they  would  not  be  punished  for  what 
had  occurred,  they  would  raise  the  siege,  re-establish  the 
bridges,  restore  the  causeways,  and  serve  Your  Majesty 
as  they  had  before.     They  besought  me  to  have  brought 


Second  Letter  295 

there  one  of  their  people,  a  religious  whom  I  had  made 
a  prisoner,  and  who  was  similar  to  a  superior  of  their 
religion.  He  came,  and  spoke  with  them,  and  made  an 
agreement  between  them  and  me;  and,  as  it  appeared, 
and  according  to  what  they  had  said,  they  immediately 
sent  messengers  to  the  captains  and  people  who  were  in 
outside  camps,  telling  them  that  the  attack  on  the  fort 
should  cease,  as  w^ell  as  all  other  hostilities.  Thus  we 
took  our  leave  and  I  entered  the  fort  to  eat. 

When  I  was  about  to  begin,  some  one  came  hastily,  to 
say  that  the  Indians  had  regained  the  bridges  which 
we  had  captured  that  day,  and  had  killed  Narrow 
some  Spaniards.  God  only  knows  how  much  Escape  of 
disturbance  this  caused  me,  for   I  was  think-  Cortes 

ing  that  we  had  assured  a  passage  for  our  retreat. 
I  mounted  my  horse  with  all  possible  haste,  and 
rode  through  the  length  of  the  street,  with  some 
other  horsemen  following  me,  and,  without  halting 
an5^where,  I  again  dashed  through  the  Indians,  and 
recaptured  the  bridges,  pursuing  the  enemy  to  the 
mainland.  As  the  foot  soldiers  were  very  tired,  and 
wounded,  and  dismayed,  none  of  them  followed  me,  and 
this  left  me  in  a  very  dangerous  situation  after  I  had 
passed  the  bridges.  When  I  sought  to  return,  I  found 
them  retaken,  and  more  deeply  dug  out  than  when  we 
had  filled  them  up,  and  from  one  side  to  the  other  all  the 
causeway  was  full  of  people,  not  only  on  land,  but  also  in 
canoes  on  the  w^ater,  who  goaded  us,  and  stoned  us  in 
such  a  manner,  that,  if  God  had  not  interposed  to  save 
us  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  escape ;  indeed  it  was 
even  already  announced  in  the  city  that  I  was  dead. 
When  I  reached  the  last  bridge  nearest  the  city,  I  found 
all  the  horsemen  who  had  gone  with  me  fallen  in  it,  and 
one  horse  loose,  so  that  I  could  not  pass,  but  was  obliged 
to  return  alone  in  face  of  my  enemies.  I  forced  something 
of  a  passage,  so  that  the  horses  passed,  and  after  this,  I 


296  Letters  of  Cortes 

found  the  bridge  free,  though  I  crossed  with  much  trouble, 
for  I  had  to  jump  the  horse  from  one  side  to  the  other, 
almost  six  feet,  but,  as  I  and  he  were  armoured,  they  did 
us  no  serious  hurt  beyond  slight  body  wounds.  Thus 
victory  was  theirs  that  night,  for  they  had  captured  the 
said  four  bridges. 

Leaving  a  guard  over  the  other  four,  I  went  to  the 
fort,  and  had  a  wooden  bridge  constructed  which  forty 
men  could  carry,  and,  seeing  our  great  danger,  and  the 
great  damage  we  daily  received  from  the  Indians,  and 
fearing  also  that  they  might  destroy  that  causeway  as 
they  had  the  others,  when  we  would  all  inevitably  perish, 
and  because  many  of  my  company  entreated  me  many 
times  to  depart,  and  because  all,  or  nearly  all,  were 
wounded  so  badly  that  they  could  no  longer  fight,  I 
determined  to  leave  that  same  night.  I  collected  in 
a  room  all  the  gold  and  jewels  belonging  to  Your 
Majesty  that  could  be  carried,  and  I  delivered  it  in 
parcels  to  the  officials  of  Your  Highness,  whom  I 
designated  in  your  royal  name,  beseeching  and  re- 
quiring the  alcaldes,  and  municipal  authorities,  and  all 
the  people  who  were  there,  to  help  me  take  it  away.  I 
gave  one  of  my  mares  for  this  purpose,  on  which  they 
loaded  as  much  as  she  could  carry ;  and  I  designated  certain 
Spaniards,  not  only  from  my  servants,  but  also  of  the 
others,  to  accompany  the  said  gold  and  mare,  and  the 
rest  of  the  officials,  alcaldes,  municipal  officers,  and 
myself,  gave  and  distributed  the  remainder  to  the 
Spaniards  to  carry  away. 

Having  abandoned  the  fort,  and  much  treasure,  be- 
longing not  only  to  Your  Highness,  but  also  to  the 
The  Spaniards  and  myself,   I  set  forth  as  secretly 

Sorrowful  as  possible,  taking  with  me  a  son  and  two 
^'Sht  daughters     of     Montezuma,     Cacamazin,     the 

lord  of  Aculuacan,  and  another  of  his  brothers,  whom 
I    had    put    in   his    place,    and    some    other    chiefs    of 


Second  Letter  297 

of  the  provinces  and  cities  whom  I  held  as  prisoners. 
When  we  reached  the  bridges  which  the  Indians  had 
removed  we  laid  down  the  bridge  which  I  carried  with  little 
trouble  at  the  first  crossing,  for  there  was  none  to  offer 
resistance  save  certain  watchmen  w^ho  shouted  so  loudly, 
that,  before  we  came  to  the  second,  an  infinite  multitude 
of  the  enemy  had  risen  against  us,  battling  on  every  side 
both  on  water  and  land.  I  crossed  rapidly  with  five 
horsemen  and  five  hundred  foot-soldiers,  with  whom 
I  passed  all  the  other  broken  bridges  swimming  until 
I  reached  the  mainland.  Leaving  those  people  there,  I 
returned  to  the  others  and  found  that  they  were  fighting 
stoutly;  but  the  injury  our  people  received  was  beyond 
calculation,  not  only  the  Spaniards,  but  also  the  Tas- 
caltecas  who  were  with  us,  being  nearly  all  killed. 
Though  the  Spaniards  killed  many  natives,  many  of  the 
Spaniards  and  horses  were  killed,  likewise,  and  all  the 
gold,  and  jewels,  and  many  other  things  which  we  carried, 
and  all  the  artillery,  were  lost. 

When  the  survivors  were  collected,  I  pushed  them  on 
ahead,  while  I,  with  three  or  four  horsemen  and  about 
twenty  foot-soldiers  who  ventured  to  remain  with  me,  took 
the  rear-guard,  fighting  the  Indians  until  we  arrived  at 
a  city,  called  Tacuba,  at  the  end  of  that  causeway.  God 
only  knows  how  much  trouble  and  danger  I  endured, 
because  every  time  I  faced  about  against  our  adversaries, 
I  came  back  full  of  arrows,  and  darts,  and  stones,  for  as 
there  was  water  on  both  sides,  they  could  assail  us  with 
impunity  and  fearlessly.  When  we  attacked  those  on 
land  they  would  leap  into  the  water,  thus  receiving  very 
little  hurt,  except  that  some  who  in  the  skirmish 
interfered  with  each  other  and  fell,  were  killed.  With 
great  trouble  and  fatigue,  I  conducted  my  remaining 
people  to  the  city  of  Tacuba  without  being  killed  myself, 
nor  having  any  Spaniard  or  Indian  wounded,  except  one 
horseman  who  had  gone  with  me  to  the  rear.     Those  who 


298  Letters  of  Cortes 

went  in  the  vanguard  did  not  have  less  fighting  than  those 
on  the  flanks,  although  the  strongest  force  was  the  one 
at  our  backs  where  the  people  of  the  city  pursued  us. 

When  I  reached  the  city  of  Tacuba,  I  found  all  the 
people  in  a  panic  in  the  square,  not  knowing  where  to 
go,  so  I  made  great  haste  to  get  them  out  into  the  country, 
before  more  of  the  inhabitants  should  gather  in  the  said 
city  and  capture  the  roofs,  from  which  they  could  do  us 
great  injury.  The  vanguard  said  they  did  not  know  the 
way,  so  I  sent  them  to  the  rear,  and  took  the  lead  myself 
until  we  had  got  clear  of  the  city,  where  I  awaited  them 
at  some  farms.  When  the  rear-guard  came  up,  I  learned 
that  they  had  sustained  some  injury,  and  that  some  of 
the  Spaniards  and  Indians  had  been  killed,  and  that 
much  gold  had  been  lost  and  left  on  the  road,  where  the 
Indians  gathered  it  up.  I  held  the  Indians  in  check  there 
until  all  the  people  had  passed  on,  so  that  the  foot-soldiers 
might  take  the  hill,  on  which  there  stood  a  strong  tower 
and  buildings.  These  they  captured  without  sustaining 
any  injury,  for  I  did  not  leave  my  place,  nor  allow  the 
enemy  to  advance,  until  they  had  secured  the  hill.  God 
only  knows  the  trouble  and  fatigue  we  sustained,  for  no 
horse  of  the  twenty-four  was  left  which  could  still  run, 
nor  any  horseman  who  could  raise  his  arms,  nor  a  sound 
foot-soldier  who  could  move.  When  we  reached  the 
buildings,  we  fortified  ourselves  in  them,  and  the  enemy 
surrounded  us  and  besieged  us  until  night,  not  leaving  us 
an  hour's  rest.  We  found  that  over  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards  were  killed  in  this  fight,  forty-five  mares 
and  horses,  and  more  than  two  thousand  of  the  Indians 
who  had  aided  the  Spaniards;  amongst  the  latter,  they 
killed  the  son  and  daughters  of  Montezuma,  and  all  the 
other  chiefs  whom  we  carried  prisoners. 

At  midnight,  beHeving  we  were  not  observed,  we  left 
the  said  lodgings  very  silently,  leaving  many  fires  burning 
in  it,  not  knowing  any  road,  nor  where  we  were  going, 


Second  Letter  299 

except  that  an  Indian  of  Tascaltecal  told  us  he  would 
guide  us  to  his  country  if  they  did  not  stop  us  on  the 
way.  There  were  some  watchmen  very  near  who  heard 
us,  and  alarmed  many  towns  round  about,  from  which 
numbers  of  people  gathered  and  pursued  us  until  day- 
break. At  that  time  five  horsemen  who  rode  ahead  as 
scouts  met  some  bands  of  people  along  the  road,  and 
killed  some  of  them ;  these  were  routed  under  the  belief  that 
more  horsemen  and  foot-soldiers  were  coming  up.  When 
I  saw  that  our  enemies  were  gathering  from  all  sides,  I  got 
into  order  our  people  who  were  still  fit  for  service,  making 
squadrons,  and  placing  them  in  the  vanguard,  rear-guard, 
and  on  the  flanks,  with  the  wounded  in  the  centre,  and 
I  likewise  distributed  the  horsemen.  Thus  we  continued 
all  that  day,  fighting  on  all  sides,  so  that  during  the  whole 
night  and  day  we  did  not  advance  more  than  three  leagues. 
When  night  came  on  Our  Lord  was  pleased  to  show  us 
a  tower  and  good  lodging  place  on  a  hill,  where  we  again 
fortified  ourselves,  and  during  that  night  they  left  us 
in  peace,  although  at  dawn  we  had  some  disturbance 
from  a  false  alarm  caused  by  our  own  fears  of  the 
multitude  which  kept  coming  in  pursuit  of  us. 

The  next  morning,  one  hour  after  daybreak,  I  departed 
in  the  order  already  mentioned,  taking  my  vanguard 
and  rear-guard  in  good  order;  and  on  all  sides  we  were 
followed  by  the  enemy,  yelling,  and  raising  the  whole 
country,  which  is  thickly  populated.  The  horsemen,  al- 
though we  were  few  attacked  them,  but  did  little  harm 
amongst  them,  because,  the  ground  being  rough,  they 
would  retreat  to  the  hills.  In  this  manner,  we  marched 
that  day  along  some  lakes,  ^  till  we  reached  a  populous 
town,  where  we  thought  to  have  some  skirmish  with  the 
townspeople.  When  we  arrived  there,  they  abandoned  it, 
and  went  to  some  other  towns  thereabouts  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood.   I  rested  there  that  day  and  the  next,  not  only 

>  The  lakes  of  Zumpango,  Xaltocan,  and  San  Cristobal. 


300  Letters  of  Cortes 

because  both  the  wounded  and  the  sound  ones  of  my 
people  were  very  weary  and  exhausted  with  hunger  and 
thirst,  and  the  horses  likewise  were  well  tired  out,  but 
also  because  we  found  there  some  maize  which  we  ate  and 
carried  away  with  us  on  the  road,  boiled  and  roasted. 
We  left  the  next  day,  always  pursued  by  our  adver- 
saries, who  attacked  us  on  the  vanguard  and  rear-guard 
with  many  yells.  We  continued  our  march,  guided  by 
the  Indian  of  Tascaltecal,  during  which  we  suffered  much 
trouble  and  fatigue,  for  many  times  we  lost  our  way. 
When  it  was  already  late,  w^e  reached  a  plain,  w^here  there 
were  some  small  houses  in  w^hich  we  lodged  that  night, 
suffering  great  want  of  food. 

Early  next  morning  w^e  began  our  march,  and,  before 
we  reached  the  road,  our  enemies  still  followed  our  rear- 
guard. Constantly  skirmishing  with  them,  we  arrived 
at  a  large  town,  two  leagues  distant,  where  there  were 
some  Indians  stationed  on  the  top  of  a  small  hill  to  the 
right.  Believing  that  we  might  capture  them,  as  they 
were  near  the  road,  and  also  discover  if  there  were  just 
behind  the  hill,  any  more  than  those  who  were  visible, 
I  started  round  the  said  hill  with  five  horsemen  and  twelve 
foot-soldiers,  and  behind  it  there  was  a  great  city^  of 
many  people  with  whom  we  engaged  fiercely.  On  account 
of  the  rocky  country,  and  the  great  number  of  their  people, 
and  our  small  numbers,  we  had  to  retire  to  the  town 
where  our  people  were,      I  came  out  of  this,  very  badly 

1  Otumba.  Prescott  observes  that  even  Bernal  Diaz,  who  was  some- 
what sceptical  on  other  occasions,  admits  the  apparition  of  St.  James 
mounted  on  a  white  charger  at  Otumba.  Voltaire  comments  as  follows : 
"  Ceux  qui  ont  fait  des  revelations  de  ces  étranges  evenemens  les  ont  voulu 
relever  par  des  miracles  qui  ne  servent  en  effet  qu'a  les  rabaisser.  Le  vrai 
miracle  fui  la  conduite  de  Cortez."  Possibly,  but  it  is  by  the  faith  which 
we  were  promised  should  move  mountains  that  such  heroic  deeds  are 
accomplished,  and  the  material  apparition  required  to  satisfy  a  Voltaire 
would  be  but  a  poor  thing  compared  to  the  reality  of  the  Spanish  con- 
queror's faith  in  the  presence  and  guidance  of  his  patron  saints.  As 
well  doubt  the  Pucelle's  belief  in  her  "Voices.  " 


Second  Letter  301 

wounded  in  the  head  by  two  sling  stones,  and  after  bind- 
ing up  the  wounds  I  made  the  Spaniards  leave  the  town, 
because  it  did  not  seem  to  me  a  safe  camp  for  us ;  and  we 
marched  thus  with  great  numbers  of  Indians  pursuing 
us,  fighting  so  stoutly  that  they  wounded  four  or  five 
Spaniards  and  as  many  horses.  They  killed  us  a  horse, 
also,  and  God  only  knows  how  great  was  its  value  to  us, 
and  what  pain  we  suffered  at  its  death,  because,  after 
God,  our  only  security  was  the  horses;  but  we  consoled 
ourselves  with  its  meat,  and  ate  it  without  leaving  even 
the  skin,  so  great  was  our  want;  for,  since  leaving  the 
capital,  we  had  nothing  to  eat  but  roasted  and  boiled 
corn,  and  not  always  enough  of  that,  and,  in  addition, 
some  herbs  which  we  gathered  in  the  country. 

Seeing  that  the  enemy  increased  every  day,  and  grew 
stronger,  and  that  we  were  becoming  weaker,  that 
night  I  ordered  the  wounded  and  sick,  whom  The  Battle 
we  carried  behind  us  on  our  ihorses,  to  pro-  of  Otumba 
vide  themselves  with  crutches  and  other  contriv- 
ances for  supporting  themselves,  so  that  the  horses 
and  sound  Spaniards  would  be  free  to  fight.  From 
what  happened  to  us  the  next  day,  it  seemed  that 
the  Holy  Ghost  had  inspired  me  with  this  thought, 
for,  after  we  had  left  this  camp  in  the  morning,  and 
marched  about  a  league  and  a  half,  so  great  a  multitude 
of  Indians  came  out  to  encounter  me,  that  all  about  us 
we  could  not  see  the  ground,  so  completely  was  it  covered 
by  them.  They  attacked  us  on  all  sides  so  violently  that 
we  could  not  distinguish  each  other,  for  being  so  pressed 
and  entangled  with  them.  Certainly  we  believed  that 
to  be  our  last  day,  so  great  was  the  force  of  the  Indians 
and  so  feeble  the  resistance  they  encountered  in  us;  for 
we  were  already  exhausted,  and  almost  all  of  us  wounded 
and  fainting  from  hunger.  But  Our  Lord  was  pleased 
to  show  His  great  power  and  mercy  to  us,  for,  with  all 
our  weakness,  we  broke  their  great  pride  and  haughtiness. 


302  Letters  of  Cortes 

in  that  many  of  their  prominent  and  important  persons 
perished,  for  they  were  so  many  that  they  hindered  one 
another,  and  were  unable  either  to  fight  or  to  fly.  We 
spent  a  great  part  of  the  day  in  this  struggle,  until  it 
pleased  God  that  one  of  those  persons,  who  must  have 
been  an  important  chief,  fell,  for  with  his  death  all  the 
battle  ceased.  After  this,  we  continued  our  way  more 
easily,  although  some  of  them  still  harassed  us  until  we 
reached  a  small  house  in  the  plain,  where  we  lodged  that 
night  and  on  the  open  ground.  From  there  we  first 
descried  certain  mountains  of  the  province  of  Tascaltecal, 
at  which  not  a  little  joy  filled  our  hearts,  because  we 
recognised  the  country,  and  knew  our  way,  although  we 
were  not  quite  positive  of  finding  the  natives  faithful  and 
friendly;  for  we  feared  that,  seeing  us  so  reduced,  they 
might  wish  to  put  an  end  to  our  lives,  in  order  to  recover 
the  liberty  which  they  had  formerly  enjoyed.  This 
thought  and  suspicion  cast  us  into  an  affliction  which 
equalled  that  which  we  felt  whilst  fighting  with  the 
Culuans. 

The  next  morning  at  daybreak,  we  began  to  march 
by  a  very  level  road  which  led  directly  to  the  said  province 
of  Tascaltecal  upon  which  only  a  few  of  our  adversaries 
followed,  although  very  near  were  many  large  towns; 
from  some  hills  in  our  rear,  though,  from  a  distance,  they 
still  continued  yelling  at  us.  On  this  day,  which  was 
Sunday,  July  8th,  we  left  all  the  country  of  Culua,  and 
entered  the  province  of  Tascaltecal,  at  a  village  of  some 
three  or  four  thousand  households,  called  Gualipan,  ^ 
where  the  natives  received  us  very  well,  and  somewhat 
relieved  our  great  hunger  and  weariness,  although  for 
much  of  the  provision  which  they  gave  us  they  asked 
payment,  and  would  only  accept  gold.  This  we  were 
obliged  in  our  great  necessity  to  give. 

We  remained  three  days  in  this  town,  and  Magiscatzin, 

'  Hueyothlipan. 


Second  Letter  303 

and  Sicutengal,  and  all  the  chiefs  of  the  said  province 
and  some  of  those  of  Quasucingo,  came  to  see  and  speak 
to  me,  showing  much  grief  for  what  had  happened  to  us, 
and  endeavouring  to  console  me,  reminding  me  that  they 
had  often  told  me  that  the  Culuans  were'traitors  against 
whom  I  should  be  on  my  guard,  but  that  I  would  not 
believe  it.  Inasmuch  as  I  had  escaped  alive,  they  said 
I  ought  to  rejoice,  for  they  would  aid  me  until  death  to 
obtain  satisfaction  for  the  injury  the  Culuans  had  done 
me.  They  added  that  they  felt  obliged  to  do  this  as 
vassals  of  Your  Highness,  besides  which  they  also  suffered 
because  of  the  many  sons  and  brothers  who  had  perished 
in  my  company,  and  on  account  of  other  injuries  which 
in  past  times  they  had  received,  so  I  might  be  sure  they 
would  be  my  true  and  steadfast  friends  until  death.  As 
I  now  came  wounded  and  almost  all  of  my  company 
exliausted,  they  wanted  us  to  go  into  the  city,  four 
leagues  from  this  town,  where  we  might  rest,  and  they 
would  care  for  us  and  restore  us.  I  was  very  grateful  to 
them,  and  accepted  their  invitation,  and  gave  them  some 
few  things  from  the  valuables  which  had  escaped,  at  which 
they  were  well  contented;  and  I  went  with  them  to  the 
said  city,  where  I  likewise  had  a  good  reception.  Magis- 
catzin  brought  me  a  bedstead  of  finely  finished  wood,  with 
some  bed-clothing,  such  as  they  used,  for  me  to  sleep  in, 
for  we  brought  none;  and  he  helped  everybody  with  all 
that  he  had  and  could. 

When  I  quit  this  city  for  Temixtitan,  I  had  left  here 
certain  sick  persons  and  some  of  my  servants  with  silver 
and  wearing  apparel  belonging  to  me,  and  certain  other 
household  things  and  provisions,  in  order  to  march 
forward  unencumbered  lest  anything  should  happen 
to  us,  and  all  the  documents  and  agreements  which  I  had 
made  with  the  natives  of  these  parts  should  be  lost.  All 
the  clothing  of  the  Spaniards  who  came  with  me  had 
likewise  been  left,  as  they  only  took  away  what  they  wore, 


304  Letters  of  Cortes 

and  their  bedding.  I  learned  that  another  servant  of 
mine  had  come  from  Vera  Cruz,  bringing  provisions  and 
things  for  me.  He  had  been  accompanied  by  horse- 
men and  forty-five  foot-soldiers,  and  had  likewise  taken 
with  him  the  others  whom  I  had  left  there.  He  carried 
all  the  silver  and  clothing,  my  own  as  well  as  that  of  my 
companions,  with  seven  thousand  dollars  of  melted  gold, 
which  I  had  left  there  in  two  chests,  without  counting 
other  valuables,  and  other  fourteen  thousand  dollars  of 
gold  in  pieces,  which  had  been  given,  in  the  province  of 
Tuchitepeque,  to  that  captain  whom  I  had  sent  to  build 
the  town  of  Quacucalco.  He  carried  also  many  other 
things  which  were  worth  more  than  thirty  thousand 
dollars  of  gold.  This  I  learned,  and  also  that  the  Indians 
of  Culua  had  killed  them  all  on  the  road,  and  taken  their 
treasure.  I  likewise  learned  that  they  had  killed,  on  the 
roads,  many  other  Spaniards  who  were  coming  to  the 
city  of  Temixtitan,  believing  that  I  was  there  at  peace, 
and  that  the  roads  were  as  secure  as  I  had  before  held 
them.  I  assure  Your  Majesty  that  all  of  us  were  plunged 
into  such  sadness  by  this  news  that  it  could  hardly  have 
been  worse,  because  the  loss  of  these  Spaniards  and  the 
treasure  recalled  the  deaths  and  losses  of  the  Spaniards 
who  had  been  killed  in  the  city,  at  the  bridges,  and  on 
the  road;  and  especially  as  it  roused  much  suspicion  in 
me  that,  in  like  manner,  the  people  of  Vera  Cruz  might 
have  been  attacked,  and  that  those  whom  we  considered 
our  friends  might  have  rebelled,  upon  hearing  of  our  defeat. 
To  learn  the  truth,  I  immediately  dispatched  messengers 
accompanied  by  Indians  to  guide  them,  whom  I  ordered 
to  avoid  the  high  road  until  they  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  and 
to  let  me  know  promptly  what  had  happened  there.  It 
pleased  Our  Lord  that  they  should  find  the  Spaniards  very 
well,  and  the  natives  perfectly  faithful.  It  was  a  great 
relief  to  learn  this  after  our  losses  and  griefs,  though  it  was 
very  bad  news  for  them  to  hear  of  our  disaster  and  rout. 


Second  Letter  305 

I  remained  twenty  days  in  this  province  of  Tascaltecal, 
healing  my  wounds  which  with  the  poor  care  on  the 
road  had  become  much  worse,  especially  the  Events  in 
wound  on  my  head;  and  I  also  had  all  the  Tiascaia 
wounded  of  my  company  cared  for.  Some  of  them 
died,  not  only  from  their  wounds,  but  also  on  ac- 
count of  our  past  troubles;  others  remained  maimed 
in  their  arms,  and  others  lame  in  their  legs,  for  their 
wounds  were  very  bad,  and  for  curing  them  there  was 
very  little  means.  I  myself  lost  two  fingers  of  my  left 
hand. 

Seeing  that  many  of  ours  were  dead,  and  that  those 
who  survived  were  wounded,  and  disheartened  by  the 
dangers  and  troubles  through  which  they  had  passed,  and 
fearing  others  still  ahead,  my  men  entreated  me  many 
times  to  go  to  Vera  Cruz;  for  there  we  could  fortify  our- 
selves before  those  natives,  whom  we  still  considered  our 
friends,  seeing  our  rout  and  diminished  numbers,  could 
join  with  our  enemies,  and,  taking  the  passes  over  which 
we  had  to  cross,  attack  us  on  the  one  side,  and  our  people 
at  Vera  Cruz  on  the  other.  Being  there  together,  and 
having  ships  we  would  be  stronger  and  better  able  to 
defend  ourselves,  in  case  they  should  attack  before  we 
summoned  aid  from  the  Islands.  I,  however,  remembered 
that  Fortune  is  always  on  the  side  of  the  daring,  and  that 
we  were  Christians,  confiding  in  the  very  great  mercy 
of  God,  who  would  never  permit  us  to  perish ;  and  I  con- 
sidered that  to  show  so  little  courage  before  the  natives, 
especially  our  friends,  might  cause  them  to  abandon  us 
the  sooner,  and  turn  against  us ;  that  this  great  and  noble 
country,  at  peace  and  on  the  point  of  being  secured 
under  Your  Majesty,  would  be  lost.  The  war  must  be 
continued,  to  bring  about  the  pacification  of  this  country 
as  it  was  before,  and  I  determined  on  no  account  to  go 
to  the  sea-port,  but  rather,  disregarding  all  difficulty  and 
danger  which  might  offer,  I  said  that  I  would  not  abandon 


o 


06  Letters  of  Cortes 


y 


this  country;  for  besides  its  being  disgraceful  to  me  and 
very  dangerous  to  all,  we  would  act  treasonably  towards 
Your  Majesty,  and  I  was  determined  to  return  against 
the  enemy  from  all  possible  points,  and  to  take  the 
offensive  against  them  in  every  way  I  could. 

After  stopping  twenty  days  in  this  province,  although 
I  was  not  yet  well  of  my  wounds,  and  those  of  my  com- 
Expedition  P^ny  were  still  somewhat  weak,  I  left  for 
to  another,    called    Tepeaca,   which   belonged   to 

Tepeaca  ^j^g  league  and  confederation  of  Culua,  our 
enemy.  I  had  been  informed  that  the  inhabitants 
there  had  killed  ten  or  twelve  Spaniards  who  were 
on  their  way  by  the  road  which  passes  there,  from 
Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital.  The  said  province  of  Tepeaca 
borders  with  those  of  Tascaltecal  and  Churultecal, 
for  it  is  very  large.  As  we  were  entering  that  province, 
many  natives  came  out  to  attack  us,  defending  the  road,  as 
best  they  could,  by  fortifying  themselves  in  strong 
and  dangerous  positions.  To  avoid  prolixity,  I  do  not 
give  an  account  of  all  the  particulars  of  this  war ;  I  will 
only  say  that,  after  the  requirements  had  been  made  on 
the  part  of  Your  Majesty,  that  they  should  make  peace, 
and  they  had  refused  to  submit,  we  fought  with  them 
several  times;  and,  with  the  help  of  God,  and  the  royal 
good  fortune  of  Your  Highness,  we  always  scattered 
them,  and  küled  many,  without  their  killing  one  of  us 
in  the  whole  course  of  the  said  war,  or  wounding  one 
solitary  Spaniard.  Although,  as  I  have  said,  this  prov- 
ince is  very  large,  I  pacified  many  cities  and  provinces 
subject  to  it  in  about  twenty  days,  and  the  lords  and 
chiefs  of  it  came  and  offered  themselves  as  vassals  to 
Your  Majesty.  Moreover  I  expelled  miany  Culuans, 
who  had  come  to  this  province  to  help  the  natives  in 
making  war  upon  us,  and  to  hinder  them  by  fair  means 
or  foul  from  becoming  our  friends.  Thus  I  had  to  busy 
myself  up  till  now  in  this  matter  which  is  not  yet  alto- 


Second  Letter  307 

gether  finished,  for  there  are  still  some  cities  and  towns 
to  be  pacified,  which  by  the  help  of  Our  Lord  w411  shortly 
be,  like  these  others,  subject  to  the  royal  dominion  of 
Your  Majesty. 

In  a  certain  part  of  this  province,  where  they  killed 
those  ten  Spaniards,  the  natives  were  always  very  active 
in  the  war,  and  very  rebellious,  and  had  to  be  reduced 
by  force  of  arms.  I  made  a  number  slaves,  of  whom  I 
gave  a  fifth  part  to  the  officials  of  Your  Majesty.  I  did 
this  especially  as,  in  addition  to  their  having  killed  the 
said  Spaniards,  and  rebelled  against  the  service  of  Your 
Highness,  they  eat  human  flesh,  a  fact  so  notorious  that 
I  do  not  send  proofs  of  it  to  Your  Majesty.  I  was  also 
moved  to  make  the  said  slaves  in  order  to  strike  terror 
into  the  Culuans,  and  also  because  there  are  many  who 
will  never  mend  themselves  until  great  and  severe  punish- 
ment is  inflicted  upon  them.  We  entered  upon  this  war 
with  the  aid  of  the  natives  of  Tascaltecal,  and  Churultecal, 
and  Quasucingo,  by  which  our  friendship  has  been  well 
confirmed;  and  we  are  convinced  that  they  will  always 
serve  Your  Highness  as  loyal  vassals. 

While  conducting  this  war  in  the  province  of  Tepeaca, 
I  received  letters  from  Vera  Cruz,  telling  me  that  two  ships 
had  arrived  in  that  port,  belonging  to  Francisco  de  Garay 
who  it  appears  had  again  sent  more  people  to  that  great 
river  which  I  described  to  Your  Highness,  and  that  the  na- 
tives there  had  fought  with  them,  killing  seventeen  or  eigh- 
teen Christians,  and  wounding  many  others.  They  had 
likewise  killed  seven  horses,  and  the  remaining  Spaniards 
who  returned  to  the  ships  had  escaped  by  their  good  legs. 
The  captains  and  all  of  them  had  arrived  very  much 
shattered  and  wounded,  and  my  lieutenant  had  received 
them  very  kindly  and  taken  care  of  them.  That  they 
might  convalesce  the  better,  he  had  sent  some  of  the 
said  Spaniards  to  the  country  of  a  friendly  chief  near 
there,  where  they  were  well  attended  to   and  provided 


o 


08  Letters  of  Cortes 


for.  All  this  grieved  su  as  much  as  our  own  past  troubles, 
but  perchance  this  rout  would  not  have  happened  to 
them  if  they  had  united  with  me  at  first,  as  I  have  al- 
ready recounted  to  Your  Highness;  for  I  was  then  well 
informed  about  everything  in  these  parts,  and  they  would 
have  had  such  advice  from  me  that  what  had  happened 
could  not  have  occurred,  especially  as  the  lord  of  that 
river  and  country,  called  Panuco,  had  given  himself  as  a 
vassal  to  Your  Majesty.  In  recognition  of  his  allegiance 
he  had  sent  me  certain  gifts  by  his  messenger  to  the  city 
of  Temixtitan,  as  I  have  already  stated.  I  have  written 
to  Vera  Cruz,  that  if  the  captain  of  Francisco  de  Garay  de- 
sires to  leave,  to  lend  him  assistance,  and  help  him  to 
dispatch  his  ships. 

After  having  pacified  and  subjugated  to  the  royal  ser- 
vice of  Your  Highness  all  of  this  province  which  has  been 
p^^^^  J  pacified.  Your  Majesty's  officials  and  I  con- 
Segura  ferred  many  times  respecting  the  measures 
de  la  to    be    taken   for    its  security.      Seeing    that 

rontera  ^■^^  natives  had  first  given  themselves  as  vassals 
of  Your  Highness,  and  then  rebelled  and  killed  the 
Spaniards,  and  that  they  were  on  the  road  and  pass 
where  the  traffic  of  all  the  sea-ports  had  to  pass  towards 
the  interior,  we  considered  that,  if  it  were  left  to  itself 
as  before,  the  natives  of  this  country,  and  also  of  Culua 
who  were  very  near,  would  again  try  to  seduce  them 
into  rebellion,  from  which  would  follow  much  harm  and 
impediment  to  the  pacification  of  these  parts,  and  to 
the  service  of  Your  Highness;  and  the  said  traffic  would 
cease,  especially  as  on  the  road  to  the  coast  there  are  two 
very  steep  and  rough  passes,  which  confine  with  the  said 
province,  where  the  natives  could  defend  themselves 
with  little  difficulty.  For  this,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons 
and  weighty  causes,  it  seemed  to  us  that,  to  prevent  the 
aforesaid  evüs,  a  town  should  be  founded  in  the  best  part 
of  the  said  province  of  Tepeaca,  where  the  necessary  con- 


Second  Letter  309 

ditions  could  be  found  for  the  colonists.  And  for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  this  out,  I,  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty, 
gave  the  said  town  the  name  of  Segura  de  la  Frontera,  ^ 
and  I  named  alcaldes  and  municipal  and  other  officers 
as  is  customary;  and,  for  the  better  security  of  the  house- 
holders of  this  town,  materials  are  being  brought  to  build 
a  fort  on  the  place  I  designated ;  as  materials  hereabouts 
are  of  good  quality,  all  possible  haste  shall  be  employed. 
While  writing  this  account,  messengers  came  to  me 
from  the  chief  of  the  city,  called  Guacachula,  2  about  five 
leagues  from  this  province,  and  situated  at  the  entrance  of 
a  pass  leading  to  the  province  of  Mexico.  They  told  me, 
on  behalf  of  the  said  chief,  that  several  days  before  they 
had  intended  to  come  to  me  to  tender  the  obedience  they 
owed  to  Your  Majesty,  as  your  vassals,  and  I  must  not 
consider  them  culpable,  believing  their  failure  to  do  so 
was  voluntary.  They  told  me  that  some  captains  of 
Culua  were  lodged  in  their  city,  and  that  in  it  and  about 
a  league  distant  were  thirty  thousand  men  in  garrison, 
guarding  that  pass,  to  prevent  our  crossing  it,  and  also 
to  prevent  the  nativ^es  of  their  city  and  other  neighbouring 
provinces  from  serving  Your  Majesty,  and  becoming 
our  friends;  and  they  said  they  would  have  come  to  offer 
themselves  to  Your  Royal  service,  had  those  men  not 
prevented  them.  They  let  me  know  this  that  I  might 
remedy  it,  because,  besides  the  obstruction  it  was  to  those 
who  were  well  disposed,  the  people  of  the  city  and  neigh- 
bourhood suffered  much  injury,  as  they  were  taxed  and 
ill-treated  by  the  many  armed  warriors  who  took  their 
women  and  chattels.  If  I  would  help  them,  they  said 
they  would  obey  any  orders  I  gave  them. 

'The  city  was  founded  early  in  September,  1520,  on  the  hillside, 
in  a  position  both  strategically  and  commercially  advantageous; 
fortifications  were  built  and  strict  laws  against  gambling,  blaspheming, 
etc.,  were  enacted.  The  present  town  is  called  Tcpeaca,  and  stands  on 
the  plain. 

2  Huaquechula:  another  republic:  also  spelled  Guaquechula. 


3IO  Letters  of  Cortes 

After  thanking  them  for  their  information  and  offer,  I 
immediately  gave  them  thirteen  horsemen,  two  hundred 
foot-soldiers,  and  some  thirty  thousand  Indian  allies, 
to]  accompany  them.  ^  It  was  agreed  that  they  should 
lead  them  by  roads  where  they  would  not  be  seen,  and, 
when  they  approached  near  the  city,  its  chiefs,  and 
inhabitants,  and  other  vassals  and  confederates,  should 
be  notified,  and  should  surround  the  quarters  where  the 
captains  were,  to  capture  and  kill  them  before  their  men 
could  help  them,  so  that,  when  the  latter  did  appear, 
the  Spaniards  would  already  be  in  the  city  waiting  to 
fight  and  rout  them.  They  and  the  Spaniards  marched 
by  the  city  of  Churultecal  and  through  some  parts  of  the 
province  of  Quasucingo,  which  borders  on  the  territory 
of  Guacachula  within  four  leagues  of  it;  and,  in  a  town 
of  the  said  province  of  Quasucingo,  it  is  said  that  they 
told  the  Spaniards  that  the  natives  of  that  province  were 
leagued  with  the  Guacachulans  and  Culuans  to  entice  the 
Spaniards  with  this  project  to  the  said  city,  where  they 
could  kill  them.  As  the  fright,  with  which  the  Culuans 
in  their  city  and  country  had  inspired  them,  had  not  yet 
altogether  abated,  this  information  alarmed  the  Span- 
iards ;  and  the  captain  whom  I  had  sent  with  them  made 
an  investigation,  and  took  prisoner  all  those  chiefs  of 
Quasucingo  who  were  with  them,  and  the  messengers  from 
the  city  of  Guacachula,  and  returned  with  them  to  the 
city  of  Churultecal,  four  leagues  from  there.  Thence, 
together  with  the  proofs  he  had  obtained,  he  sent  to  me 
all  the  prisoners,  attended  by  horsemen  and  foot-soldiers. 
The  captain  also  wrote  me  that  our  people  were  frightened 
because  the  enterprise  seemed  very  difficult.  On  the 
arrival  of  the  prisoners  I  spoke  to  them  by  my  interpreter, 
and,  having  used  all  diligence  to  learn  the  truth,  it  ap- 
peared that  the  captain  had  misjudged  them  so  I  im- 

>  Diego  de  Ordaz  and  Alonso  de  Avila  were  in  charge  of  this 
expedition  which  took  the  road  by  Cholula. 


Second  Letter  311 

mediately  set  them  free  and  satisfied  them,  protesting 
that  T  believed  them  loyal  vassals  of  Your  Sacred  Ma- 
jesty, and  that  I  would  go  myself  to  destroy  the  Culuans. 
To  avoid  showing  any  timidity  or  hesitancy  to  the  na- 
tives, both  friends  and  enemies,  it  seemed  that  I  ought  not 
to  abandon  the  proposed  expedition.  To  reUeve  the  fears 
of  some  of  the  Spaniards,  I  determined  to  suspend  other 
business,  and  the  dispatch  for  Your  Majesty  which  I  was 
writing,  and  thus  I  set  out  that  same  hour  with  all  possi- 
ble haste,  arriving  the  same  day  at  the  city  of  Churultecal 
(which  is  eight  leagues  from  this  city)  where  I  found 
the  Spaniards,  who  still  aííirmed  their  conviction  of  the 
treachery. 

The  next  day,  I  slept  in  the  town  of  Quasucingo, 
where  the  chiefs  had  been  arrested.  Having  agreed 
with  the  messengers  of  Guacachula  as  to  where  Capture  of 
and  how  we  should  enter  their  city,  I  started  Guacachula 
the  next  day,  one  hour  before  daybreak,  arriving 
near  it  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  About 
half  a  league  distant  from  it,  certain  messengers  of 
the  city  met  me  on  the  road  to  tell  me  that  every- 
thing was  well  planned  and  ready,  and  that  the  Culuans 
knew  nothing  of  our  coming,  because  the  natives  of  the 
said  city  had  captured  certain  of  their  spies,  who  were 
on  the  road,  and  also  some  others  whom  the  Culuan 
captains  had  stationed  on  the  walls  and  towers  of  the 
city  to  overlook  the  country.  All  our  adversaries  were 
thus  off  their  guard,  believing  they  were  protected  by 
their  watchmen  and  spies;  hence  I  might  advance  un- 
discovered. I  therefore  made  haste  to  reach  the  city 
unseen,  for  we  were  marching  over  a  plain  where  we  might 
easily  be  observed. 

It  appeared  that  as  soon  as  the  townspeople  perceived 
us,  and  saw  how  near  we  were,  they  immediately  sur- 
rounded the  quarters  of  the  captains,  and  began  to 
attack  the  others  scattered  throughout  the  city.     When 


312  Letters  of  Cortes 

I  arrived  within  a  bow  shot  of  the  city,  as  many  as  forty 
prisoners  were  brought  to  me,  and  I  made  the  more 
haste  to  enter.  There  was  a  great  uproar  in  all  the 
streets  of  the  city.  Fighting  with  the  adversaries,  and 
guided  by  the  inhabitants,  I  reached  the  captains' 
quarters  which  I  found  suiTounded  by  more  than  three 
thousand  men  striving  to  enter  the  gate.  They  had 
taken  possession  of  the  upper  stories  and  terraces,  but 
the  captains  fought  so  well  and  so  steadily  that  they  could 
not  force  an  entrance;  although  the  Culuans  were  few, 
they  fought  like  valiant  men,  and  besides  the  building 
was  strong.  When  I  arrived,  we  entered  with  so  many 
natives  that  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  defenders 
being  killed  forthwith;  for  I  wished  to  take  some  alive, 
in  order  to  get  information  about  matters  in  the  capital, 
and  to  learn  who  was  sovereign  after  the  death  of  Mon- 
tezuma, and  about  other  things.  I  could  only  rescue 
one  more  dead  than  alive,  w^ho  informed  me  as  I  shall 
relate  hereafter.  They  killed  many  who  were  quartered 
in  the  city,  and  the  survivors,  learning  of  my  coming, 
began  to  fly  towards  the  garrison,  but  many  of  them 
were  likewise  killed  in  the  pursuit.  This  tumult  was 
so  quickly  heard  and  understood  by  the  men  of  the 
garrison,  who  were  on  a  certain  elevation,  commanding 
the  city  and  the  surrounding  plain,  that  those  who  were 
escaping  from  the  city  encountered  the  others  who  were 
coming  to  its  relief  to  see  what  had  happened.  The  latter 
were  altogether  more  than  thirty  thousand  men,  and  the 
most  brilliant  troops  we  had  yet  seen,  for  they  wore  many 
ornaments  of  gold,  and  silver,  and  feathers,  and,  as  the 
city  was  large,  they  began  to  set  fire  to  it  in  the  quarter 
where  they  entered.  This  became  quickly  known  to  the 
inhabitants,  and  I  sallied  forth  with  only  horsemen, 
for  the  foot-soldiers  were  already  very  tired.  We  broke 
through  the  enemy,  who  retreated  to  a  position  which  we 
took  from  them,  following  them  up  and  overtaking  many 


Second  Letter  313 

of  them  on  a  very  rough  slope,  so  that  when  we  gained 
the  top  neither  the  enemy  nor  ourselves  were  able  to 
advance  or  retreat.  Many  fell  dead,  without  a  wound, 
stifled  by  the  heat,  and  two  horses  were  exhausted,  one 
of  which  died.  We  did  much  damage,  for  many  of  our 
Indian  allies  came  up,  and,  as  they  arrived  fresh  and  the 
adversaries  were  almost  dead,  they  killed  many,  so  that 
in  a  very  short  time  the  field  was  cleared  of  the  living,  and 
covered  with  the  dead.  We  reached  the  barracks  and  huts 
which  they  had  recently  made  in  the  field,  and  which 
were  in  three  divisions  each  of  which  appeared  like  a 
good-sized  village.  In  addition  to  their  warriors,  they 
had  a  great  display  of  servants,  and  provisions,  and  camp 
supplies,  there  having  been,  as  I  learned  afterwards, 
some  notable  persons  in  it.  All  was  despoiled  and  burned 
by  our  Indian  friends,  who,  I  assure  Your  Majesty,  had 
gathered  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  thousand  men. 
Having  by  this  victory  expelled  all  the  enemy  from  the 
country,  and  driven  them  beyond  some  bridges  and 
narrow  passes,  we  returned  to  the  city,  where  we  were 
well  received,  and  quartered  by  the  inhabitants;  and 
we  rested  in  that  city  three  days,  being  in  great  need  of 
repose. 

At  this  time,  the  natives  of  a  large  city,  called  Ocupa- 
tuyo  (which  is  on  the  top  of  these  sieiTas,  two  leagues 
from  the  enemy's  camp,  and  also  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  chain,  where  I  said  the  smoke  comes  out) ,  came 
to  offer  themselves  to  the  service  of  Your  Majesty.  They 
said  that  their  chief  had  gone  away  with  the  Culuans 
when  we  pursued  them,  believing  that  we  would  not  stop 
before  reaching  his  city,  but  that  they  had  desired  my 
friendship  for  many  days,  wishing  to  come  and  offer 
themselves  as  vassals  of  Your  Majesty,  although  their 
chief  would  not  allow  it  nor  consent  to  it,  in  spite  of  their 
having  entreated  his  permission.  They  said  that  now 
they  wished  to  serve  Your  Highness,  and  that  the  brother 


314  Letters  of  Cortes 

of  the  said  chief,  who  had  shared  their  opinion  and  in- 
tentions was  hkewise  still  of  the  same  mind.  They 
prayed  me  that  I  would  approve  his  succession  to  the 
lordship,  and  that  although  the  other  might  return,  I 
would  not  consent  to  his  being  received  as  their  chief; 
if  so  neither  would  they  receive  him.  I  told  them  that, 
as  they  had  been  of  the  league  and  confederation  of 
Culua,  and  had  rebelled  against  the  service  of  Your 
Majesty,  they  deserved  severe  punishment,  and  that  I 
had  thought  to  execute  it  upon  their  persons  and  prop- 
erty ;  but,  inasmuch  as  they  had  come,  saying  their  chief 
was  the  cause  of  their  rebellion  and  uprising,  I,  in  the 
name  of  Your  Majesty,  pardoned  their  past  error,  and 
received  and  admitted  them  to  Your  Royal  service.  I 
warned  them  that  if  they  committed  a  similar  error  again 
they  would  be  punished  and  chastised,  but  if  they  proved 
loyal  vassals  of  Your  Royal  Highness,  I  would  favour 
and  help  them  in  Your  Royal  name;  and  they  promised 
to  do  this. 

This  city  of  Guacachula  is  situated  in  a  plain,  bounded 
on  one  side  by  very  high  and  rugged  hills,  and  on  the 
Fortifica-  other  by  two  rivers  about  tw^o  bow  shots 
tíonsof  apart,  each  of  w^hich  flows  through  very  deep 
Guacachula  ^^d  large  ravines.  There  are,  consequently, 
very  few  entrances  to  the  city,  and  those  which 
exist  are  so  rough  to  ascend  and  descend,  that  it  can 
hardly  be  accomplished  on  horseback.  The  entire 
city  is  surrounded  by  a  very  strong  w^all  of  stone  and 
mortar,  the  outside  being  about  twenty  feet  high,  while 
from  the  inside  it  is  about  on  the  same  level  with  the 
ground.  There  is  a  battlement  along  the  wall  three  feet 
high,  to  protect  them  in  fighting,  and  they  have  four 
entrances,  broad  enough  for  a  man  to  enter  on  horseback. 
At  each  of  these  entrances,  there  are  three  or  four  curves 
in  the  wall,  doubling  one  over  the  other,  and  above  these 
turnings  there  is  also  a  battlement  on  the  walls,  from 


Second  Letter  315 

which  they  can  fight.  They  keep  a  great  quantity  of  all 
sorts  of  large  and  small  stones  all  along  this  wall  which 
they  use  in  fighting.  This  city  may  have  some  five  or 
six  thousand  households,  and  in  the  surrounding  hamlets 
subject  to  them  as  many  others  or  more.  It  is  very  ex- 
tensive, and  within  the  city  are  many  gardens  of  fruits 
and  aromatic  herbs,  as  is  their  custom. 

After  resting  three  days  in  this  said  city,  we  went  to 
another,  called  Izzucan,  four  leagues  distant  from  Gua- 
cachula,  because  I  was  informed  that  there  were  many 
Culuans  in  garrison  there  also,  and  that  the  people  of 
the  said  city,  and  of  other  towns  and  places  dependent 
on  them,  were,  and  showed  themselves  to  be,  very  partial 
to  the  Culuans  because  their  chief  was  a  blood  relation 
of  Montezuma.  So  many  of  the  natives,  vassals  of  Your 
Majesty,  accompanied  me  that  they  almost  covered  the 
country  and  the  mountains  as  far  as  we  could  see,  and  in 
truth  there  were  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men ;  and  we  arrived  at  the  said  town  of  Izzunca 
at  ten  o'clock,  finding  it  deserted  by  women  and  young 
people,  but  there  were  about  five  or  six  thousand  well- 
armed  warriors  in  it.  When  the  Spaniards  appeared 
before  it,  they  attempted  some  defence  of  their  city,  but 
they  shortly  abandoned  it,  because  from  the  side  to  which 
we  were  guided  for  entering  we  found  a  practical  entrance. 
We  pursued  them  through  the  city,  forcing  them  to  jump 
over  the  crenellated  top  of  the  wall  into  a  river  which 
suiTounds  it  on  the  other  side,  whose  bridges  being 
destroyed  we  were  somewhat  delayed  in  crossing  it;  and 
we  followed  in  pursuit  of  them  about  a  league  and  a  half, 
in  which  distance  I  believe  few  escaped.  Returning  to 
the  city,  I  sent  two  of  its  natives  who  had  been  taken 
prisoner  to  speak  to  the  principal  persons  of  the  city, 
for  the  chief  of  it  had  also  gone  with  the  Culuans  of  the 
garrison,  so  as  to  induce  them  to  return  to  their  city; 
and  I  promised  them  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty  that, 


o 


1 6  Letters  of  Cortes 


being  loyal  vassals  of  Your  Highness  from  henceforth, 
they  would  be  well  treated  by  me,  and  their  rebellion 
and  past  error  forgiven.  These  natives  left,  and  three 
days  later  some  of  the  principal  persons  came  and  asked 
pardon  for  their  error,  saying  that  they  could  not  have 
acted  otherwise,  because  they  had  done  what  their  chief 
commanded  them,  but  that  they  promised  from  hence- 
forth, inasmuch  as  their  chief  had  gone  and  left  them, 
to  serve  Your  Majesty  well  and  loyally.  I  reassured 
them,  telling  them  to  return  to  their  homes,  and  to  bring 
back  their  wives  and  children  who  were  in  other  places 
and  towns  of  their  aUies ;  and  I  told  them  likewise  to  tell 
the  inhabitants  of  those  towns  to  come  to  me  and  I  would 
pardon  them  the  past,  for  they  would  not  like  that  I  should 
be  obliged  to  come  to  them,  as  then  they  would  sustain 
much  damage,  which  would  greatly  grieve  me.  Thus  it 
was  done,  and  within  two  days  that  city  of  Izzucan  was 
again  populated;  and  its  dependencies  came  to  offer 
themselves  as  vassals  of  Your  Highness,  and  all  that 
province  remained  very  secure,  and,  with  those  of 
Guacachula,  our  friends  and  allies. 

A  certain  difference  arose  as  to  whom  the  province 
of  this  city  of  Izzucan  belonged  in  the  absence  of  the 
Disputed  chief  who  had  gone  to  Mexico.  The  former 
Succession  rightful  chief  of  this  province  had  been  put 
at  Izzucan  ^q  death  by  Montezuma,  who,  in  his  place 
put  the  present  ruler,  whom  he  had  married  to 
one  of  his  own  nieces;  and  a  dispute  had  arisen 
as  to  the  right  of  succession  between  a  bastard  son 
of  the  murdered  chief  and  the  son  of  his  legitimate 
daughter,  who  had  mamed  the  chief  of  Guacachula.  It 
was  agreed  amongst  them,  that  the  lordship  should 
be  inherited  by  .that  son  of  the  chief  of  Guacachula  who 
descended  by  the  legitimate  line  from  the  old  chief, 
for,  although  the  other  was  a  son,  he  could  not  inherit 


Second  Letter  317 

my  presence  they  gave  obedience  to  that  boy,  who  was 
about  ten  years  old;  and,  not  being  of  an  age  to  govern 
them,  they  decided  that  the  bastard  uncle  should  act  with 
three  other  chiefs,  one  of  Guacachula,  and  two  of  Izzucan, 
who  should  be  governors  of  the  country  and  should  have 
control  of  the  boy  until  he  should  be  of  an  age  to  rule. 

This  city  of  Izzucan  may  have  some  three  or  four 
thousand  households,  and  its  streets  and  markets  are 
well  laid  out.  It  has  one  hundred  mosques  and  strong 
oratories  with  their  towers,  all  of  which  we  burnt.  It 
stands  on  a  plain  at  the  foot  of  a  medium-sized  hill, 
where  they  have  a  very  good  fort,  and,  on  the  other 
side  towards  the  plain,  it  is  surrounded  by  a  deep  river 
which  flows  near  the  wall,  which  is  thus  surrounded  by  the 
deep  ravine  of  the  river.  Over  the  ravine  they  have 
made  a  battlement,  about  six  feet  in  height,  which 
extends  all  round  the  city,  and  all  along  the  wall  they 
had  placed  many  stones.  The  valley  is  circular,  and 
very  fertile  in  fruits  and  cotton,  which  latter  is  not 
produced  on  the  heights  because  of  the  cold,  and  it 
belongs  to  tierra  caliente  because  it  is  well  protected  by 
the  mountain  ranges.  The  whole  valley  is  irrigated  by 
well  constructed  aqueducts. 

I  remained  in  this  city  until  I  could  leave  it  well  peopled 
and  pacified.  There  likewise  came  to  it,  to  offer  them- 
sevles  as  vassals  of  Your  Majesty  the  chief  of  the  city 
called  Guajocingo,  and  the  lord  of  another  city,  ten  leagues 
distant  from  that  of  Izzucan,  on  the  frontier  of  Mexico. 
There  came  also  people  from  eight  of  the  towns  of  the 
province  of  Coastoaca.  ^  This  is  one  of  those  mentioned 
in  previous  chapters,  where  the  Spaniards,  whom  I  had 
sent  to  seek  gold  in  the  provinces  of  Zuzula^  and  Tama- 
zula^  (for  they  joined  each  other)  had  said  that  there 
because  he  was  a  bastard.     Thus  it  was  settled,  and  in 

>  Oaxaca.         »  ZozoUa.         »  TatnazoUan. 


3i8  Letters  of  Cortes 

were  very  great  towns  and  houses,  well  built  of  the  best 
masonry,  such  as  we  had  not  seen  in  any  of  these  parts. 
This  province  of  Coastoaca  is  forty  leagues  from  that 
of  Izzucan.  The  natives  of  the  said  eight  towns  offered 
themselves  as  vassals  of  Your  Highness,  and  said  that 
four  others  in  the  same  province  would  come  very  soon. 
They  asked  me  to  excuse  them  if  they  had  not  dared  to 
do  so  before  for  fear  of  the  Culuans,  but  said  that  they 
never  had  taken  up  arms  against  me,  nor  had  they  par- 
ticipated in  the  killing  of  any  Spaniards,  and  that  always 
since  offering  themselves  to  the  service  of  Your  Highness 
they  had  been  good  and  loyal  subjects  in  their  hearts, 
but  had  not  dared  to  manifest  it  out  of  fear  of  the  Culuans. 
Thus  Your  Highness  may  be  very  sure  that,  Our  Lord 
favouring  Your  Royal  good  fortune,  we  shall  within  a 
short  time  regain  what  was  lost,  or  the  greater  part  of  it ; 
because  every  day  many  provinces  and  cities,  who  before 
were  subject  to  Montezuma,  come  to  ofier  themselves 
as  vassals  of  Your  Majesty;  for  they  see  that  those  who 
do  so  are  well  received  and  treated  by  me,  and  that  those 
who  do  otherwise  are  destroyed  one  after  another. 

From  prisoners  taken  in  the  city  of  Guacachula,  es- 
pecially from  that  wounded  man,  I  learned  very  fully 
Montezu-  ^-bout  the  affairs  of  the  capital  of  Temixtitan, 
ma's  and    how,    after    the    death    of    Montezuma, 

Successor  g^  brother  of  his,  lord  of  the  city  of  Izta- 
palapa,  called  Cuetravacin,  ^  had  succeeded  to  the 
lordship,   because  the  son    of    Montezuma,  who   should 

» After  the  death  of  Montezuma,  Cuitlahuaczin  of  Iztapalapan, 
who  had  been  in  chief  command  of  the  rising  against  the  Spaniards, 
assumed  the  chieftainship  and  three  months  later  (Aztec  calendar) 
he  was  appointed  emperor.  He  married  Montezuma's  daughter,  the 
Princess  Tecuichpo.  His  coronation  was  celebrated  with  the  cus- 
tomary solemnities,  the  prisoners  taken  on  the  Sorrowful  Night,  both 
Spaniards  and  Tlascalans,  serving  as  victims  for  the  sacrifices.  The 
newly  elected  sovereign  had  to  cope  with  a  situation  bristling  with 
difficulties — dissensions  within,  insubordination  in  the  tributary  prov- 
inces, the  enemy  without,  and  finally  and  most  terrible  of  all,  the 


Second  Letter  319 

have  inherited  the  sovereignty  was  killed  at  the  bridges 
and  of  his  two  other  living  sons  one  is  said  to  be 
mad,  and  the  other  palsied.  They  said  that  for  these 
reasons  and  because  he  had  made  war  against  us,  the 
brother  had  inherited,  and  was  regarded  as  a  very  valiant 
and  prudent  man.  I  likewise  learned  how  they  were 
fortifying,  not  only  the  city,  but  other  places  in  the  do- 
minion, and  how  they  were  preparing  walls,  barricades, 
trenches,  and  all  kinds  of  arms;  and  I  learned  especially 
that  they  were  making  long  lances,  like  pikes,  for  the 
horses,  and  we  have  even  seen  some  of  these  with  which 
they  were  fighting  in  the  province  of  Tepeaca,  and  in  the 
hamlets  and  buildings  where  the  Culuans  were  quartered 
at  Guacachula,  we  likewise  found  many  of  them.  I 
learned  many  other  things  which  I  omit  in  order  not  to 
weary  Your  Highness. 

small-pox,  which  raged  throughout  the  country.  To  this  dread  pest, 
called  by  the  Aztecs,  Teozahuatl — Cuitlahuac  fell  a  victim,  and  after  a 
brief  reign  of  eighty  days,  died  on  Nov.  25,  1520.  During  this  period 
he  had  exerted  every  effort  to  unite  all  the  forces  of  Mexico  against 
the  common  enemy,  sending  embassies  to  friends  and  foes  alike,  urging 
that  old  differences  be  buried  for  the  moment,  and  that  all  should  make 
common  cause  to  expel  or  destroy  the  strangers.  He  found  a  supporter 
in  Xicotencatl,  who,  like  himself  had  never  believed  in  the  semi-divine 
character  of  the  teules,  or  gods  as  the  Spaniards  were  commonly 
termed,  but  had  from  the  first  distrusted  them,  and  counselled  their 
destruction.  Maxixcatzin  withstood  Xicotencatl  in  the  Tlascalan 
Senate  when  the  embassy  from  Mexico  appeared  proposing  an 
alliance;  in  the  acrimonious  dispute  which  ensued,  the  old  Senator 
struck  the  young  General,  and  knocked  him  down  the  steps  of  the 
rostrum.  Maxixcatzin  prevailed  over  the  divided  opinions,  and  the 
ambassadors  withdrew  hurriedly  to  report  their  failure  to  their  sove- 
reign. Cortes  was  informed  of  these  negotiations,  and  visited  Maxix- 
catzin to  thank  him  for  holding  the  Republic  to  the  Spanish  Alliance. 
As  will  be  seen  in  a  note  to  the  Third  Letter,  Xicotencatl's  sentiments 
towards  the  Spaniards  never  changed.  His  foresight  was  keener  than 
that  of  his  countrymen,  and  he  discerned  that  the  white  men  were 
far  more  formidable  enemies  than  the  Mexicans,  but  the  lust  for 
present  revenge  prevailed  over  considerations  of  future  independence. 
Xicotencatl  was  unsupported,  and,  in  the  end,  he  paid  with  his  life  the 
price  of  his  invincible  aversion. 


320  Letters  of  Cortes 

I  sent  four  ships  to  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  that  they 
might  return  quickly  with  horses  and  people  for  our 
assistance ;  and  I  likewise  sent  to  buy  four  others,  so  that 
they  might  bring  from  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  the 
city  of  San  Domingo,  horses  and  horsemen,  bows,  and 
powder,  because  this  is  what  we  most  need  in  these  parts. 
Foot  soldiers  armed  with  shields  are  of  little  service, 
on  account  of  the  great  number  of  people,  and  their 
having  so  great  and  such  strong  cities  and  forts.  I  there- 
fore wrote  to  the  licentiate  Rodrigo  de  Figueroa,  and  to 
Your  Highness's  officials  in  the  said  island,  asking  them 
to  favour  and  assist  me  as  much  as  possible,  as  it  was  of 
such  importance  to  Your  Highness's  services,  and  the 
security  of  our  lives,  since,  on  the  arrival  of  this  help, 
I  intended  to  return  against  the  capital  and  its  country; 
and  I  believe,  as  I  have  already  told  Your  Majesty, 
that  it  will  again  in  a  short  time  return  to  the  condition 
in  which  I  had  it  before,  and  that  the  past  losses  will 
be  made  good.  Meanwhile,  I  am  engaged  in  building 
twelve  brigantines  to  launch  on  the  lake,  and  already 
they  are  making  the  decking  and  other  parts  of  them, 
because  they  have  to  be  carried  overland,  so  that  on  their 
arrival  they  may  be  joined  and  completed  in  a  short 
time.  Nails  are  also  being  made  for  them,  and  the 
pitch,  sails,  tow,  oars,  and  other  things,  which  are  neces- 
sary are  being  got  ready.  I  assure  Your  Majesty  that, 
until  I  achieve  this  end,  I  shall  take  no  rest,  nor  shall  I 
cease  to  strive  in  every  possible  way  and  manner  for  it, 
disregarding  all  the  danger,  and  trouble,  and  cost,  which 
may  come  upon  me. 

Two  or  three  days  ago,  I  learnt  by  a  letter  from  my 
lieutenant  at  Vera  Cruz,  that  a  small  caravel  had  ar- 
rived in  that  port  with  about  thirty  seamen  and  landsmen, 
who  said  they  were  seeking  the  people  whom  Francisco 
de  Garay  had  sent  to  this  country.  Of  these  latter  I 
have  written  to  Your  Majesty  that  they  arrived  in  such 


Second  Letter  321 

want  of  provisions  that,  if  they  had  not  found  succour 
there,  they  would  have  died  from  hunger  and  thirst.  I 
learned  from  them  how  they  had  reached  the  river 
Panuco,  remaining  anchored  there  thirty  days  without 
seeing  any  people  along  all  the  river  or  in  the  country, 
from  which  it  is  believed  that  that  country  has  been 
deserted  on  account  of  what  had  happened  there.  The 
people  of  the  said  caravel  likewise  said  that  two  or  three 
other  ships  of  the  said  Francisco  de  Garay  would  follow 
immediately  behind  them  with  people  and  horses,  and 
that  they  believed  they  had  already  passed  down  the 
coast.  It  seemed  to  me,  then,  that  it  was  not  in  com- 
pliance with  Your  Highness's  service  that  these  ships 
and  people  should  be  lost  through  going  in  ignorance  of 
the  affairs  of  the  country,  as  the  natives  might  do  them 
more  harm  than  they  had  the  first  ones.  The  said 
caravel  should  be  sent  to  seek  those  two  ships,  in  order 
to  notify  them  of  what  had  happened,  and  to  bring  them 
to  the  port  of  the  said  city,  where  the  captain  sent  by 
Francisco  de  Garay  was  waiting  for  them.  And  God 
grant  that  he  finds  them  in  time  before  they  go  ashore, 
because,  as  the  natives  were  already  on  the  look-out, 
and  the  Spaniards  were  ignorant,  I  fear  they  may  sustain 
much  harm,  and  that  it  would  not  serve  God  Our  Lord 
and  Your  Highness,  for  it  would  enrage  those  dogs  [the 
Indians]  all  the  more,  and  inspire  them  with  more  courage 
and  daring  against  those  who  might  come  hereafter. 

I  said  in  one  of  the  preceding  chapters,  that  I  had 
learned  that,  after  the  death  of  Montezuma,  his  brother, 
called  Cuetravacin,  who  had  been  raised  as  Montezu- 
lord,  was  preparing  many  kinds  of  arms,  and  ma's 

fortifying  himself  in  the  capital,  and  in  other  Successor 
cities  near  the  lake.  And  a  short  time  since,  I 
have  likewise  learned  that  the  said  Cuetravacin  has 
sent  his  messengers  to  all  the  countries,  provinces, 
cities,    subject    to    the    said    sovereignty,    to    promise 


VOL.    I 21 


322  Letters  of  Cortes 

his  vassals  that  he  has  graciously  remitted  during  one 
year  all  tributes  and  taxes  which  they  are  obhged  to 
pay  him,  on  condition  that  they  would  use  every  means 
to  make  a  very  cruel  war  on  all  Christians,  either  killing 
them  or  expelling  them  from  the  country;  and  that  they 
were  to  do  in  like  manner  to  all  natives  who  were  our 
friends  or  allies.  Although  I  have  trust  in  Our  Lord  that 
they  will  not  be  able  to  carry  out  their  intention,  I  am 
in  extreme  need  of  help  and  aid,  because  the  Indians, 
our  friends,  come  daily  from  many  cities,  towns,  and 
hamlets,  to  ask  for  help  against  their  enemies  and  ours, 
the  Culuans,  who  make  war  on  them  because  they  hold  to 
our  friendship  and  alliance,  and  I  am  not  able  to  help 
everywhere  as  I  would  wish.  But,  as  I  say,  may  it  please 
Our  Lord  to  augment  our  few  forces,  and  to  send,  not 
only  His  own  help,  but  also  that  which  I  have  sent  to 
ask  from  Hispaniola. 

From  what  I  have  seen  and  understood  concerning  the 
similarity  between  this  country  and  Spain,  in  its  fertility, 
its  size,  its  climate,  and  in  many  other  features  of  it,  it 
seemed  to  me  the  most  suitable  name  for  this  country 
would  be  New  Spain  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  and  thus  in  the 
name  of  Your  Majesty  I  have  christened  it.  I  humbly 
supplicate  Your  Highness  to  approve  of  this  and  order  that 
it  be  so  called. 

I  have  written  to  Your  Majesty,  although  badly  ex- 
pressed, the  truth  of  all  that  has  happened  in  these  parts 
and  whatever  it  was  most  necessary  Your  Highness 
should  know,  and,  by  my  other  letter  which  goes  with 
this  present,  I  send  to  suppHcate  Your  Royal  Excellency 
to  send  a  trustworthy  person  to  make  an  enquiry  and 
investigation  of  everything,  for  the  purpose  of  informing 
Your  Sacred  Majesty  of  all.  In  this  dispatch  I  also 
again  very  himibly  suppHcate  the  same,  for  I  shall  con- 
sider it  a  very  particular  favour,  as  giving  entire  credit 
to  what  I  write. 


Second  Letter  323 

Very  High  and  Most  Excellent  Prince,  may  God,  Our 
Lord,  preserve  the  life  and  the  very  royal  person  and  the 
very  powerful  state  of  Your  Sacred  Majesty,  and  augment 
it  for  long  time  with  increase  of  many  greater  kingdoms 
and  dominions,  according  as  your  royal  heart  may  desire. 
From  the  town  of  Segura  de  la  Frontera,  of  this  New 
Spain,  on  the  30th  October,  1520.  Your  Sacred  Ma- 
jesty's very  humble  servant  and  vassal,  who  kisses  the 
very  royal  feet  and  hands  of  Your  Highness. 

Fernán  Cortes. 


NoTE.^ — After  this,  the  news  arrived  on  the  first  of  the 
month  of  March  past  from  the  said  New  Spain,  of  how 
the  Spaniards  had  taken  by  force  the  great  city  of  Temix- 
titan,  in  which  more  Indians  had  perished  than  did  Jews 
in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  when  it  was  taken  by 
Vespasian,  and  in  it  there  was  likewise  a  greater  number 
of  people  than  in  the  said  Holy  City.  They  found  little 
treasure  because  the  natives  had  thrown  and  submerged 
it  in  the  waters;  they  took  only  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  and  the  Spaniards  remained  well  fortified  in  the 
said  city,  which  at  present  has  about  fifteen  hundred 
foot  soldiers,  and  five  hundred  horsemen,  and  they  ha\^e 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand  friendly  natives  in  their 
camp.  These  are  great  and  strange  things,  and  it  is 
without  doubt  another  world,  and  the  sole  desire  to  see 
it  causes  envy  to  us  who  are  outside  its  borders.  The 
news  which  we  hold  to  be  worthy  of  belief  is  up  to 
the  beginning  of  April,  1522.  This  present  letter  of  re- 
lation was  printed  in  the  very  noble  and  very  loyal  city 
of  Seville  by  Jacob  Crombergcr,  a  German,  on  the  8th  of 
November,  1522. 

>  This  postscriptum  was  obviously  not  written  by  Cortes,  but  by 
some  one  who  read  his  letter;  it  was  added  before  the  receipt  of  his 
third  letter,  and  was  printed  with  the  first  edition  in  1522. 


APPENDICES 


325 


APPENDIX  I. 
MARINA 

With  these  few  casual  words,  Cortes  refers  to  the  existence 
of  one  of  the  chief  characters  in  the  splendid  drama  of  the  conquest 
— his  Indian  mistress  Marina,  without  whose  aid  the  success  of  the 
Spaniards  is  hardly  thinkable.  He  mentions  her  once  again  in  his 
Fifth  Letter,  but  she  appears  in  his  narrative  only  under  the  vague 
figure  of  "the  interpreter  whom  I  had  with  me." 

There  are  almost  as  many  different  accounts  of  Marina's  birth 
and  childhood  as  there  were  writers  to  compose  them,  but  all  agree 
that  she  was  of  noble  lineage,  which  Herrera  says  was  evident  from  her 
superior  bearing  and  manners. 

Señor  Garcia  Icazbalceta  in  Note  37  to  the  second  of  the  Diálogos 
de  Cervantes,  gives  us  a  critical  study  of  Marina.  The  conclusions  of 
this  learned  writer  admit  the  version  given  by  Bemal  Diaz,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  this  contradicts  those  of  his  contemporaries,  Las 
Casas  and  Gomara,  the  latter  of  whom  must  have  had  his  information 
from  his  patron  Cortes,  himself.  Clavigero  adopted  Bemal  Diaz  as  his 
authority,  as  did  also  Solis.  Prescott  noticed  the  differences  among  the 
early  writers,  but  refrained  from  pronouncing  in  favour  of  any  one  of 
them.  All  these  authorities,  however,  were  anterior  to  Garcia  Icazbal- 
ceta. It  would  be  impossible  for  any  student  of  history  to-day  to 
neglect  his  valuable  work  in  Mexican  archives,  or  to  ignore  his  con- 
clusions, which  may  be  safely  followed  and  especially  in  this  instance, 
in  which  they  are  sustained  on  the  narrative  of  Bemal  Diaz.  Orozco  y 
Berra  has  also  eliminated  some  of  the  conflicting  statements  concerning 
Marina  by  an  ingenious  dissertation  on  the  habitual  confusion  of 
the  spelling  of  Mexican  names  by  the  Spaniards,  and  particularly  by 
those  writers  who,  never  having  been  in  Mexico,  were  passably  ignorant 
of  Indian  nomenclature  and  Mexican  geography,  and  took  their  infor- 
mation second-hand,  often  from  illiterate  or  inaccurate  persons. 

Marina  was  the  daughter  of  the  lord  of  Painalla,  in  the  province  of 
Coatzocoalco.  Her  mother  married  a  second  time,  and,  upon  the 
birth  of  a  son,  she  agreed  with  her  husband  to  dispose  of  her  daughter, 
in  order  that  the  son  might  inherit  their  property.  This  plan  was 
effected  by  giving  the  young  girl  to  some  Indians  of  Xicalango,  and 
publishing  her  death,  the  body  of  a  slave's  child  being  substituted  to 
deceive  the  people.     The  Xicalango  Indians  sold  the  girl  to  others  in 

327 


328  Letters  of  Cortes 

Tabasco,  and  thus  she  came  to  be  among  the  twenty  slaves  presented 
to  Cortes  by  the  cacique  of  that  province.  Marina,  in  the  distribution 
of  these  women,  fell  to  the  share  of  Puertocarrero.  When  Jerónimo 
de  Aguilar  joined  Cortes,  it  was  found  that  he  could  speak  to  Marina 
in  Maya,  which  closely  resembled  the  language  of  Tabasco,  and,  as  her 
mother  tongue  was  the  Mexican,  it  came  about  that,  in  treating  with 
envoys  from  the  interior  and  during  the  march  through  Tlascala  and 
Cholula  to  the  capital,  Cortes  spoke  in  Spanish  to  Aguilar  who  spoke  in 
Maya  to  IMarina  who  spoke  with  the  Mexicans  in  their  own  tongue. 

Her  family  name  was  Tenepal,  and  her  Indian  name  was  Malinal, 
derived  from  Malinalli,  which  is  the  sign  of  the  twelfth  day  of  the 
Mexican  month;  thus  her  Christian  name  in  baptism,  which  was 
Marina,  was  really  derived  from,  or  suggested  by,  her  Indian  name,  and 
as  the  Indians  could  not  pronounce  the  letter  r  there  was  practically 
no  change  of  name,  save  that  in  her  new  and  important  position  they 
gave  her  the  tzin,  which  was  a  title  of  respect,  and  henceforth  she  was 
called  Malintzin.  The  Spaniards  corrupted  this  into  Malinche.  Cortes 
came  to  be  universally  known  as  Captain  Malintzin  or  simply  Malin- 
tzin, and  to  thousands  of  Indians,  he  had  no  other  name  than  that  of 
this  slave  girl  (Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  v.). 

Doña  Marina,  as  the  Spaniards  called  her,  was  quick  at  learning 
Spanish,  which  her  intimate  relations  with  Cortes  facilitated,  or,  as 
Prescott  poetically  puts  it,  "because  it  was  the  language  of  love." 
Perhaps  it  was  on  her  side,  but  there  is  little  evidence  to  show  that  it 
was  on  his.  Marina  was  cherished  because  she  was  useful,  not  because 
she  was  beloved,  and  the  circumstances  forced  her  into  intimate  rela- 
tions with  Cortes,  which  were  also  favoured  by  her  beauty  and  her 
superior  wit.  Aussi  bien  celle-ci  qu'une  autre  was  doubtless  his  view 
of  the  sentimental  side  of  his  relations  with  her. 

After  Puertocarrero's  departure  with  the  despatches  and  treasure, 
Marina  reverted  definitely  to  Cortes.  Once  the  expedition  had  left 
the  coast  provinces,  she  became  more  and  more  indispensable,  as 
Aguilar  spoke  no  Mexican  and  the  Maya  language  was  not  intelligible 
to  the  Mexicans.  As  soon  as  she  had  sufficiently  mastered  Castilian 
to  be  able  to  dispense  with  Aguilar  as  an  intermediary  between  herself 
and  Cortes,  her  position  became  a  dominant  one  and  she  held  the  fate 
of  the  Spaniards  in  her  hand.  But  most  of  all  was  she  supreme  over 
her  own  people  and  dispensed  peace  or  war  at  her  pleasure;  for  she 
alone  could  shape  the  results  of  the  negotiations  and  treaties  between 
Cortes  and  the  caciques.  Thus,  an  unforeseen  turn  in  Fortune's 
wheel  raised  this  princess  from  the  degradation  of  slavery  into  which 
an  unnatural  mother  had  delivered  her,  and  landed  her  in  the  Span- 
iards' camp,  where  she  became  the  mistress  of  a  nation's  destinies. 
She  showed  herself  so  able,  that  Bernal  Diaz  affirms  that  they  all  held 
her  to  be  like  no  other  woman  on  earth,  and  that  they  had  never 
detected  the  smallest  feminine  weakness  in  her;  she  alone  of  all  the 
women  was  saved  from  the  tragedy  of  the  Sorrowful  Night,  and  she 


J 


Appendix  I.     Second  Letter  329 

saved  herself.  There  is  no  way  of  knowing  how  faithfully  and  disin- 
terestedly she  played  her  part  of  interpreter ;  certainly  she  gave  herself 
absolutely  to  Cortes,  and  her  devotion  to  the  Spaniards  never  faltered, 
but  who  shall  say  that  she  also  did  justice  in  her  presentation  of  the 
Indians'  claims  and  interests  in  the  negotiations  she  directed  ?  Author- 
ities differ  as  to  the  number  of  children  bom  to  Cortes  and  Doña 
Marina;  the  eldest  son,  Don  Martin,  afterwards  became  a  Knight  of 
Santiago,  and  the  existence  of  at  least  one  daughter  seems  to  be  suffi- 
ciently certain.  In  October,  1524,  Marina  was  married  to  Juan 
Xaramillo,  described  as  an  hildalgo.  Bemal  Diaz  says  that  the  bride- 
groom was  ignorant  of  Marina's  past,  which  makes  one  wonder  where 
he  came  from,  and  Gomara's  explanation  that  he  was  drunk  at  the 
time  sounds  more  plausible.  On  the  expedition  to  Yucatan  there  was 
a  dramatic  encounter  between  Doña  Marina  and  her  perfidious  mother 
and  the  younger  half-brother  in  whose  interest  she  had  been  sacrificed. 
The  recognition  seems  to  have  been  instantaneous  and  mutual;  the 
mother,  fearing  vengeance,  threw  herself  at  her  daughter's  feet,  begging 
forgiveness,  which  was  accorded,  with  the  philosophic  assurance  that 
when  she  had  so  treated  her  child,  she  did  not  know  what  she  was 
doing  (as  indeed  it  appeared),  and  that  she  thanked  God  for  the  boon 
of  the  Christian  religion  and  the  happiness  of  having  given  her  master 
a  son  and  the  joy  of  possessing  an  excellent  husband  in  Juan  Xara- 
millo. Doña  Marina's  Christian  morality  betrayed  it's  recent  adop- 
tion and  weak  growth  at  this  point.  She  loaded  her  relatives  with 
gifts  and  sent  them  home  rejoicing.  Bemal  Diaz  was  reminded  by 
this  incident  of  the  meeting  between  Joseph  and  his  brethren  in  Egypt. 
Xaramillo  became  an  alcalde  in  Mexico,  and  in  1528  a  grant  of  land 
was  given  to  him  and  his  wife  near  Chapultepec.  Prescott  describes 
Marina  as  returning  to  her  native  place,  where  an  estate  was  given  her, 
but  Icazbalceta  says  she  ended  her  days  in  Mexico,  rich  and  respected; 
Orozco  y  Berra  concedes  that  she  was  rich,  but  doubts  that  she  was 
respected.  A  curious  painting  represents  Cortes  with  Marina  standing 
beside  him  at  the  execution  of  a  Cholulan  servant  of  Andres  de  Tapia, 
who  was  condemned  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  fierce  dogs;  she  piously 
holds  a  rosary  in  her  hand  as  she  watches  the  brutal  spectacle, 
which  took  place  in  1537.  Doña  Marina  still  lived  therefore  in  1537, 
but  the  date  of  her  death  is  not  recorded  (Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.  y  Nat. 
lib.  xxxiii.,  cap.  i.;  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indians,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  cxxi. ; 
Clavigero,  tom.  iii.,  |p.  12;  Bemal  Diaz,  cap.  xxxvii.,  Garcia  Icaz- 
balceta, Diálogos  de  Cervantes;  Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  v.). 


APPENDIX  II. 
MEXICO-TENOCHTITLAN 

The  migratory  period  of  the  Aztecs  in  the  valley  of  Anáhuac  came  to 
its  close  with  the  foundation  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  in  1325.  The 
name  Mexico  signifies  habitation  of  the  god  of  war,  Mexitli — otherwise 
known  as  Huitzilopochtli.  The  name  Tenochtitlan  signifies  a  cactus 
on  a  rock  and  was  given  to  the  new  city  because  the  choice  of  the  site 
was  decided  by  the  augurs  beholding,  perched  upon  a  cactus  plant 
which  grew  on  a  rock,  an  eagle  with  a  serpent  in  its  talons.  The  em- 
blem of  the  cactus  and  the  eagle  holding  a  serpent  became  the  national 
standard  of  Mexico,  and  is  displayed  in  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  present 
Republic. 

The  two  islands  of  Tenochtitlan  and  Tlatelolco  stood  in  the  salt 
waters  of  the  lake  of  Texcoco,  separated  from  one  another  by  a  narrow 
channel  of  water,  and  in  the  beginning,  Tlatelolco  had  its  separate  chief; 
but  in  the  reign  of  Axayacatl,  the  last  king  of  Tlatelolco,  called  Moqui- 
huiz,  was  overthrown,  and  the  islands  afterwards  became  united  by 
bridges  and  formed  one  city,  with  a  single  ruler.  The  city  was  joined 
to  the  main  land  by  three  great  causeways,  so  solidly  built  of  earth 
and  stone,  and  having  draw-bridges  to  span  the  canals  which  crossed 
them,  as  to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards.  The  northern 
causeway,  from  the  Tlatelolco  quarter,  extended  for  three  miles  to 
Tepejaca,  where  stands  the  present  shrine  of  Guadaloupe ;  the  causeway 
reaching  to  Tlacopan  (Tacuba)  was  two  miles  long,  and  the  southern 
road,  by  which  the  Spaniards  entered,  extended  for  seven  miles  to  Itz- 
tapalapan,  with  a  division  at  the  small  fortress  of  Xoloc,  where  one 
branch  diverged  to  Coyohuacan  and  hence  caused  Cortes  to  mention 
four  causeways,  which  strictly  speaking  was  correct.  Robertson  er- 
roneously speaks  of  a  causeway  leading  to  Texcoco.  While  the  width 
of  these  splendid  roads  varied,  Clavigero  says  that  all  were  wide  enough 
for  ten  horsemen  to  ride  abreast  (vol.  iii.,  lib.  ix.).  To  the  minute 
description  of  the  city  given  in  the  letter  of  Cortes,  it  seems  unneces- 
sary to  add  anything;  he  says  nothing,  however,  about  the  number  of 
inhabitants,  which  all  the  earlier  authorities  practically  agree  in 
numbering  at  60,000  households — by  an  obvious  error  the  Anony- 
mous Conqueror  speaks  of  60,000  people,  which  should,  of  course,  be 
families.  Zuazo,  Gomara,  Motolinia,  Peter  Martyr,  Clavigero,  and 
others,  give  this  estimate,  hence  it  may  be  safely  stated,  that  the 

330 


Appendix  11.     Second  Letter  331 

city's  population  was  not  less  than  300,000  souls;  though  Orozco  y 
Berra,  while  admitting  these  figures,  observes  that  considering  the 
actual  area  and  the  large  spaces  occupied  by  palaces  and  public  build- 
ings, the  people  must  have  been  a  good  deal  crowded. 

Very  contradictory  appreciations  of  the  beauty  of  the  Aztec  capital, 
the  grandeur  of  its  buildings,  and  the  merit  of  its  architecture,  have 
been  given  by  different  writers.  Prescott's  marvellous  picture  of  the 
ancient  city  is  familiar  to  all  students  of  Mexican  history,  and  hardly 
less  well  known  and  rivalling  the  American  historian's  delightful 
pages,  are  the  chapters  of  Sir  Arthur  Helps,  praised  by  Ruskin  for 
their  "beautiful  quiet  English,"  in  which  he  compares  Mexico  to 
Thebes,  Nineveh,  and  Babylon,  among  the  great  cities  of  antiquity,  and 
to  Constantinople,  Venice,  and  Granada,  among  those  of  modem  times, 
not  hesitating  to  declare  that  it  was  "at  that  time  the  fairest  in  the 
world  and  has  never  since  been  equalled  "  (Hernán.  Cortes,  p.  108). 
The  distinguished  Mexican  scholar  Señor  Alaman  {Disertaciones,  torn, 
i.,  p.  184)  expresses  his  conviction  that  the  city  of  Mexico  contained 
no  buildings  of  beauty  or  merit ;  that,  aside  from  the  royal  palaces,  the 
rest  of  the  houses  were  adobe  huts,  amongst  which  rose  the  squat, 
truncated  pyramids  of  the  temples,  unlovely  to  behold,  decorated 
with  rude  sculptures  of  serpents  and  other  horrible  figures,  and  having 
heaps  of  human  skulls  piled  in  their  court  yards.  He  sustains  this 
dreary  appreciation  by  the  argument  that  there  would  otherwise 
have  remained  some  fragments  of  former  architectural  magnificence, 
whereas  there  is  absolutely  nothing.  These  eminent  writers  seem  un- 
willing to  allow  that  Tenochtitlan  may  have  been  a  wonderfully  beauti- 
ful city  and  at  the  same  time  have  possessed  few  imposing  buildings  and 
no  remarkable  architecture.  The  descriptions  of  Mr.  Prescott  and  Sir 
Arthur  Helps  are  masterpieces  of  word-painting  which  charm  us,  but 
they  are  based  upon  early  descriptions  in  which  impeachable  importance 
is  given  to  architectural  features  of  the  city.  It  is,  as  Señor  Alaman 
remarks,  incredible  that  not  a  fragment  of  column  or  capital,  statue  or 
architrave  should  have  been  saved  to  attest  the  existence  of  great  archi- 
tectural monuments,  even  though  150,000  men  were  diligently  engaged 
for  two  months  in  destroying  the  buildings,  filling  up  canals  with  the 
debris  and  that  finally,  when  the  city  came  to  be  rebuilt,  many  idols 
and  other  larger  fragments  of  temples  were  used  in  the  foundations  of 
the  cathedral,  which  rose  on  the  site  of  the  great  teocalli.  Palaces,  such 
as  Montezuma's  is  described  by  the  Spaniards,  may  be  vast  in  extent, 
with  beautiful  courts,  fountains,  gardens,  and  audience  halls,  they 
may  be  luxurious  and  filled  with  curious  and  beautiful  objects,  but 
they  add  little  to  the  picturesque  or  imposing  appearance  of  a  capital ; 
the  temples  were  sufficiently  numerous,  but  none  save  the  great  temple 
seem  to  have  been  lofty,  and  even  the  principal  teocalli  had  but  114 
steps,  so  that  its  heighth  was  only  remarkable  by  comparison  with 
the  great  stretch  of  low  flat-roofed  houses  about  it.  Cortes  describes 
the  destruction  of  the  city,  day  by  day,  which  he  sincerely  deplored  as 


S3^  Letters  of  Cortes 

necessary  to  subdue  it,  but  he  does  not  mention  any  one  building 
which  he  sought  to  save,  as  he  must  infaUibly  have  done,  had  he  been 
burning  an  Alhambra  or  a  Doge's  Palace  or  been  forced  to  blow  up  a 
Santa  Sophia.  It  seems  impossible  that  any  one  should  seriously  pre- 
tend that  the  waters  of  Texcoco's  lake  mirrored  such  fafades  as  are 
reflected  in  the  canals  of  Venice,  or  that  there  was  a  Rialto  among 
the  bridges,  so  hotly  contested  by  the  Spaniards.  Orozco  y  Berra 
wisely  reproves  the  comparison  which  Alaman  draws  between  Mexico 
and  Rome  as  notoriously  misplaced.  But,  between  the  dazzling  word 
pictures  of  Prescott  and  Helps  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other 
Alaman's  depressing  sketch  of  a  squalid  town  of  hovels,  inhabited  by 
bloodthirsty  cannibals,  there  is  still  room  for  a  beautiful  city  in  which 
dwelt  a  sovereign,  amidst  surroundings  of  interesting  splendour. 

Even  without  conscious  intention  to  mislead,  it  was  inevitable  that 
the  Spaniards  should  fall  into  exaggeration  in  describing  the  city  of 
Mexico ;  first,  because  they  necessarily  used  the  same  terms  to  portray 
what  they  saw  as  they  would  have  used  in  describing  Rome,  Paris, 
or  Constantinople;  second,  because  the  contrast  between  such  Indian 
towns  as  they  had  seen  and  the  capital  was  undoubtedly  very  great, 
and  their  long  years  of  rough  life,  perilous  voyages,  and  the  absence  at 
times  even  of  shelter  from  the  elements,  made  any  large  town  with 
some  system  of  order,  with  houses  having  court-yards,  gardens  and 
embroidered  hangings,  seem  worthy  to  be  compared  with  great  cities 
elsewhere  seen  and  dimly  remembered ;  and  lastly  because  Mexico  was 
unquestionably  a  very  beautiful  city.  It  could  hardly  have  been 
otherwise  in  such  a  situation,  and  the  Spaniards,  not  stopping  to 
analyse  wherein  its  charms  lay,  fell  into  the  easy  error  of  attributing 
them  to  architectural  excellence  and  grandeur,  which  were  really 
wanting. 

Solis  adopts  the  conquerors'  style,  without  having  their  excuse 
and,  were  he  writing  of  the  Courts  of  Leo  X.,  or  Louis  XIV.,  he  could 
hardly  use  other  language  than  he  does  in  describing  Montezuma 
and  his  household. 

The  very  ignorance  and  naivete  of  the  conquerors  are  good  warrants 
for  the  truth  of  much  that  they  wrote,  for  as  they  were  illiterate  men 
(even  Cortes  had  but  a  scanty  store  of  learning,  gathered  during  his 
brief  course  of  two  careless  years  at  Salamanca)  without  sufficient 
knowledge  to  invent  descriptions  of  the  Mexican  laws,  customs,  religion, 
and  institutions,  the  facts  which  they  state,  and  in  which  they  agree, 
are  indubitable.  The  Aztec  Empire  possessed  some  highly  developed 
institutions;  to  mention  but  one,  there  was  the  system  of  couriers  or 
the  post,  which  kept  up  daily  and  rapid  communication  between  the 
capital  and  the  provinces,  and  that  at  a  time  when  no  country  in 
Europe  possessed  anything  equalling  it. 

Their  religion  was  established  with  a  regular  hierarchy,  and  a  calen- 
dar of  festivals,  which  were  observed  with  a  really  admirable  ritual, 
marred  only  by  the  barbarity  of  certain  rites ;  their  deities  were  gloomy 


Appendix  II.     Second  Letter  333 

and  ferocious,  fear  was  the  motive  of  worship,  human  sacrifice  the 
only  means  of  placating  the  gods,  and  thus  religion,  which  should 
soften  and  humanise  manners  and  elevate  character,  was  engulfed  in  a 
dreadful  superstition,  which  held  the  nation  in  a  state  of  permanent 
degradation,  with  the  result  that  the  most  civilised  amongst  the 
Indians  of  North  America  were  at  the  same  time  the  most  bar- 
barous. The  perfect  ordering  of  this  system  impressed  the  Spaniards, 
while  its  awful  rites  horrified  them. 

Their  state  was  well  ordered,  and,  in  many  respects,  governed  ac- 
cording to  wise  and  enlightened  standards,  and  that  their  civilisation 
was  of  no  mean  order  is  proven  by  the  following  factors  in  it : 

I.  The  rights  of  private  property  were  recognised  and  respected ;  its 

transfer  was  effected  by  sale  or  inheritance. 

II.  All  free  men  were  land  owners,  either  by  absolute  possession  or  by 

usufruct  derived  from  holding  some  public  office  in  the  state, 
and  these  composed  the  nobility :  others  held  land  in  commun- 
ity, parcels  being  allotted  to  a  given  number  of  families, 
whose  members  worked  them  in  common  and  shared  their 
produce  equitably. 

III.  Taxes  were  levied  according  to  an  established  system  and  were 

paid  in  kind,  thus  filling  the  government  store-houses  with 
vast  accumulations  of  all  the  products  of  the  Empire. 

IV.  Justice  was  administered  by  regularly  appointed  judges,  who 

interpreted  the  laws  and  exercised  jurisdiction  in  different 
districts. 

V.  Markets  were  held  as  Cortes  describes. 

VI.  The  streets  were  regularly  cleaned,  lighted  by  fires  at  night, 

and  patrolled  by  police ;  public  sanitary  arrangements  were 
provided,  and  the  city  was  probably  more  spacious,  cleaner, 
and  healthier  than  any  European  towns  of  that  time. 

VII.  Public  charity  provided  hospitals  for  the  sick  and  aged. 

VIII.  Separate  arts  and   trades    flourished,  and    the    metal-workers, 

lapidaries,  weavers,  etc.,  learned  their  trades  by  a  regular 
system  of  instruction  and  apprenticeship  pretty  much  as 
in  the  guilds  of  Europe. 

IX.  The   great    public-works,    such    as  the   causeways,    aqueducts, 

canals  with  locks,  and  bridges,  were  admirably  constructed, 
and,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital  at  least,  were 
numerous. 

X.  There  was  a  fair  knowledge  of  the  medicinal  and  curative  pro- 

perties of  herbs,  barks,  roots,  and  plants,  though,  if  the 
medicine  men  were  skilled  in  the  use  of  poisons,  it  seems 
strange  that  they  did  not  rid  themselves  of  the  hungry  invad- 
ers at  some  of  the  feasts  which  were  constantly  offered  them. 

XI.  In  the  arts,   the  lapidaries,   feather-workers,   and  silversmiths 

produced  the  best  work.  Mexican  paintings,  judged  as  works 
of  art,  are  crude  and  primitive  enough,  but  their  real  value 


334  Letter  of  Cortes. 

and  interest  lie  in  the  fact  that  they  are  chronicles  in  pic- 
ture writing,  of  which,  unfortunately,  too  few  have  been  pre- 
served; ideas  were  rarely  and  imperfectly  represented  by  this 
method,  which  was  only  serviceable  for  recording  material 
facts.     Music  was  the  least  developed  of  all  the  arts. 

XII.  Their  solar   system  was  more  correct  than  that  of  the  Greeks 

and  Romans.  The  year  was  divided  into  eighteen  months, 
of  twenty  days  each,  with  five  complementary  days  added, 
which  were  holidays,  but  were  considered  unlucky,  especially 
as  birthdays.  For  full  information  on  the  Mexican  calendar, 
solar  system,  and  astronomical  science,  the  student  is  re- 
ferred to  Orozco  y  Berra.  Hist.  Antigua,  lib.  iv.,  where  these 
subjects  are  lucidly  explained. 

XIII.  There  we  were   regularly  graduated   social  classes,  the    lowest 

being  composed  of  peasant-serfs  called  Mayeques  who  were 

bound  to  the  land ;  above  them  came   ascending  grades  until 

we  reach  the  Emperor  at  the  top  of  all. 

Three  features  characteristic  of  the  feudal  system  everywhere 
are  found:  A.  An  overlord  or  Emperor,  supreme  in  the  cen- 
tral government,  whose  standard  all  followed  in  war  and  whose 
authority  and  person  were  regarded  as  semi-divine.  B.  Prac- 
tically independent  nobles  or  chiefs  of  tribes,  levying  their  own 
taxes  holding  peoples  and  cities  in  subjection,  transmitting 
their  titles  by  right  of  inheritance  and  ready  to  contend  with 
the  Emperor  himself  on  questions  of  etiquette,  and  precedence. 
Many  of  these  were  his  kinsmen  and  all  were  allied  amongst 
themselves,  thus  forming  an  aristocracy  of  rank  and  power. 
C.     A  people  reduced  to  practical  serfage. 

Sumptuary  laws  prescribed  the  dress  of  the  different  orders, 
and  the  regulations  governing  court  dress  for  different  occasions 
were  rigidly  enforced ;  all  removed  their  sandals  in  the  emperor's 
presence,  and  even  the  greatest  nobles  covered  their  ornaments 
with  a  plain  mantle  when  they  appeared  before  him.  The  Aztec 
language  was  extremely  polite  and  contained  not  only  titles, 
but  many  ceremonious  phrases  of  respect  and  expressions  of 
courtesy  and  deference. 

The  crown  descended  in  the  same  family,  but  a  council  of  six 
electors,  chosen  during  the  lifetime  of   the  sovereign,  met   im- 
mediately after  his  death  and  elected  a  successor  from  among 
the  eligible  princes  of  the  royal  family. 
Alongside  these  indications  of  an  advanced  civilisation  are  found 
several  others  which  show  a  nation  still  in  its  infancy : 

I.  They  did  not  know  the  use  of  wax  or  oil  for  lighting  purpose. 

II.  They  used  no  milk. 

III.  They  had  no  coinage :  cacao  nuts  were  commonly  used  as  a  stand- 

ard of  value  and  also  gold  dust  put  up  in  quills,  but  usually 


Appendix  11.     Second  Letter  335 

commodities  were  exchanged.  Sahagun  mentions  a  sort  of 
coin  which  the  Mexicans  called  quahtli  or  eagle,  but  he 
does  not  describe  it.  Montezuma  paid  his  losses  at  play 
with  the  Spaniards  in  chips  of  gold,  each  of  the  value  of  fifty 
ducats ;  this  piece  was  called  tejuelo,  but  it  does  not  cer- 
tainly appear  to  have  been  a  coin. 

IV.  There  was  no  system  of  phonetic  writing. 

V.  They  kept  no  domestic  animals  save  rabbits,  chickens,  and  little 

dogs,  all  of  which  they  ate ;  and  they  had  no  beasts  of  burden. 

VI.  Their  only  cereal  was  maize. 

VII.  They  knew  neither  iron,  nor  tin,  nor  lead,  though  the  moun- 

tains were  full  of  them,  and  their  only  hard  metal  was  copper. 

Even  from  the  summary  and  incomplete  indications  here  given,  it  is 
seen  that  the  Aztec  state  possessed  many  excellent  institutions  and 
elements  of  an  advanced  civilisation,  and,  despite  the  co-existence  of 
certain  limitations  which  have  led  some  to  doubt  the  development 
claimed  for  them,  our  interest  in  the  origin  and  history  of  the  myste- 
rious races  of  Anáhuac  is  stimulated  to  wonder  and  admiration  for  what 
we  do  know  of  their  empire,  and  to  boundless  regret  for  the  disap- 
pearance of  all,  save  the  few  vestiges  which  remain  to  excite  a  curiosity 
they  are  inadequate  to  appease. 

It  is  not  required  to  endow  Mexico  with  "the  glory  that  was 
Greece  or  the  grandeur  that  was  Rome"  in  order  to  admit  that  it  was 
beautiful. 


APPENDIX  III. 
ORIGINS    OF  MEXICAN  CIVILISATION 

The  different  tribes  or  nations  of  Anáhuac  came,  according  to  their 
several  traditions,  from  the  north-west,  in  a  series  of  migrations, 
but  of  their  original  starting  point  they  preserved  no  clear  record. 
M.  de  Guigne  presents  proofs  to  show  that  the  Chinese  visited  Mexico 
as  early  as  458  a.d.;  Horn  (^de  originibus  Americanis,  1699),  Scherer 
(Recherches  Hist.),  Humboldt  (Essai  Polit.)  and  other  authorities, 
without  a  dissentient  voice,  assign  an  Asiatic  origin  to  the  Toltecs  and 
other  Mexican  peoples.  That  Mexico  received  settlers  from  other 
parts  of  the  world  seems  also  certain.  Aristotle  {De  Admirandis  in 
natura)  relates  that  Carthaginian  sailors  passed  the  Pillars  of  Hercules, 
and,  after  sailing  sixty  days  to  the  west,  reached  a  beautiful  and  fertile 
country,  and  that  so  many  began  to  go  thither  that  the  Senate  of 
Carthage  passed  a  law  suppressing  such  emigration,  to  prevent  the 
depopulation  of  the  city.  The  theory  of  the  submerged  Atlantis, 
and  the  arguments  on  which  it  rests,  are  too  well  known  to  require 
explanation. 

The  efforts  to  graft  Mexican  civilisation  on  to  an  Asiatic  or  African 
stock  have  not  been  entirely  successful,  for,  while  there  undoubtedly 
exist  points  of  striking  similarity,  these  seem  to  be  counterbalanced  by 
still  more  important  divergencies.  The  paucity  of  positive  data  or  even 
coherent  traditions  has  left  a  wide  field  open  to  speculation,  of  which 
many  learned  and  ingenious  seekers  have  availed  themselves  to  the 
fullest  extent,  but  without  achieving  results  commensurate  with  their 
labours.  Without  attempting  a  thorough  search  into  the  racial  origin 
of  the  tribes  which  Cortes  found  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  it  may  be 
briefly  stated  that  the  best  evidence  before  us  points  to  Yucatan  as 
the  centre  of  the  highest  American  civilisation,  from  whence  a  know- 
ledge of  law,  arts,  and  manufactures,  and  the  influence  of  an  organised 
religious  system,  spread  northwards.  The  splendid  ruins  of  Yucatan  and 
Central  America  attest  the  existence  of  a  race  of  people,  which,  what- 
ever its  origin,  was  isolated  from  European  and  Asiatic  influence  alike 
since  an  epoch  which  it  is  impossible  to  fix,  but  which  was  certainly 
very  remote.  This  race — the  Maya — possessed  a  civilisation,  sui 
generis,  and  entirely  unique  on  the  North  American  continent,  the 
focus  of  which  had  already  shifted  to  the  high  valley  of  Mexico  long 
before  the  Spaniards  first  visited  the  country  in  the  sixteenth  century 

336 


Appendix  III.     Second  Letter  337 

leaving  the  ancient  cities  of  Uxmal,  Palenque,  Utatlan,  and  the  others 
in  the  southern  region,  in  ruins.  What  devastating  influences  pro- 
duced this  movement  in  an  entire  people  is  not  known,  and  the  length 
of  time  occupied  by  it,  is  problematical,  though  it  must  have  extended 
over  centuries,  ebbing  and  flowing  intermittently.  The  conflicting 
traditions  as  to  the  direction  from  which  tribes,  law-givers,  and  priests 
arrived  in  Anáhuac  are  doubtless  owing  to  distinct  movements  at 
different  times  of  the  southern  peoples  in  their  wandering  search  for 
a  new  and  permanent  abiding  place.  These  early  migrations  from 
south  to  north,  were  succeeded  during  the  period  commonly  termed 
the  Middle  Ages,  by  a  counter  movement,  and  the  descendants  of  the 
first  Maya  emigrants  began  to  return  southwards,  conquering  or  ab- 
sorbing the  different  peoples  they  encountered.  Although  some  of  the 
peoples  had  preserved  much  of  the  culture  bequeathed  them  by  their 
forefathers,  there  was  no  uniform  civilisation  existing  among  them, 
save  in  the  case  of  the  Toltecs,  who  seem  still  to  have  been  in  the  full 
enjoyment  of  their  Maya  heritage. 

The  Toltecs  left  their  country,  called  Huehuetlalpallan,  in  the  vague 
north-west,  in  the  year  554  a.d.,  and,  after  one  hundred  and  four  years 
of  migratory  life,  they  founded  the  city  of  Tollantzinco  in  648,  whence 
they  again  moved  in  667  to  Tula,  or  ToUan,  from  which  date,  their 
monarchy,  which  lasted  three  hundred  and  eighty-four  years,  is 
reckoned  (Clavigero,  vol.  iv.).  According  to  Torquemada,  the  Chi- 
chimecas  followed  within  nine  years  after  the  extinction  of  the  Toltec 
sovereignty,  but  Clavigero's  calculation  shows  the  improbability 
of  this,  for  several  reasons,  the  most  convincing  of  which  is  the  in- 
credible chronology  of  their  kings.  Torquemada  says  that  Xolotl 
reigned  113  years,  his  son  lived  to  be  170,  and  his  grandson  104 
years  old,  while  another  king,  Tezozomoc  reigned  180  years!  It  is 
obvious  that  the  Chichimeca  period  must  either  be  shortened,  or  the 
number  of  kings  increased.  After  the  Chichimecas  came  the  six 
tribes  of  Tlascala,  Xochimilco,  Acolhua  (Texcoco),  Tepanec,  Chalco, 
and  Tlahuichco,  closely  followed  by  the  Colhuans  or  Mexicans,  who  hrst 
arrived  at  Tula  in  1196,  and,  after  several  shorter  migrations,  finally 
founded  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  in  1325,  as  is  related  in  Appendix  II.  of 
this  letter.  The  last  tribe  to  come  was  that  of  the  Otomies  in  1420. 
Boturini  believed  that  the  tribes  of  Xicalango  and  the  Olemchs  ante- 
dated the  Toltecs,  but  says  that  no  records  or  picture-writings  explain- 
ing their  origin  were  discoverable  in  his  time.  From  the  foundation 
of  Mexico  in  1325,  the  form  of  government  was  aristocratic  till  1352, 
when  according  to  Torquemada's  interpretation  of  their  picture- 
writings,  the  first  King  Acamapatzin,  eighth  predecessor  of  Montezuma 
II.,  was  elected,  and  reigned  for  thirty-seven  years. 

The  Aztec  civilisation,  which  attained  its  highest  development  in  Ten- 
ochtitlan  and  Texcoco,  never  reached  the  level  of  the  Maya  culture,  nor 
did  its  cities  contain  any  such  admirable  buildings  as  those  whose  ruins 
still  delight  and  mystify  the  traveller  in  Yucatan  and  Central  America. 


33^  Letters  of  Cortes 

Outside  its  few  centres  of  learning  and  luxury,  the  numerous  tribes 
under  Montezuma's  rule  were  dwellers  in  caves,  living  by  the  chase  and 
in  no  way  sharing  in  the  benefits  of  the  Aztec  polity.  In  morals  and 
manners,  the  Aztecs  were  inferior  to  the  Toltecs,  and  though  they 
adopted  and  continued  the  civilisation  of  their  predecessors,  they  were 
devoid  of  their  intellectual  and  artistic  qualities,  and  turned  their 
attention  more  to  war  and  commerce  as  the  surest  means  for  riveting 
their  supremacy  on  their  neighbours.  When  Cortes  arrived,  Texcoco 
and  Tlacopan,  though  still  calling  themselves  independent,  and  ruled 
by  sovereigns  who  held  themselves  co-equal  with  Montezuma,  were 
rapidly  sinking  into  a  condition  of  vassalage.  The  Aztec  religion 
was  likewise  of  a  militant  order;  it  was  polytheistic  and  readily 
admitted  the  gods  of  conquered  or  allied  nations  into  its  pantheon. 
Upon  the  milder  cult  of  the  older  religious  systems  they  had  adopted^ 
these  devotees  of  the  war-god  speedily  grafted  their  own  horrible 
practices  of  human  sacrifices,  which  augmented  in  number  and  ferocity 
until  the  temples  became  veritable  charnel  houses.  With  such  a  bar- 
barous religious  system  draining  their  very  life's  blood,  and  a  relentless 
despotism  daily  encroaching  on  their  liberties,  it  is  small  wonder  that 
Cortes  was  hailed  as  a  liberator  by  the  subject  peoples  of  Mexico. 

In  the  third  chapter  of  his  Historia  Antigua,  Don  Manuel  Orozco 
y  Berra  examines  what  he  terms  the  two  schools,  the  religious 
and  the  philosophical,  whose  teachings  concerning  the  origin  and 
early  history  of  the  Mexicans  are  based  upon  the  interpretation  of 
the  ancient  and  authentic  Mexican  painting,  now  preserved  in  the 
National  Museum  in  Mexico,  and  which  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
historian  Ixtlilxochitl  from  his  royal  ancestors  of  Texcoco.  The  religious 
reading  of  this  unique  Chronicle  (it  is  always  Orozco  y  Berra  who  is  my 
authority)  sought  to  harmonise  its  chronology,  and  certain  primitive 
events  in  the  national  history,  with  the  biblical  story,  and  all  the  early 
writers  of  this  school,  Carlos  de  Siguenza,  Gemelli  Careri,  Clavigero, 
Veytia,  and  others,  found  in  it  an  account  of  the  creation,  the  flood, 
the  tower  of  Babel,  the  dispersion  of  the  nations,  and  other  incidents  of 
the  mosaic  records. 

The  philosophical  school,  of  which  Humboldt  was  the  chief,  following 
other  lines,  arrived,  however,  at  a  similar  result,  and  connected  the 
foundation  of  Mexico  with  the  cessation  of  the  deluge,  and  thus  the 
problem  of  the  origin  of  American  races  and  animals  was  solved. 

Don  Fernando  Ramirez,  some  time  Curator  of  the  Mexican  National 
Museum,  by  showing  the  interpretation  of  both  these  schools  to  be  mere 
illusions,  demolished  their  conclusions,  and  interpreted  the  picture 
as  merely  representing  the  wanderings  of  the  Mexicans  in  the  valley 
itself,  covering  an  area  of  about  nine  miles  and  a  period  of  hardly  more 
than  443  years,  calculating  from  1325  back  to  882,  a.d.,  the  earliest 
chronological  sign  in  the  painting;  while  the  water  represented,  is  not 
the  flood  of  but  the  neighbouring  lake  of  Chalco. 

The  complex  question  of  the  relation  in  which  the  Maya  and  Toltec 


Appendix  III.     Second  Letter         339 

civilisations  stood  to  one  another  has  not  yet  found  a  generally  ac- 
cepted solution.  Working  in  the  light  which  anthropology,  ethnology, 
archaeology,  and  kindred  modem  sciences  afford,  many  valuable 
facts  have  been  recently  discovered  and  the  investigations  still  pro- 
ceeding, yearly  contribute  highly  specialised  knowledge  to  the  sum 
of  what  the  early  Spanish  writers  amassed  but  failed  to  scientifically 
classify.  But  with  all  this,  the  path  through  the  American  historical 
labyrinth  remains  a  tortuous  one:  whether  the  Toltecs  preceded  the 
Mayas  and  brought  into  Yucatan  the  high  civilisation  of  which  noble 
remains  attest  the  existence,  or  whether  this  civilisation  was  of  Maya 
origin  and  afterwards  spread  towards  the  north,  influencing  the  Toltecs, 
are  questions  on  which  various  opinions  are  held  by  modem  investi- 
gators. I  incline  to  accept  the  latter  theory,  but  while  such  learned 
authorities  are  still  at  variance,  it  were  presumption  for  a  mere  student 
of  early  American  history  to  present  conclusions. 

In  this  brief  summary  of  such  a  large  subject,  I  have  sought  to 
furnish  the  general  reader  with  an  intelligible  explanation  of  the 
origins  and  history  of  the  civilisation  which  Cortes  beheld  when 
first  he  visited  Mexico. 


APPENDIX  IV. 
QUETZALCOATL 

Montezuma  here  refers  to  Quetzalcoatl  who  figures,  under  different 
names  in  different  times  and  places,  as  a  mortal  man,  as  a  deified  legis- 
lator, and  as  a  primitive  divinity,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to  separate  the 
mythical  in  his  history  from  the  real.  He  was  known  in  Yucatan 
under  the  name  of  Kukulcan,  the  meaning  of  which  is  identical  with 
Questzalli  and  Cohuatl — a  plumed  serpent. 

Quetzalcoatl  was  a  Toltec  deity,  and  was  venerated  as  the  god  of  the 
air,  especially  identified  with  the  east  wind,  which  brought  the  fertilising 
rains.  As  the  teachings  and  prophecies  attributed  to  him  potently  influ- 
enced the  attitude  of  the  Mexicans  towards  the  Spaniards,  on  their 
arrival  in  the  country,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  both  his  mythical  and 
historical  character.  In  the  native  mythology,  Quetzalcoatl  personified 
the  principle  of  good  in  contradistinction  to  the  principle  of  evil,  under 
the  figure  of  Tezcatlipoca.  The  story  of  his  residence  among  the 
peoples  of  Anáhuac  relates  that  he  arrived  at  ToUan  (Tula)  the  capital 
of  the  Toltecs,  as  chief  of  a  band  of  strangers,  from  unknown  parts, 
and  that  he  was  well  received  by  the  natives  to  whom  he  taught 
the  arts  of  agriculture,  metal  working,  architecture,  and  mechanics. 
He  introduced  also  the  new  religious  virtues  of  chastity,  trust  in  one 
God,  the  love  of  peace,  and  the  practice  of  charity  and  penance.  He 
also  brought  the  Toltec  calendar  to  the  state  of  perfection  in  which 
it  was  found  amongst  the  Aztecs.  He  wore  a  white  tunic  on  which 
were  black  or  red  crosses,  which  sounds  something  like  a  pallium. 
He  was  large  of  person,  white  faced,  and  wore  his  black  hair  and 
beard  long.  Exercising  the  high  priesthood,  he  initiated  the  golden 
age  of  the  Toltecs,  during  which  the  cotton  grew  in  various  colours, 
red,  blue,  orange,  and  purple,  maize  crops  were  over-abundant,  the 
canes  grew  as  large  round  as  tree  trunks,  and  pumpkins  so  big  that  a 
man's  arms  could  not  encircle  one;  nobody  was  ever  hungry,  animals 
were  all  tame,  and  the  birds  sang  wonderfully.  Sahagun  catalogues 
him  as  the  eighth  king  of  the  Toltecs.  This  halcyon  period  was  brought 
to  an  end  by  the  machinations  of  the  evil  spirit  Tezcatlipoca  who 
descended  to  earth  on  a  spider's  web,  and,  taking  the  form  of  a  vener- 
able sage,  tempted,  Quetzalcoatl  beyond  his  strength,  and  made 
him  drunk  on  pulque,  during  which  orgies  the  god  violated  his 
vows  of  chastity.     This  fall   shook  the  faith   of  his  people  and  the 

340 


Appendix  IV.     Second  Letter  341 

legend  recounts  furtlaer,  that,  in  a  war  brought  on  by  the  same 
evil-spirit,  the  Toltecs  were  worsted.  A  universal  famine  followed 
upon  the  war,  only  to  be  succeeded  by  a  terrible  pestilence.  Signs  and 
portents  foretold  the  destruction  of  the  race,  and  Quetzalcoatl  burned 
his  house,  buried  his  treasures  in  a  secret  place,  and,  despite  the 
opposition  of  his  adherents,  left,  called  as  he  declared,  by  his  master, 
to  the  mystic  land  of  Tlapallan.  His  progress  through  the  country 
was  attended  by  prodigies  and  miracles  until  he  reached  Cholula, 
where  he  rested  for  twenty  years,  teaching  the  people,  and  pontificating 
in  their  great  temple.  But  the  enemy,  hearing  of  this,  prepared  again 
to  make  war  on  the  friends  of  Quetzalcoatl,  who,  to  prevent  this  disas- 
ter, left  with  four  disciples  for  the  sea-coast.  Here  according  to  some 
versions,  the  waves  parted,  allowing  him  to  pass,  and  according  to 
others,  he  made  himself  a  raft  of  serpents,  and,  spreading  his  mantle 
for  a  sail,  was  wafted  away  to  the  unknown  east.  Another  legend 
describes  him  as  causing  his  funeral  pyre  to  be  erected,  from  which 
his  heart  ascended  into  the  skies,  where  it  figures  as  the  planet 
Venus. 

The  belief  in  his  prophecy,  that  he  or  his  representatives  would  one 
day  retiirn  to  re-establish  and  render  triumphant  his  religious  teach- 
ings, was  wide-spread,  and  furnishes  something  of  a  parallel  to  the 
Messianic  hope  prevalent  amongst  the  Jews,  or  to  the  expectation  of 
a  second  visible  coming  of  Christ  on  which  the  early  Christians 
counted.  He  was  to  return  as  an  avenger,  and  hence  his  coming  was 
dreaded  by  the  Aztecs,  who  beheved  in  it  so  firmly  that  they  carried 
on  a  cult  to  propitiate  him,  though  their  religious  practices  did 
violence  to  his  humaner  teachings. 

The  mysterious  disappearance  of  the  Toltecs  from  Anáhuac  may 
have  been  caused  by  the  war,  famine,  and  pestilence,  of  this  legend,  and 
the  remnant  of  the  people  may  have  made  an  exodus  with  their  priestly 
leader,  leaving  their  city  to  the  victors,  and  thus  might  be  explained 
the  sudden  disappearance  of  that  people.  While  the  material  benefits 
which  Quetzalcoatl  brought  to  the  Toltecs  and  Cholulans  were  readily 
enough  assimilated,  it  is  probable  that  his  religious  teachings  were  not 
widely  diffused  or  properly  understood  by  the  mass  of  the  people,  and 
after  his  departure  they  rapidly  became  mixed  with  ancient  supersti- 
tions. Christian  doctrines  became  denaturalised  and  blended  with 
pagan  traditions,  thus  losing  their  significance  and  efficacy.  The 
original,  national  cult  of  the  Toltecs  reasserted  itself  with  the  addition 
of  some  beliefs  and  ritual  forms.  The  passage  through  Mexico  of  a  few 
Christians  under  the  leadership  of  one  possessing  the  superior  character 
and  intelligence  attributed  to  Quetzalcoatl  would  suffice  to  introduce 
new  moral  and  religious  ideas,  and  produce  great  changes  in  the 
beliefs  of  the  more  cultivated  people;  for  the  indubitable  unity  of  all 
mankind  is  essentially  a  unity  of  spirit,  which  draws  together  widely 
diversified  races,  whose  physical  features  are  dissimilar,  and  whose 
customs  are  alien  to  one  another. 


342  Letters  of  Cortes 

Religion  springs  from  an  inherent  aspiration,  common  to  human 
nature  everywhere,  towards  a  knowledge  of,  and  union  with,  what  is 
divine  and  eternal.  The  development  of  this  instinct  carries  humanity 
through  the  same  phases  according  to  laws  governing  religious  evolu- 
tion, which  are  universal.  Asia,  Africa,  and  ancient  Europe,  have 
produced  religious  systems,  each  with  its  myths,  rites  of  sacrifice, 
practices  of  penance,  vigils,  ceremonial  observances,  and  consecrated 
priests,  and  the  conclusion  seems  obvious  that  within  human  nature 
itself  are  found  the  springs  from  which  these  various  independent 
systems — identical  in  their  intention  but  so  different  in  their  moral 
value — originate.  Man  is  potential  to  respond  to  the  demands  of  his 
own  being,  whether  in  the  physical  and  material,  or  in  the  moral  and 
spiritual  order,  and,  although  the  organisation  and  development 
observed  in  primitive  religions  many  differ  widely  in  different  quarters 
of  the  globe,  yet  wherever  mankind  dwells  in  community,  religious 
development  stands  on  the  same  foundation  and  proceeds  according 
to  the  same  fundamental  law. 

It  need  therefore  in  reality  be  no  more  astonishing  that  the  Maya 
race  and  its  descendants  should  have  evolved  a  completely  organised 
religious  system,  with  an  impressive  ritual  and  a  well-ordered  calendar 
of  ecclesiastical  festivals,  independently  of  any  previous  communica- 
tion with  the  old  world,  than  that  they  were  found  to  have  a  know- 
ledge of  spinning,  weaving,  and  metal  working,  and  an  effective  system 
of  civil  government.  All  due  allowance  being  made  however  for  such 
considerations,  the  beliefs  and  practices  of  the  Mexicans,  which  were 
so  like  Christian  ones  as  to  exclude  the  hypothesis  of  mere  chance,  were 
nvmierous  and  striking. 

Duran  says  of  their  triune  idol  that  "being  one,"  he  is  adored  under 
three  names,  and  having  three  names,  he  is  adored  as  one  almost  as  we 
believe  in  the  most  Holy  Trinity.  The  persons  of  this  trinity  were  Totee 
the  lord  of  the  majesty  and  fear;  Xipe,  the  man  despised  and  perse- 
cuted, and  Tlatlauhquitezcatl,  the  mirror  of  splendour.  Children  were 
baptized  between  three  and  twelve  years — signifying  a  new  birth — 
by  pouring  on  of  water  to  cleanse  them  from  the  taint  of  inherited  sin ; 
and  auricular  confession  was  practised  for  the  forgiveness  of  sin  com- 
mitted, penances  being  imposed.  Even  their  revolting  human  sacri- 
fices seem  to  have  been  a  degraded  and  materialised  interpretation  of 
our  Lord's  words  of  consecration  when  instituting  the  Eucharistic  sacri- 
fice, for  the  flesh  of  the  victim  was  eaten  reverently,  while  sacramental 
words  were  pronounced  calling  it  the  food  of  the  soul  and  the  very  flesh 
of  tJte  god  to  whom  the  sacrifice  was  being  offered.  Holy  water  was 
used  in  many  ceremonies,  and  especially  at  the  crowning  of  kings. 
At  stated  times,  a  sort  of  passion  play  was  performed  in  which  a  man 
was  bound  to  a  cross  and  killed  with  arrows.  All  these,  and  many 
other  ceremonies  bearing  a  striking  analogy  to  Christian  rites,  much 
impressed  the  Spaniards,  especially  the  friars,  who  composed  a 
voluminous  literature  on  the  subject.    Sometimes,  indeed,  theories  were 


Appendix  IV.     Second  Letter  343 

built  up  on  rather  frail  foundations  of  fact,  and  conclusions  were 
reached  by  undue  straining  of  the  imagination  rather  than  by  the  exer- 
cise of  critical  research.  The  Indians  frequently  misled  their  new 
teachers,  giving  such  interpretation  of  their  rites  as  they  thought  would 
be  most  acceptable,  when  not  themselves  ignorant  of  the  real  significance 
of  their  symbols  and  ceremonies;  as,  indeed,  many  poorly  instructed 
Christians  to-day  could  not  explain  intelligibly,  to  an  inquiring  visitor 
from  Mars,  the  meaning  of  emblems  and  practices  with  which  they  are, 
nevertheless,  familiar.  But  with  every  such  allowance,  there  still 
remains  a  sufficient  number  of  authenticated  and  perfectly  understood 
doctrines  and  observances  in  the  ancient  Mexican  cult,  to  argue  con- 
vincingly their  Christian  origin;  hence  many  writers  have  identified 
Quetzalcoatl  with  some  unknown  Christian  missionary  priest — possibly 
an  Oriental  bishop — while  others  have  even  thought  he  was  the  apostle 
St.  Thomas.  This  startling  opinion  has  not  lacked  eloquent  defenders, 
but  it  is  excluded  from  serious  consideration  by  the  fact  that  St. 
Thomas  lived  in  the  first  century,  and  Quetzalcoatl  in  the  tenth,  with- 
out adducing  others  which  conclusively  disprove  it. 

The  identity  of  Quetzalcoatl  remains  an  unsolved  mystery,  and, 
after  his  departure,  it  became  merged  into  that  of  mythical  di- 
vinities, with  a  plumed  serpent  for  his  emblem.  The  confused 
notions  which  the  Mexicans  preserved  concerning  his  life,  his  acts 
and  miracles,  and  his  final  disappearance,  and  their  interweaving 
of  other  legends  of  their  more  beneficent  deities  with  his  imperfectly 
transmitted  doctrines,  and  the  distorted  facts  in  his  personal  history 
are  no  more  extraordinary  than  many  of  the  popular  tales  from  lives 
of  the  saints,  and  other  wonder  stories  which  are  cherished  from  gener- 
ation to  generation  by  ignorant  and  imaginative  people  everywhere. 
Unless  some  heretofore  undiscovered  treasure  house  of  lost  records 
delivers  the  key  to  the  early  history  of  the  Toltecs,  there  seems  little 
hope  that  our  imperfect  knowledge  concerning  him  will  receive  any 
important  additions.  The  systematic  destruction  of  the  picture  writ- 
ings of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  and  particularly  of  everything  connected 
with  their  religion,  which  was  carried  on  for  years  with  misguided  zeal 
by  the  Spaniards,  cut  off  the  source  from  which  fuller  infonnation 
might  have  been  hoped.  Much  and  very  severe  criticism  has  fallen 
upon  the  ecclesiastics — notably  Bishop  Zumarraga — by  whom  this  sad 
destruction  was  accomplished,  and  the  not  unnatural  vexation,  with 
which  historians  view  what  now  seems  to  have  been  a  work  of  ignorant 
and  unnecessary  fanaticism,  has  lent  undue  vehemence  to  the  blame 
assigned  to  these  well-intentioned  iconoclasts.  The  destruction  is  un- 
doubtedly most  regrettable,  but,  in  strict  justice,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  the  extent  of  the  loss  which  American  history  sustained  is 
entirely  problematical,  for  we  do  not  certainly  know  that  the  destroyed 
records  contained  anything  which  has  not  been  learned  from  others 
which  were  preserved,  and  from  the  Indians  themselves  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest.     On  the  other  hand  our  debt  to  the  friars  is  very  great, 


344  Letters  of  Cortes 

for  to  them  alone  is  it  owing  that  anything  at  all  survived  the  Spanish 
conquest.  They  alone,  amidst  the  hordes  of  gold-greedy  colonists 
who  scoured  the  country  in  search  of  mines  and  slaves,  established 
humane  relations  with  the  Indians,  learned  their  language,  studied 
their  records,  and  while  bringing  them  into  schools  to  teach  them 
Christianity,  learned  from  them  all  that  could  be  discovered  concerning 
their  own  religion,  history,  and  traditions.  Franciscans  such  as 
Sahagun,  Torquemada,  Motolinia,  Landa,  and  Lizana,  Jesuits  such  as 
Acosta,  Duran,  and  later  Clavigero — to  mention  some  of  the  more 
notable  amongst  many  workers — are  the  fathers  of  American  history, 
to  whose  labours  is  due  the  preservation  of  an  enormous  mass  of 
information — all  we  possess  in  fact — which  would  otherwise  have 
perished  irrevocably. 

It  may  be  safely  assumed  that  little  or  nothing  of  importance  which 
the  Indians  themselves  knew  escaped  the  researches  which  these  and 
other  men  of  their  order  conducted  with  patience  and  intelligence. 
Those  among  the  early  ecclesiastics  in  whom  the  critical  faculty  was 
wanting  made  good  this  lack  by  their  diligence,  amassing  the  materials 
which  served  later  writers,  to  whom  fell  the  task  of  assorting  the  con- 
fused historical  lumber  they  had  collected.  It  appears  that  the  Mexi- 
cans knew  surprisingly  little  about  their  own  history,  and  that  their 
trustworthy  traditions  did  not  carry  them  very  far  back.  The  Indians 
of  Yucatan,  in  the  time  of  Diego  Landa,  were  unable  to  decipher  the 
inscriptions  on  the  ruined  temples,  and  only  the  most  vague  and  im- 
probable legends  concerning  the  buildings  of  their  ancient  cities 
survived  amongst  them.  It  does  not  seem,  therefore,  unreasonable  to 
temper  our  impatience  towards  Bishop  Zumarraga's  act  of  vandalism 
by  the  reflection  that  the  destroyed  records  would  have  probably 
furnished  no  link  between  the  civilisation  of  Anáhuac  and  that  of 
Yucatan  and  Central  America. 

Authorities  consulted  on  Quetzalcoatl,  Sahagun,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  v.- 
xiv.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iii.,  cap.,  vii. ;  Motolinia  in  Icazbalceta  pp.  lo, 
30,  65;  Mendieta,  p.  82-98;  Clavigero,  torn,  ii.,  p.  11-14;  Servando 
Teresa  de  Mier  in  Bustamante;  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  i.,  cap.  iv., 
torn,  ii.,  cap.  iii.;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  iv.,  lib.  iii., 
cap.  ii.  Charnay,  Ancient  Cities  ;  Bulletins  of  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology. 


APPENDIX  V. 

THE    TEMPLE 

This  statement  is  obviously  inaccurate ;  Cortes  has  just  said  that  fifty 
steps  led  to  the  summit  of  the  chief  teocalli  which  would  allow  for 
a  very  modest  elevation,  whereas  the  Giralda  Tower  of  Seville  Cathe- 
dral was  built  300  years  before  Mexico  was  discovered  and  was  then  185 
feet  high.  Neither  was  it  during  this  first  visit  to  the  temple  of  Tlatel- 
olco  in  Montezuma's  company  that  the  idols  were  overthrown  ;  that 
event  happened  in  the  teocalli  of  the  great  temple  on  another  occasion 
when  Montezuma  was  not  present.  Most  writers — including  Prescott 
— misled  by  Cortes,  have  confused  the  two  visits  and  the  two  different 
temples,  but  Bemal  Diaz  makes  it  perfectly  clear  that  the  first  visit 
was  to  the  temple  adjoining  the  market  place  in  the  Tlatelolco  quarter 
of  the  city.  This  temple  was  even  loftier  than  the  principal  one,  and  the 
arrangements  in  both  were  essentially  the  same  (Orozco  y  Berra, 
lib.  ii.,  cap.  iv. ;  Icazbalceta,  Diálogos  de  Cervantes,  p.  201).  The 
great  teocalli  of  the  chief  temple  was  completed  in  the  form  in  which 
the  Spaniards  beheld  it  by  Montezuma's  grandfather,  Ahuitzotl,  in 
1487,  when  the  solemn  dedication  was  celebrated  by  the  sacrifice  of  a 
vast  number  of  human  victims,  estimated  by  Torquemada  at  72,344 
(Monorchia  Indiana,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  Ixiii.),  by  Ixtlilxochitl  at  80,000 
Historia  Chicimeca),  but  more  credibly  fixed  by  the  Tellerian  and 
Vatican  Codices  at  the  still  respectable  figure  of  20,000.  Pretexts 
for  wars  with  various  tribes  were  invented  in  order  to  procure  the 
victims  for  this  ghastly  hecatomb,  and  the  ceremony  of  incessant 
slaughter  occupied  two  days. 

The  exact  form  and  dimensions  of  the  temple  are  not  positively 
known,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  pyramid  was  an  oblong,  measuring 
something  over  three  hundred  feet  in  length  at  its  base  and  rising  in 
graduated  terraces  to  a  height  of  something  less  than  one  hundred  feet. 
Bemal  Diaz  {Hist.  Verdad.,  cap.  viii.,)  says  that  he  counted  the  steps, 
which  numbered  one  hundred  and  fourteen ,  and  this  tallies  almost  exactly 
with  the  statement  of  Andres  Tapia  {Relación,  p.  582,)  that  he  counted 
one  hundred  and  thirteen  steps.  Bernal  Diaz  also  measured  the  pyra- 
mids at  Cholula  and  Texcoco  in  the  same  way,  and  counted  one  hundred 
and  twenty  steps  on  the  former,  and  one  hundred  and  seventeen  on  the 
latter,  hence,  if  he  was  accurate,  the  great  pyramid  of  Mexico  was  not 
the  loftiest  in  the  empire.       Not  one  of  the  Spaniards  who  saw  this 

345 


340  Letters  of  Cortes 

edifice  seems  to  have  observed  it  critically,  or  to  have  left  a  complete 
architectural  description  of  it  to  posterity.  They  were  all  more  im- 
pressed with  the  horrors  they  witnessed  in  it  and  their  dreadful  signific- 
ance than  with  the  architectural  details ;  all  agree  that  it  was  a  most  awe- 
some place,  in  which  dark,  gruesome  chambers,  smelling  like  a  slaughter 
house,  contained  hideous  idols,  smeared  with  human  blood.  In  these 
dim  recesses,  demoniacal  priests,  clad  in  black  robes,  with  grotesquely 
painted  faces,  framed  in  blood-clotted  locks,  celebrated  their  inhuman 
rites,  and  offered  smoking  hearts  on  golden  salvers  to  the  monstrous 
deities  there  enthroned.  The  presiding  figure  of  this  theocratic  charnel 
house  was  that  of  the  god  of  war  Huitzilopochtli — the  humming  bird  to 
the  left — and  of  his  image  Bemal  Diaz  gives  a  careful  description.  Its 
face  was  distorted  and  had  terrible  eyes;  the  body  was  covered  with 
gold  and  jewels,  and  was  wound  about  with  the  coils  of  golden 
serpents;  in  the  right  hand  was  held  a  bow,  and  in  the  left  a  bundle 
of  arrows.  Suspended  from  the  idol's  neck  was  a  necklace  of  human 
heads  and  hearts  made  of  gold  and  silver  with  precious  stones  set  in 
them,  and  by  its  side  stood  the  figure  of  a  page,  called  Huitziton, 
bearing  a  lance  and  shield  richly  jewelled.  This  little  statue  of  the 
page  was  carried  by  the  priests  in  battle,  and  was  also  on  certain  occa- 
sions borne  with  much  pomp  through  the  streets.  The  honours  of  these 
altars  were  shared  by  Tezcatlipoca — Shining  Mirror — who  was  called 
"the  soul  of  the  world."  He  was  a  god  of  law  and  severe  judgment 
and  was  much  dreaded.  His  statue  was  of  black  obsidian,  and  sus- 
pended from  his  plaited  hair,  which  was  confined  in  a  golden  net, 
was  an  ear  made  of  gold,  towards  which  mounted  tongues  of  smoke 
symbolising  ascending  prayers.  On  the  summit  of  the  teocalli  stood 
a  great  cylindrical  drum  tlapanhuehuetl) ,  made  of  serpents'  skins, 
which  was  beaten  on  certain  solemn  occasions,  and  as  an  alarum.  It 
is  said  to  have  given  forth  a  most  sinister  sound,  which  could  be  heard 
for  miles.  During  the  siege,  the  Spaniards  had  sad  cause  to  shudder 
at  its  fearsome  roll  which  announced  the  sacrifice  of  their  captive  com- 
rades, whose  white,  naked  bodies  were  even  discernible  in  the  dusky 
procession  which  moved,  in  the  glare  of  torches  and  the  sacred  fires, 
up  the  terraces  of  the  pyramid  on  its  way  to  the  stone  of  sacrifice. 
The  area  of  the  courtyard,  some  twelve  hundred  feet  square,  was 
paved  with  flat  polished  stones,  which  were  so  slippery  the  Spaniards' 
horses  could  hardly  keep  their  footing.  Four  gates  in  the  surrounding 
wall,  called  coatepantli,  gave  entrance  to  the  courtyard,  one  facing 
each  of  the  cardinal  points,  and  over  each  gate  there  was  kept  a  store 
of  arms  in  readiness  for  attack  or  defence.  Sahagun  {Hist.  Nueva 
España,  torn,  i.,  p.  197)  enumerates  seventy-eight  different  buildings 
inside  the  wall  surrounding  the  courtyard;  they  comprised  chapels, 
cells  for  priests,  fountains  for  ablutions,  quarters  for  students  and 
attendants,  and  a  number  of  smaller  teocalli.  This  tallies  with  the 
description  of  Cortes  and  Bemal  Diaz,  and  makes  it  evident  that  the 
entire  group  of  buildings  somewhat  resembled  the  Kremlin  at  Moscow, 


Appendix  V.     Second  Letter  347 

or  a  vast  cathedral  close.  In  one  of  the  temples  the  Spaniards  esti- 
mated that  a  symmetrical  pyramid  of  bones  contained  one  hundred  and 
thirty-six  thousand  human  skulls.  Amongst  these  temples  there  was 
one  dedicated  to  Quetzalcoatl,  circular  in  form  and  having  its  entrance 
built  in  imitation  of  a  serpent's  open  mouth.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that 
this  was  a  veritable  hell,  or  abode  of  demons,  in  which  they  saw 
frightful  idols,  cauldrons  of  water  in  which  to  prepare  the  flesh  of  the 
victims,  which  the  priests  ate,  and  furnishings  like  those  of  a  butcher's 
stall;  so  that  he  never  called  the  place  other  than  "hell." 

Human  sacrifices  and  cannibalism  were  practised  even  in  honour  of 
the  beneficent  deity  of  the  Toltecs,  whose  mild  teachings,  pure  life, 
and  aversion  to  war,  persuade  us  that  he  must  have  been  a  Christian 
bishop.  Nothing  more  conclusively  proves  that,  in  spite  of  their 
material  prosperity,  their  extended  empire,  and  a  certain  refinement  in 
their  social  life,  the  Aztecs  occupied  a  much  lower  moral  and  intel- 
lectual level  than  did  their  Toltec  predecessors  in  Anáhuac.  From 
the  Toltecs  they  had  received  the  foundations  of  their  civilisation ;  all 
that  was  good  in  their  religion  or  true  in  their  philosophy,  all  that  was 
known  amongst  them  of  science,  they  received  from  that  mysterious 
race  whose  only  records  are  a  few  neglected  and  almost  unknown 
ruins. 

After  the  conquest,  the  great  temple  was  razed  to  the  ground.  In 
its  foundations  were  found  a  quantity  of  treasures,  which  had  been 
placed  there  as  offerings  when  the  pyramid  was  first  begun.  The 
stone  idols  and  carvings  were  for  the  most  part  built  into  the  founda- 
tions of  the  Christian  cathedral  which  stands  upon  its  site. 

Montezuma  had  readily  assented,  very  soon  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards,  to  the  installation  of  a  chapel  in  the  Spanish  quarters,  and 
a  room  was  consequently  prepared,  in  which  mass  was  said  daily,  as 
long  as  the  supply  of  wine  held  out.  The  soldiers  said  their  daily 
prayers  before  the  cross  and  the  sacred  images,  especially  at  the  hour 
of  the  Ave  Alaria. 

While  seeking  for  the  best  place  to  erect  the  altar  in  this  room, 
Alonso  Yañez  discovered  a  concealed  door,  which  Cortes,  who  was 
informed  of  the  discovery,  ordered  to  be  forced  open.  Beyond  was  a 
vast  chamber  containing  the  treasure  of  Axayacatl  and  other  Aztec 
kings,  forming  a  great  heap  of  gold  and  jewels  in  the  centre  of  the 
room,  while  all  the  walls  were  covered  with  splendid  stuffs,  thick 
feather- work,  shields,  and  other  objects  of  precious  metals.  After 
inspecting  the  fabulous  collection,  Cortes  had  the  door  sealed  up 
again,  and  cautioned  his  followers  not  to  betray  their  knowledge  of 
its  existence  to  the  Mexicans  (Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xciii.).  Andres  de 
Tapia's  account  (Incazbalceta,  Doc.  Ined.,  tom.  ii.,  p.  580)  says  that 
Cortes  told  Montezuma  of  his  discovery,  and  that  the  emperor  pre- 
sented him  with  all  the  gold  and  jewels  in  that  treasury. 

After  repeated  conversations  with  Montezuma  on  religious  subjects, 
none  of  which  seemed  to  advance  his  conversion,  the  patience  of  Cortes 


348  Letters  of  Cortes 

gave  out,  and  it  was  when  the  Spaniards  had  been  about  five  months 
in  the  city  that  the  destruction  of  the  idols  in  the  great  teocalli  took 
place.  The  scene  in  the  temple  is  characteristic  of  the  times  and  the 
man. 

Human  life  was  cheap  in  Cortes's  eyes,  and  the  cruelties  inflicted 
on  the  natives  in  the  furtherance  of  his  designs  show  that  it  was  not 
the  inhumanity  of  the  sacrifices  which  filled  him  with  the  most  abhor- 
rence. It  was  the  sight  of  idolatry,  of  people  given  over  to  devil 
worship,  that  inflamed  his  Catholic  blood,  and  there  seems,  on  this 
occasion,  to  have  been  no  friar  Olmedo  at  hand  to  restrain  him,  as 
in  Cholula.  He  first  called  the  priests  together  and  delivered  a  pious 
exhortation,  explaining  the  fatherhood  of  God,  the  brotherhood  of 
man,  and  other  Christian  beliefs,  conjuring  them  to  abandon  the  super- 
stitions which  imperilled  their  immortal  souls,  to  purify  the  altars, 
and  dedicate  them  to  the  true  God  and  the  saints.  As  the  priests 
defended  their  own,  the  controversy  enraged  Cortes  beyond  control, 
and  seizing  an  instrument  he  began  smashing  the  idols  right  and  left 
with  such  magnificent  fury  that  Andres  de  Tapia  declared  that  he 
seemed  like  a  supernatural  being.  Montezuma  was  notified,  and 
entreated  him  for  prudence's  sake  to  desist,  as  such  profanation  would 
provoke  an  uprising  of  the  people.  Cortes,  however,  was  deaf  to  re- 
monstrance, and  the  idols  were  cast  out,  the  temple  washed  and  put 
in  order,  two  altars  being  set  up,  one  to  Our  Lady  and  the  other  to 
Saint  Christopher,  with  their  respective  statues  upon  them.  Mass 
was  thenceforth  said  there,  and  some  of  the  Indians  came  to  the 
ceremony,  as  they  wanted  rain  and,  their  own  gods  being  overthrown, 
they  were  willing  to  invoke  the  Spaniards'  God.  Cortes  declared  they 
should  have  rain,  and,  with  the  most  confident  faith,  ordered  prayers 
and  a  procession  to  obtain  this  blessing;  although  the  procession  set 
forth  under  a  cloudless  sky,  it  returned  after  Mass  in  such  a  down- 
pour that  the  people  waded  ankle  deep  in  the  streets.  Malintzin's 
religion  was  vindicated  (Andres  de  Tapia  Relación,  p.  584-6). 


APPENDIX  VI. 

MASSACRE   OF   THE   MEXICAN    NOBLES 

This  was  Pedro  de  Alvarado.  Simultaneously  four  messengers  ar- 
rived from  Montezuma  to  complain  that  the  captain  had  ordered  an 
unprovoked  attack  upon  the  Mexicans  during  a  religious  festival,  and 
that  the  latter  had  merely  defended  themselves  as  best  they  could. 
The  feast  of  Toxcatl  fell  upon  the  tenth  of  May,  and  only  the  highest 
and  noblest  adorned  with  their  richest  ornaments,  but  unarmed, 
took  part  in  the  ceremonial  dance.  Cortes  had  consented,  before  he 
left  Mexico,  to  the  usual  celebration,  with  the  proviso  that  there  should 
be  no  human  sacrifices,  though  very  likely  the  priests  reserved  their, 
intention  to  perform  that  part  of  the  rites  privately.  The  first  con- 
trariety arose  from  Alvarado's  refusal  to  allow  the  statue  of  Huitzilo- 
pochtli  to  be  restored  to  its  former  place,  from  which  it  had  been 
ejected  to  make  room  for  the  altars  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St. 
Christopher.  The  Tlascalans  next  excited  his  suspicions  that  the 
festival  was  merely  a  pretext  to  collect  a  large  multitude  in  the  city, 
the  real  object  being  to  fall  upon  the  diminished  garrison  and  exter- 
minate it.  On  the  day  of  the  feast,  Alvarado  and  others  saw  certain 
idols,  decked  out  for  the  procession,  standing  in  the  court  of  the  temple, 
and  also  three  youths  in  new  robes  and  with  shaven  heads,  which  indi- 
cated that  they  were  destined  for  sacrifice.  Alvarado  seized  the  in- 
tended victims,  and,  by  putting  them  to  worse  tortures  than  those  of 
the  sacrificial  stone,  under  which  one  of  them  died,  he  obtained  such 
testimony  as  he  wanted  from  the  other  two,  who  were  mere  lads,  to 
prove  that  a  general  revolt  was  planned.  What  these  poor  creatures 
could  be  supposed  to  know  of  such  conspiracies  does  not  appear,  but 
Alvarado  was  satisfied,  and,  arming  his  men,  he  left  some  in  charge 
of  Montezuma,  with  orders  to  kill  the  nobles  who  were  with  him,  and 
repaired  with  the  others  to  the  great  teocalli,  where  six  hundred  nobles 
and  priests  were  dancing,  while  some  three  thousand  others  assisted 
as  spectators.  The  appearance  of  the  Spaniards  caused  no  interruption, 
but,  at  a  given  signal,  they  drew  their  weapons  and  fell  upon  the  defence- 
less people,  slaughtering  them  without  quarter;  the  doors  were  guarded, 
so  few  escaped,  but  they  gave  the  alarm  and  roused  the  city.  Mean- 
while the  nobles  of  the  court  had  been  slain,  and  the  Spaniards  had 
fortified  themselves  inside  their  quarters.  The  exact  place  where  the 
dance  took  place  is  uncertain, as  neither  Cortes  nor  Bernal  Diaz  mentions 

349 


350  Letters  of  Cortes 

it;  Acosta  contradicting  most  of  the  early  writers,  argues  that  it  must 
have  been  the  court  of  the  palace  where  Montezuma  was.  It  nowhere 
appears,  however,  that  Montezuma  was  present,  and,  as  the  dance  was  a 
religious  rite,  the  temple  court  would  seem  more  indicated  for  its  cele- 
bration. Alvarado,  who  was  wounded  on  the  head  by  a  stone,  ap- 
peared before  Montezuma  crying:  "See  what  your  subjects  have  done  ! " 
but  the  Emperor  answered  that  had  he  not  begun  the  disturbance  the 
Mexicans  would  have  remained  peaceable,  adding,  "You  have  undone 
yourself  and  me."  Nor  did  Alvarado's  explanations  satisfy  Cortes, 
who  openly  showed  his  anger  upon  his  arrival. 

Indeed,  his  conduct  seems  destitute  of  any  reasonable  excuse,  and  his 
efforts  to  exculpate  himself  at  his  trial  were  weak  and  confused;  at  best 
he  had  but  the  word  of  a  captive,  an  intended  victim,  and  that 
wrung  from  him  under  torture.  Replying  to  Art.  IV.,  of  the  accusations 
against  him  he  alleged,  (i)  that  it  was  common  report  in  the  city  that, 
during  Cortes's  absence,  the  reduced  garrison  would  be  crushed;  (2)  on 
the  morning  of  the  festival  he  had  seen  a  large  number  of  sharp  pointed 
sticks,  with  which  the  Mexicans  openly  boasted  they  would  kill  him 
and  his  men;  (3)  the  admission  of  the  captive  victim,  which  was  con- 
firmed by  a  native  of  Texcoco;  (4)  that  a  skirmish  had  already  taken 
place  in  the  palace,  in  which  he  himself  was  wounded,  and  one  Span- 
iard was  killed,  and  that  all  would  have  shared  the  same  fate.  Torque- 
mada  adds  the  detail  that  huge  cauldrons  were  prepared  in  which  to 
cook  the  Spaniards.  Las  Casas  advances  the  theory  usual  with  him, 
that  Alvarado  wished  to  strike  such  a  blow  as  would  terrorise  the 
Indians.  Herrera  admits  that  a  revolt  may  have  been  brewing,  but 
deprecates  the  wholesale  massacre  and  the  taking  of  jewels  from  the 
dead  bodies.  Clavigero  scouts  the  idea  of  a  conspiracy,  and  affirms 
that  this  was  an  invention  to  shield  Alvarado.  Oviedo,  Sahagun, 
and  Fr.  Duran,  all  exempt  the  Indians  of  rebellious  intentions.  Setting 
aside  the  weighty  unanimity  of  these  authorities  on  the  question  of  the 
alleged  conspiracy,  Alvarado's  conduct  would  still  be  without  justifica- 
tion, even  had  there  been  an  intention  to  attack  him,  for  his  proper 
course  would  have  been  to  collect  all  the  Spaniards  and  Tlascalans  in  his 
quarters,  with  sufficient  provisions,  hold  Montezuma  and  the  court 
nobles  as  hostages,  notify  Cortes  by  messenger,  and  stand  strictly  on 
the  defensive  until  help  or  instructions  came.  The  situation  cannot  be 
properly  paralleled  with  that  of  Cortes  in  Cholula,  for  the  conditions 
were  entirely  different.  Alvarado  was  the  most  violent  of  all  the 
Spanish  captains,  and  his  brutality  culminated  in  this  inhuman  mas- 
sacre, which  drove  the  long  suffering  Mexicans  to  desperation;  it 
destroyed  the  last  illusion  about  the  celestial  origin  and  character  of  the 
white  men,  and  brought  on  the  tragedy  of  the  Sorrowful  Night,  and 
the  siege,  with  its  long  train  of  misery  and  destruction.  From  that  day 
forward,  the  Mexicans  were  deaf  to  all  overtures  from  the  Spaniards ; 
regardless  of  suffering,  and  indifferent  to  death,  they  sought  only 
vengeance. 


APPENDIX  VII. 

DEATH    OF   MONTEZUMA 

Montezuma's  assurance  to  the  people  that  he  was  not  held  a  prisoner, 
but  lived  with  the  Spaniards  from  choice,  free  to  come  and  go  at  his 
pleasure,  was  so  contrary  to  obvious  facts,  and  his  reproof  to  them 
for  taking  arms,  as  though  they  had  been  the  aggressors,  was  so  unjust, 
that  he  failed  to  secure  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  On  the  contrary, 
he  had  hardly  finished  speaking  when  the  young  prince  Quauhtemotzin, 
who  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  people,  reviled  him  as  a  coward  and 
the  effeminate  tool  of  the  Spaniards,  declaring  that  his  subjects  re- 
nounced obedience  to  one  who  had  so  degraded  his  royal  dignity. 
With  that  he  hurled  a  stone,  and,  in  the  volley  of  missiles  which  fol- 
lowed, one  struck  the  Emperor  on  the  head  {Codex  Ramirez  in 
Orozco  y  Berra,  tom.  iv.,  cap.  x. ;  Acosta,  Hist.  Nat.  y.  Moral  de  las 
Indias,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xxvi.).  Clavigero  refuses  to  believe  that  Quauhte- 
motzin so  insulted  his  royal  uncle,  but  offers  no  reason  for  his  disbelief. 
The  Spaniards,  who  had  been  charged  to  protect  Montezuma's  person 
with  their  shields,  were  not  quick  enough,  and  it  is  said  he  was  also 
wounded  by  arrows  in  the  arm  and  in  the  leg.  The  wounds  were  not, 
however,  serious,  but  the  unfortunate  monarch  was  evidently  deter- 
mined not  to  survive  this  supreme  humiliation,  and,  refusing  to  allow 
his  hurts  to  be  properly  dressed,  he  remained  without  food  in  a  pro- 
foundly dejected  condition.  Herrera  describes  Cortes  as  showing  the 
greatest  concern,  solicitously  visiting  the  Emperor  to  comfort  him, 
but  it  seems  little  likely  that  in  the  midst  of  his  perilous  occupations 
the  commander  found  time  to  condole  with  his  wounded  captive,  for 
Montezuma's  tardy  efforts  for  peace  had  failed  completely,  and,  though 
Prescott  says  that  the  Aztecs  "shocked  at  their  own  sacrilegious 
act. .  .dispersed,  panic-struck  in  different  directions.  .  .so  that  not 
one  of  the  multitudinous  array  remained  in  the  great  square,"  there 
seems  to  be  no  authority  for  believing  that  any  such  dramatic  revulsion 
of  feeling  took  place.  Montezuma  had  fallen  from  his  royalty  and  his 
high  priesthood,  to  be  a  thing  of  scorn  and  loathing  to  his  people, 
while  his  influence  on  the  course  of  events  was  less  than  nil. 

Montezuma  Xocoyotzin  ninth  king  of  Mexico  died  on  June  30,  1520, 
in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  the  eighteenth  of  his  reign,  and  in 
the  seventh  month  of  his  captivity. 

His  death  was  attributed,  by  the  Spaniards,  to  the  wound  caused 

351 


352  Letters  of  Cortes 

by  the  stone,  which  struck  him  on  the  head;  by  the  Mexicans,  it  was 
on  the  contrary,  asserted  that  he  was  put  to  death  by  Cortes.  The 
Codex  Ramirez,  before  quoted  from  the  work  of  Orozco  y  Berra,  states 
that  Montezuma  was  found  stabbed  to  death  by  the  Spaniards,  with 
the  other  chiefs  who  shared  his  captivity.  Acosta  accepts  this  as 
true,  and  Father  Duran  (cap.  76)  says  "They  found  him  dead  with 
chains  upon  his  feet,  and  five  dagger  wounds  in  his  breast,  and  with  him 
many  other  of  the  chiefs  and  lords  who  were  prisoners."  Amongst 
the  nobles  were  the  kings  of  Tlacopan  and  Texcoco  and  the  lord  of 
Tlatelolco.  Cacamatzin,  according  to  Ixtlilxochitl  was  stabbed  forty- 
five  times,  and  he  adds  that  Montezuma  died  from  the  wound  in  his 
head,  "although  his  vassals  say  that  the  Spaniards  themselves  killed 
him,  and  plunged  a  sword  into  his  fundament  "  (apud,  Orozco  y 
Berra,  tom.  iv.,  cap.  x.).  The  murder  of  the  other  chiefs  was  deemed 
necessar)',  as  it  was  neither  possible  to  be  burdened  with  them  in  the 
flight  from  the  city,  nor  was  it  wise  to  release  them.  Their  bodies  were 
thrown  out  of  the  Spanish  quarters  at  a  spot  called  Teayotl,  because  of  a 
stone  turtle  which  stood  there,  in  the  hope  that  their  fate  might  dis- 
courage the  people,  and  also  give  them  occupation  in  preparing  their 
funerals  as  required  by  custom  (Sahagun,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxiii. ;  Ixtlil- 
xochitl, Hist.  Chichimeca).  Cortes's  account  of  the  wounding  and 
death  of  Montezuma  was  naturally  followed  by  Gomara;  Oviedo  also 
copies  his  words,  and  says  that  he  heard  the  same  account  viva  voce 
from  Pedro  de  Alvarado;  Herrera  asserts  that  the  emperor's  wound 
was  not  mortal  (lib.  x.,  cap.  x.),  but  that  he  died  because  he  refused 
all  attendance  and  food ;  and  Bernal  Diaz,  who  relates  the  same  story, 
adds  the  affecting  detail  that  Cortes  and  all  the  captains  and  soldiers 
wept  as  though  they  had  lost  a  father  {Verdadera  Hist.,  cap.  cxxvi.), 
which  those  may  believe  who  can.  Clavigero  refers  to  the  grief  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  described  by  Bernal  Diaz,  and  says  that,  in  view  of  the 
contradictory  accounts,  it  seems  impossible  to  know  the  truth  adding, 
"  I  cannot  believe  that  the  Spaniards  would  take  the  life  of  a  king  to 
whom  they  owed  so  many  benefits,  and  from  whose  death  they  would 
derive  only  evil."  He  does  not  say  why  he  cannot  believe  this; 
Montezuma's  influence  was  gone;  another  leader  had  been  chosen  by 
the  nation  in  the  person  of  the  brave  Quauhtemotzin,  and  when  Cortes 
announced  his  death,  offering  to  deliver  his  body  for  burial  they  cried 
out:  "We  want  Montezuma  neither  living  nor  dead  !"  (Herrera,  lib. 
X.,  cap.  X.)  Hence  the  fallen  sovereign's  presence  was  only  an  em- 
barrassment to  Cortes,  who  was  planning  to  fight  his  way  out  of  the  city 
with  as  few  encumbrances  as  possible — even  the  precious  gold  was 
being  left  behind.  The  moment  the  emperor  became  an  obstacle,  his 
doom  was  sealed,  and  there  was  nothing  in  the  character  or  conduct  of 
Cortes  which  warrants  the  belief  that  he  was  influenced  by  sentiments 
of  compassion  for  the  king  he  had  degraded,  while  his  disposal  of  Caca- 
matzin at  that  time,  and  of  Quauhtamotzin  later  in  Yucatan,  revealed 
the  absence  of  any  scruples  whatever.     Prescott  joins  Clavigero  in  his 


Appendix  VIL     Second  Letter         353 

generous  assumption,  and  with  a  fine  outburst  of  indignation  finds  it 
"hardly  necessary  to  comment  on  the  absurdity  of  this  monstrous  im- 
putation." Such  sentiments  do  credit  to  the  magnanimity  of  these 
writers,  for  it  is  manifestly  the  nobler  part  to  admit  such  a  charge 
against  Cortes,  only  when  forced  by  irrefutable  proofs,  which  in  this 
case  are  not  forthcoming.  Orozco  y.  Berra,  the  results  of  whose  ex- 
haustive researches  are  expressed  in  calm,  judicial  language  in  his 
Conquista  de  Mexico,  adopts  the  Indian  version.  Clavigero  has 
perhaps  said  the  most  that  generous  impartiality  will  allow,  when 
he  states  that  "There  reigns  such  variety  among  historians  that  it 
seems  impossible  to  verify  the  truth."  Torquemada  (lib.  iv.,  cap. 
Ixx.)  records  that  Montezuma's  body  was  taken  to  Copalco  where 
it  was  cremated,  according  to  the  Aztec  usage,  though  the  solem- 
nity was  marred  by  the  insults  heaped  by  some  of  the  by-standers 
upon  the  hapless  corpse.  Herrera  was  of  the  opinion,  that  the  body 
was  buried  at  Chapultepec,  because  the  Spaniards  heard  great  la- 
mentations in  that  quarter,  and  because  that  was  the  place  of  royal 
sepulture,  but  the  observation  of  Clavigero  on  this  opinion,  that  there 
was  no  fixed  place  for  burying  the  sovereigns  and  that  Chapultepec, 
being  some  three  miles  distant  from  the  Spanish  quarters  it  was  hardly 
likely  they  could  have  heard  lamentations,  seems  to  weaken  this 
assumption. 

Diego  Muñoz  Camargo,  the  Tlascallan  historian,  would  seem  to  be 
the  chief  authority  for  the  pious  legend  that  Montezuma  was  baptised 
by  his  own  desire  just  before  he  died,  and  that  Cortes  and  Pedro  de 
Alvarado  were  his  godfathers.  Gomara  asserts  that  the  Emperor  had 
expressed  his  wish  to  become  a  Christian  prior  to  Cortes's  departure 
from  Mexico  to  meet  Narvaez,  but  that  the  ceremony  was  deferred 
until  Easter  so  that  it  might  be  celebrated  with  more  solemnity,  and 
was  afterwards  forgotten  amid  the  confusion  of  the  changed  circum- 
stances. The  silence  of  Cortes  on  a  matter  he  would  have  been  eager 
to  report  in  his  letters,  seems  alone  sufficient  to  dispose  of  the  assertion, 
and  Torquemada,  who  would  also  have  not  been  slow  to  enroll  a  royal 
convert,  does  not  admit  the  story  {Monorchia  Indiana,  lib.  iv.,  cap. 
Ixx.).  A  most  instructive  dissertation  on  this  subject  is  contained 
in  an  interesting  study  by  Don  José  Fernando  Ramirez  entitled 
Bautismo  de  Motecuhzoma  II.,  Noveno  Rey  de  Mexico. 

A  pathetic  figure  is  that  of  this  Aztec  king,  gifted  with  some  of  the 
highest  qualities  of  his  race,  venerated  during  a  long  and  prosperous 
reign  almost  as  a  demi-god,  only  to  be  humbled  to  the  very  dust.  The 
starting  point  of  his  downfall  was  his  superstition,  for  had  he  listened  to 
his  generals  rather  than  to  his  priests  Cortes  and  his  handful  of 
adventurers  would  never  have  left  the  sea-coast  alive.  The  misfortunes 
and  humiliations  of  the  last  months  of  his  life  seem  to  have  completely 
changed  his  character,  so  that  from  the  time  of  his  docile  abdication 
at  the  bidding  of  Cortes,  to  the  infamy  of  his  appearance  on  the  walls 
of  the  Spanish  quarters  to  rebuke  his  long-suffering  people,  was  but  a 


354  Letters  of  Cortes 

step  on  the  way  to  the  nameless  grave  where  his  dishonoured  form 
was  finally  laid. 

Prescott's  description  of  the  scenes  of  Montezuma's  death-bed,  with 
Cortes  present  to  whom  he  confided  his  daughters,  is  based  upon 
Cortes's  ou-n  narration  made  in  the  grant  afterwards  conceded  to  one 
of  the  daughters.  Doña  Isabel,  when  she  married  Alonzo  Grado,  who  is 
described  in  the  same  document  as  an  hidalgo  of  Alcantara  (Prescott, 
lib.  iv.,  cap.  ii.) 

It  is  to  Cortes's  credit  that  he  recognised  the  debt  of  the  Spanish 
crown  to  Montezuma,  and  that  he  procured  the  royal  protection  for  his 
children. 


END    OF   VOLUME    I, 


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